James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Frank Turner Master of Arts Thesis California State University at San Marcos February, 2016 Dr. Watts 1 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Table of Contents Title Page...………………………………………………………………………...1 Table of Contents……………………………………………………………….....2 Abstract………………………....…………………………………………………3 Introduction……………………………..………………………………………...4 Chapter One James Buchanan and Slavery……….……..……………………………………...16 Chapter Two Buchanan and the 1850s Press…………………………..………………………...35 Buchanan’s Inauguration……………….…………………………………………41 Dred Scott…………………………………………………………………..……..51 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………..63 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………..….67 2 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Abstract James Buchanan was the fifteenth president of the United States, who served from1857 until 1861, preceding Abraham Lincoln. He is considered to have been one of the most ineffective presidents, due to policies that some historians believe helped lead to the American Civil War. This thesis looks at how the antebellum presses viewed Buchanan, and what types of images they projected of him to the public. From the very beginning of his presidency, there were concerns in most of the presses about his leadership. In March of 1857, his inauguration and the Dred Scott decision were two events that happened early in his administration, that offer evidence that the press, from the start, projected negative images of him, especially in regards to his policies regarding slavery. This helped to create the belief that he was an ineffectual leader. Buchanan was aware of the powerful influence the press held over its readership, and he immediately went to work to reconstruct his “organ,” the Washington Daily Union, as a mouthpiece for himself, as well as the Democratic Party. He intended to use the newspaper as a vehicle to express his policies, and to compete with his opponents in the press; the southern, Republican, black, and abolitionist newspapers. These adversarial presses were a constant threat to Buchanan, and in combination with his early missteps, were effective in representing him unfavorably. 3 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Introduction Although today judged harshly by historians, in 1856 James Buchanan seemed well qualified to become the new American president. He had built a long public career, beginning with his years as a lawyer, where he had been successful both in the courtroom, and financially-- although he was born to relative privilege, he had added to the family fortune. He had been a member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, and later served in Congress as both a Representative and a Senator. He had been appointed as the United States Minister to Russia in the 1830s, and the minister to the United Kingdom in the 1850s. He had served as Secretary of State in James Polk’s administration; Polk nominated him to become a Supreme Court justice, but he turned the position down. Buchanan had earned an impressive resume over the years he had served his country, and he was now poised to accept the grandest political prize of them all, the American presidency. At the time of his election, many of Buchanan’s peers felt he was agreeable to work with. According to Lord Clarendon, the English Foreign Minister, in a letter written to Buchanan, “I will always look back with sincere satisfaction to the friendly…relations…between us.”1 John A. Dix, who served as Buchanan’s Secretary of the Treasury, and later as a Union general, wrote “the remembrance of your kindness…will always be among my brightest retrospections.”2 Martin Van Buren, himself a former president, felt Buchanan was “a cautious, circumspect, and sagacious man, amply endowed with those clear perceptions of self-interest and duties connected 1 Lord Clarendon to James Buchanan, March 3, 1856, in The Works of James Buchanan, Vol X, ed. John Bassett Moore (Philadelphia and London: J.P.Lippencott Company 1910), 65-66. 2 John A. Dix to J. Buchanan, March 14, 1861, The Works, Vol XI, 168-169. 4 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press with it.”3 He was considered, by some people in high places, to be a thoughtful man, who operated within the rules and followed his own principles. Buchanan was elected to the presidency in 1856, and took the office on March 4, 1857. In his nearly fifty years of service, he had achieved much, and felt that his presidency “might rank in history with that of George Washington.”4 Prior to the election, Buchanan had been in Great Britain in his role as minister, and had avoided confronting the sectional strife that had been going on in the United States between the north and the south. Some felt he was the right man for the job, as he had not been tainted by much of the “mud-slinging.”5 However, to many, despite his victory, he came into office under a cloud of suspicion. Buchanan held an affinity for the Founding Fathers and their words, and professed a reverence for the Constitution, and followed its intentions precisely. As the southern states moved towards the reality of secession, Buchanan wrote in a letter to George M. Wharton, a lawyer from Philadelphia, that the south was “rapidly losing their respect & attachment for the Constitution & the Union.”6 The disrespect was disconcerting to Buchanan, as the Constitution had been written by the Founding Fathers, who he venerated. He wrote to Royal Phelps, another lawyer, that “I would sacrifice my own life at any moment to save the Union, if such were the will of God.”7 Yet Buchanan is considered, by historians, to have been an utter failure in holding the nation together. He is remembered by many people to have been one of the worst, if not the worst, president in American history. In 1982, historian Robert K. Murray, with the help of one 3 Elbert B. Smith, The Presidency of James Buchanan (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1975), 11. 