Flexicurity – an Open Method of Coordination at the National Level ? Jean-Claude Barbier, Fabrice Colomb, Per Kongshøj Madsen
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
PES Report of Activities 2001-2004 (24 April 2004)
PES • PSE • SPE European Parliament rue Wiertz B 1047 Brussels PES report of activities 2001-2004 (24 April 2004) Introduction During the period between the 2001 Berlin Congress and 2004 Brussels Congress the Party of European Socialists has faced challenges both in political and organisational terms. After a period of extraordinary electoral success in the second half of the nineties, governmental participation of PES parties has gone down. Within the EU PES parties are in government in 6 out of 15 Member states, in the new Member States PES parties are in 5 out of 10 governments. There is however no reason to conclude that European Social Democracy is facing an electoral crisis. The vast majority of EU citizens from May 1 st onwards are governed at national level led by a PES party (Germany, United Kingdom, Sweden, Spain, Poland, Czech republic, Hungary and Lithuania) or by a government with PES party participation (Belgium, Finland and Slovenia.). Fact remains that during the period 2001-2004, President Robin Cook and the Presidency had to adapt the activities to the fact that less than before PES parties were governmental parties. The role of PES ministerial co-operation has decreased and more than before the PES has undertaken major policy co- ordination projects of its own. Two major policy co-ordination projects The co-ordination of the Social Democrat and Socialist members of the European Convention under the leadership of Giuliano Amato and later the globalisation project under the leadership of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen have been project of a magnitude and an impact the PES has never seen before. -
Flexicurity. a New Paradigm for Labour Market Policy Reform?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Wilthagen, Ton Working Paper Flexicurity: A new paradigm for labour market policy reform? WZB Discussion Paper, No. FS I 98-202 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Wilthagen, Ton (1998) : Flexicurity: A new paradigm for labour market policy reform?, WZB Discussion Paper, No. FS I 98-202, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/43913 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu discussion paper FS I 98-202 Flexicurity: A New Paradigm for Labour Market Policy Reform? Ton Wilthagen* März 1998 ISSN Nr. 1011-9523 Ton Wilthagen is a Senior Researcher at the Hugo Sinzheimer Institute of the University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
Day by Day Summary of the Election Campaign
Day by Day Summary of the Election Campaign Friday, 26 August It was Prime Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen’s plan to introduce a bonus to people purchasing a house. This bonus has been criticized for artificially inflating house prices and therefore for being a bad way to instigate growth. On Saturday 20 August the Social Democrats (S) somehow learned about the plan and decided to launch it themselves, despite Helle Thorning-Schmidt having said on Friday that she did not want to introduce measures to stimulate the housing market. This led to a chaotic Saturday where Løkke Rasmussen and the Liberal Party (V) tried to do damage control. Quickly the Danish People’s Party (DF) declared their opposition to the plan due to a lot of their voters not being house owners. Liberal Alliance (LA) is as a general rule opposed to state subsidies so they were opposed as well leaving V and the Conservative Party (K) alone with the plan on the blue wing. On the red wing the situation was similar. S and the Socialist People’s Party (SF) agreed on the idea while the Unity List (EL) represents the left wing and therefore does not believe in the state funding those with the means to buy a house – plus a lot of their voters rent their homes. The Social Liberal Party (R) is opposed with the argument that the plan is a shortsighted one which will probably not do much for the economy anyway. Thus S-SF and VK were alone and they did not want to cooperate to get a majority for the plan. -
Globalisation and Flexicurity
Globalisation and flexicurity Torben M Andersen Department of Economics Aarhus University November 2016 Globalization • Is it Incompatible with – High employment – Decent wages (no working poor) – Low inequality – Extended welfare state Nordic experience • Routinely classified as ”small, open economies” = highly globalised • Welfare model developed in a globalised environment; – Common understanding – need to be ”competitive” • Not politics against markets • The model depends on maintaining a high employment level -Ambitious distributional goals Globalisation and competitiveness Globalisation Ease of doing Competitiveness KOF‐index business World Economic World Bank Forum Denmark 7 3 12 Finland 11 13 8 Norway13611 Sweden 8 9 9 # countries 204 189 140 Cross country performance Tax burden: 25% vs 50 % of GDP Trade share: 20% vs 50‐60% of GDP 45000 40000 $ [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] US 35000 [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE][CELLRANGE][CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] 30000 [CELLRANGE][CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] PPP [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE][CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] 25000 [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] 20000 [CELLRANGE][CELLRANGE] income, [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE][CELLRANGE] 15000 [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] capita 10000 [CELLRANGE] [CELLRANGE] Per 5000 0 0.6 0.62 0.64 0.66 0.68 0.7 0.72 0.74 0.76 0.78 0.8 Income equality: 1‐Gini Nordic Model: Employment dependent model • High tax burden + generous transfers • Budget very sensitive to the employment level • Financial viability presumes a high employment level • -
Flexicurity and the Economic Crisis 2008-2009: Evidence from Denmark
OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers No. 139 Flexicurity and the Economic Crisis Tor Eriksson 2008-2009: Evidence from Denmark https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5k8x7gw8btq6-en Unclassified DELSA/ELSA/WD/SEM(2012)10 Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Économiques Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 13-Dec-2012 ___________________________________________________________________________________________ English - Or. English DIRECTORATE FOR EMPLOYMENT, LABOUR AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS EMPLOYMENT, LABOUR AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS COMMITTEE Unclassified DELSA/ELSA/WD/SEM(2012)10 OECD SOCIAL, EMPLOYMENT AND MIGRATION WORKING PAPERS No. 139 FLEXICURITY AND THE ECONOMIC CRISIS 2008-9 - EVIDENCE FROM DENMARK Tor Eriksson Aarhus University JEL Classification:J2, J3, J63 Key words: hires and separations, earnings losses, flexicurity For further information please contact Alexander Hijzen ([email protected] +33 1 45 24 92 61). All Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers are now available through the OECD website at www.oecd.org/els/workingpapers English - Or. English JT03332687 Complete document available on OLIS in its original format This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. DELSA/ELSA/WD/SEM(2012)10 DIRECTORATE FOR EMPLOYMENT, LABOUR AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS www.oecd.org/els OECD SOCIAL, EMPLOYMENT AND MIGRATION WORKING PAPERS www.oecd.org/els/workingpapers This series is designed to make available to a wider readership selected labour market, social policy and migration studies prepared for use within the OECD. Authorship is usually collective, but principal writers are named. -
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: an Early Assessment
THE JUNCKER COMMISSION: An Early Assessment John Peterson University of Edinburgh Paper prepared for the 14th Biennial Conference of the EU Studies Association, Boston, 5-7th February 2015 DRAFT: Not for citation without permission Comments welcome [email protected] Abstract This paper offers an early evaluation of the European Commission under the Presidency of Jean-Claude Juncker, following his contested appointment as the so-called Spitzencandidat of the centre-right after the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. It confronts questions including: What will effect will the manner of Juncker’s appointment have on the perceived legitimacy of the Commission? Will Juncker claim that the strength his mandate gives him license to run a highly Presidential, centralised Commission along the lines of his predecessor, José Manuel Barroso? Will Juncker continue to seek a modest and supportive role for the Commission (as Barroso did), or will his Commission embrace more ambitious new projects or seek to re-energise old ones? What effect will British opposition to Juncker’s appointment have on the United Kingdom’s efforts to renegotiate its status in the EU? The paper draws on a round of interviews with senior Commission officials conducted in early 2015 to try to identify patterns of both continuity and change in the Commission. Its central aim is to assess the meaning of answers to the questions posed above both for the Commission and EU as a whole in the remainder of the decade. What follows is the proverbial ‘thought piece’: an analysis that seeks to provoke debate and pose the right questions about its subject, as opposed to one that offers many answers. -
Post DIGITAL REVOLUTION for the Many, Not for the Few
10 # # The 10 WINTER 2018-2019 3.00 € Progressive Post DIGITAL REVOLUTION for the many, not for the few SPECIAL COVERAGE #EP2019 How could the Left recover? NEXT DEMOCRACY NEXT GLOBAL NEXT SOCIAL Baby-boomers vs Millennials Bolsonaro, the Left Social housing: back on and Europe the progressive agenda NEXT ECONOMY NEXT LEFT NEXT ENVIRONMENT FOLLOW UP End of Quantitative easing - Culture to rebuild Free public transport Global Compact for Safe, Scenarios for the real economy faith in democracy everywhere Orderly and Regular Migration Quarterly : December - January - February www.progressivepost.eu ProgressiveThe Post Europeans share a common history and future, but their ideas and ideals still need a public space. The Progressive Post The truly European progressive opinion magazine that gathers world-renowned experts, to offer a platform informing the public about the issues facing Europe today. The Progressive Post The magazine is published in two languages: English and French. We’ve got also partnerships with The Fabian Review (UK) and TEMAS (ES) Progressivepost.eu + @FEPS-Europe Daily analysis and opinion to supplement the print edition With the support of the European Parliament PUBLICATION DIRECTOR Ernst Stetter EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Alain Bloëdt EDITORS Karine Jehelmann, Olaf Bruns EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Ania Skrzypek, David Rinaldi, Vassilis Ntousas, Maria Freitas, Hedwig Giusto, Charlotte Billingham, Lisa Kastner, Laeticia Thissen, Justin Nogarède TRANSLATORS Ben O'Donovan, Amandine Gillet, Françoise Hoffelinck, Eurideas Language Experts PROOFREADING Louise Hanzlik, Stéphanie Bessalem COORDINATION & GRAPHIC DESIGN www.triptyque.be PHOTO CREDITS Shutterstock, The EU’s Audiovisual Media Services COVER ILLUSTRATION Peter Willems - Vec-Star COPYRIGHT © FEPS – Foundation for European Progressive Studies N°10 - Winter 2018 - 19 ISSN 2506-7362 EDITORIAL Digital: revolution without revolt by Maria Joao Rodrigues, FEPS President This edition focuses on the digital revolution. -
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE SHAPING CHANGE in TURBULENT TIMES on the Occasion of the Federal Party Conference of the SPD
INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE SHAPING CHANGE IN TURBULENT TIMES on the occasion of the Federal Party Conference of the SPD Venue: Willy-Brandt-Haus, Wilhelmstr. 140, 10963 Berlin PROVISIONAL AGENDA 03.12. 13:30 ENTRANCE 14:30 OPENING Welcome remarks by SIGMAR GABRIEL, Chair of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) MARTIN SCHULZ, Member of the Presidium of the SPD, Leader of the Progressive Alliance of the Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament PANEL ON A STRONG SOCIAL DEMOCRACY FOR A STRONG EUROPE Inter alia: MASSIMO D‘ALEMA, President of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies and former Prime Minister of Italy VICTOR PoNTA, Party Chairman of the Romanian Social Democrats (PSD) PoUL NYRUP RASMUSSEN, President of the Party of European Socialists and former Prime Minister of Denmark BoRIS TADIC, President of the Republic of Serbia and Party Chairman of the Democratic Party of Serbia (tbc) Moderation: DAGMAR RoTH-BeHRENDT MEP, Vicepresident of the European Parliament STATEMENT OUR ResPONSIBILITY FOR CHANGE HAMed ABDEL-SAMAD, Political Scientist and Author from Egypt PANEL ON PROGRESSIVE PoLITICS FOR THE 21ST CENTURY Inter alia: WALDEN BeLLO, Member of the Philippines’ House of Representatives ALFRed GUSENBAUER, Vicepresident of the Socialist International and former Chancellor of Austria KJELD JAkoBSEN, International Advisor to the Chairman of the Brazil Workers’ Party (PT) JoHN PodesTA, President of the Center for American Progress DR. GIRIJA VYAS, Member of the Indian Parliament Moderation: DR. H.C. GeRNOT ERLER MP, Deputy Chair of the SPD Parliamentary Group 17:30 END OF THE INTERNATIONAL CoNFERENCE 18:00 sHUTTLE SERVICE TO THE RECEPTION 18:30 RECEPTION FOR INTERNATIONAL GUESTS HosTed BY THE voRWÄRTS Umspannwerk Kreuzberg, Ohlauer Straße 43, 10999 Berlin. -
Kunsten at Lægge Historien Til Rette Anders Fogh Rasmussen Og Opgøret Med Den Danske Udenrigspolitiske Tradition
KUNSTEN AT LÆGGE HISTORIEN TIL RETTE ANDERS FOGH RASMUSSEN OG OPGØRET MED DEN DANSKE UDENRIGSPOLITISKE TRADITION ROSANNA FARBØL Hvis du tager det sidste århundredes udenrigspolitik, var den jo fyldt med dobbeltmoral og hykleri. Tiden var præget af en typisk småstatstankegang om at leve stille og ube- mærket, foregive at være neutral og ikke lægge sig ud med nogen. Den tankegang skal ændres.1 Således karakteriserede forhenværende statsminister Anders Fogh Rasmussen i 2006 den danske udenrigspolitiske tradition samt regeringens udenrigspolitiske mission. Det var et af Anders Fogh Rasmussens stærkest markerede ønsker, at hans regeringers udenrigspolitiske proil skulle bryde med dansk udenrigspoli- tisk tradition. Han karakteriserede denne tradition som ‘den passive tilpasnings- politik’, hvor Danmark alt for ofte opgav at kæmpe for værdier som demokrati og frihedsrettigheder, og i stedet ydmygende tilpassede sig stormagter i et naivt håb om neutralitet. Samarbejdspolitikken under Besættelsen og dansk koldkrigspoli- tik, særligt fodnotepolitikken, var omdrejningspunkterne i opgøret med for tiden. Disse to politikker repræsenterede i Anders Fogh Rasmussens tolkning højde- punkterne af tilpasning i den danske udenrigspolitiske tradition, og udgjorde et internationalt såvel som et nationalt svigt samt moralsk forræderi. Opgøret med fortiden var en central del af den værdidebat, i pressen hurtigt døbt ’kulturkampen’, Anders Fogh Rasmussen startede i begyndelsen af det nye årtusinde. Værdidebattens formål var at gennemføre en holdningsændring, der skulle danne baggrund for en ændring af det danske samfund i en mere liberal retning, hvor individet i højere grad tog ansvar for sig selv. Dette skulle også gøre sig gældende i udenrigspolitikken, hvor Danmark skulle tage medansvar i ver- den, og aktivt forsvare og udbrede den vestlige verdens værdier.2 I bredere for- 1 Ugebrevet Mandag Morgen: ”Fogh” 11.9.2006. -
DANISH POLITICS and SOCIETY Spring 2017 Copenhagen 3 Credits Disciplines: International Relations, Political Science, Sociology
Final Syllabus DANISH POLITICS AND SOCIETY Spring 2017 Copenhagen 3 Credits Disciplines: International Relations, Political Science, Sociology Instructor: Martin Rasmussen Program Director: Neringa Vendelbo Program Assistant: Alex Berlin Meeting Time: Monday/Thursday, 13:15-14.35 Meeting Place: F24-503 Course Description: Denmark has a population of 5.5 million people and is often characterized as a homogeneous society, where “few have too much and even fewer have too little.” At first glance, you would expect a small, stable nation-state to have a limited number of internal conflicts and, consequently, to be rather simple for a social scientist to analyze and categorize. But Danish politics and society are in fact quite complex: Why does the Danish parliament consist of no less than 8 parties? How can a parliamentary system function with almost permanently minority governments? What’s left and right in Danish politics, and where is the center? Why do Danes act the way they do, and how do you break the code? Are the Danish political values still Danish, and what was the background leading up to and after “the Cartoon Crisis” and the terrorist attack in February 2015? Why does it seem that the welfare state is quite efficient in the globalized competition in spite of increasing challenges of high taxes, large public expenditures, and the need to provide the services the public demands? Why does Danish society have such difficulties dealing with immigration? Why are Danes “reluctant” Europeans, and what is the background for recent years' activist Danish foreign policy? Objectives: The objectives of this course are to primarily provide students with a broad-ranging and systematic knowledge of Danish politics and society. -
Download the List of Participants
46 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Socialfst International BULGARIA CZECH AND SLOVAK FED. FRANCE Pierre Maurey Bulgarian Social Democratic REPUBLIC Socialist Party, PS Luis Ayala Party, BSDP Social Democratic Party of Laurent Fabius Petar Dertliev Slovakia Gerard Fuchs Office of Willy Brandt Petar Kornaiev Jan Sekaj Jean-Marc Ayrault Klaus Lindenberg Dimit rin Vic ev Pavol Dubcek Gerard Collomb Dian Dimitrov Pierre Joxe Valkana Todorova DENMARK Yvette Roudy Georgi Kabov Social Democratic Party Pervenche Beres Tchavdar Nikolov Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Bertrand Druon FULL MEMBER PARTIES Stefan Radoslavov Lasse Budtz Renee Fregosi Ralf Pittelkow Brigitte Bloch ARUBA BURKINA FASO Henrik Larsen Alain Chenal People's Electoral Progressive Front of Upper Bj0rn Westh Movement, MEP Volta, FPV Mogens Lykketoft GERMANY Hyacinthe Rudolfo Croes Joseph Ki-Zerbo Social Democratic Party of DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Germany, SPD ARGENTINA CANADA Dominican Revolutionary Bjorn Entolm Popular Socialist Party, PSP New Democratic Party, Party, PRD Hans-Joe en Vogel Guillermo Estevez Boero NDP/NPD Jose Francisco Pena Hans-Ulrich Klose Ernesto Jaimovich Audrey McLaughlin Gomez Rosemarie Bechthum Eduardo Garcia Tessa Hebb Hatuey de Camps Karlheinz Blessing Maria del Carmen Vinas Steve Lee Milagros Ortiz Bosch Hans-Eberhard Dingels Julie Davis Leonor Sanchez Baret Freimut Duve AUSTRIA Lynn Jones Tirso Mejia Ricart Norbert Gansel Social Democratic Party of Rejean Bercier Peg%:'. Cabral Peter Glotz Austria, SPOe Diane O'Reggio Luz el Alba Thevenin Ingamar Hauchler Franz Vranitzky Keith