4 Phillip Klein, President James Buchanan (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1962), xviii. 5 Smith, 5. 6 James Buchanan to George M. Wharton, December 16, 1860, The Works, Vol. XI, 66. 7 J. Buchanan to Royal Phelps, December 22, 1860, The Works, Vol. XI., 73-74. 5 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press of his doctoral students, Timothy H. Blessing, sent questionnaires out to 2000 people that held Ph.D. degrees, and asked them to rank all the presidents, based on their level of success. The results of the Murray-Blessing poll determined Buchanan to have been a “failure.”8 His legacy in the annals of United Stated history dwells on his failures, not his successes. A man that had been a prosperous lawyer and a successful politician for fifty years watched it all unravel during his four years as the president. In 1857, many Americans had been confident and hopeful when Buchanan began his presidency. Yet, by 1861, as his presidency ended, Buchanan was vilified by nearly everyone, including his own party. When and where did this shift begin? This thesis will argue that the press was partly responsible for his decline from the very beginning, due to the types of images that were projected by them, of Buchanan and his policies. The country was divided over his image from the start, and within a short time, more and more people were questioning his leadership abilities. This occurred four years before the end of his term as president. Buchanan was a northerner from Pennsylvania, yet he was pro-southern in his political viewpoints. The issue of slavery proved to be one of the subjects responsible for Buchanan’s downfall. In a speech given on April 11, 1826, he publicly acknowledged that slavery was a “Great Political and a great moral evil.”9 Yet he later endorsed the provisions of the Dred Scott decision. By the time he was president, his policies supported the southern plantation owners and the idea of states’ rights, in regards to slavery. Furthermore, he lobbied for the extension of the institution throughout his career. 8 Charles F. Faber and Richard B. Faber, The American Presidents Ranked by Performance (North Carolina, and London: McFarland & Company Inc.), 2-3. 9 Buchanan speech, “On the Panama Mission,” The Works, Vol. I, 202. 6 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Some scholars have accused Buchanan of “sitting on the fence,” or not choosing one side or the other, and being indecisive. They feel this defines his lack of leadership abilities. This shortfall, according to them, comes keenly into focus when one examines his actions regarding slavery. In fact, this thesis will argue that he was quite decisive regarding his slavery policies, and operated with a certainty of purpose, and it was that certainty which turned the press against him almost immediately. Over time, Buchanan supported the expansion of slavery each time the opportunity presented itself. He became zealous in his pro-slavery approach, but failed to consider the anti- slavery point of view, that was in opposition to his, that many of the citizens of the United States had. Buchanan biographer Elbert B. Smith suggests that Buchanan was hampered by his “southern extremism,” as his unbridled support for their issues seemed to indicate.10 Jean Baker, also a Buchanan biographer, asserts his inclination toward the south “bordered on disloyalty in an officer pledged to defend all the United States.”11 According to historian Kenneth Stampp, there was a practical side to his interest in southern affairs also, as roughly two-thirds of the electoral votes that elected Buchanan were cast in the south.12 He was popular there due to his pro-slavery stance.
Recommended publications
  • Popular Sovereignty, Slavery in the Territories, and the South, 1785-1860
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2010 Popular sovereignty, slavery in the territories, and the South, 1785-1860 Robert Christopher Childers Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Childers, Robert Christopher, "Popular sovereignty, slavery in the territories, and the South, 1785-1860" (2010). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1135. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1135 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY, SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES, AND THE SOUTH, 1785-1860 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Robert Christopher Childers B.S., B.S.E., Emporia State University, 2002 M.A., Emporia State University, 2004 May 2010 For my wife ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing history might seem a solitary task, but in truth it is a collaborative effort. Throughout my experience working on this project, I have engaged with fellow scholars whose help has made my work possible. Numerous archivists aided me in the search for sources. Working in the Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill gave me access to the letters and writings of southern leaders and common people alike.
    [Show full text]
  • P.S.: You Had Better Remove the Records: Early Federal Archives
    “P.S.: You had better remove the records” Early Federal Archives and the Burning of Washington during the War of 1812 By Jessie Kratz hen British troops began to advance toward And so clerks packed Wthe United States’ new capital of Wash­ such things as the books and ington in the summer of 1814, it was clear that papers of the State Department; government leaders had not prepared an adequate unpublished secret journals of defense for the city and its government buildings. Congress; George Washington’s The British navy already had control of nearby Chesa­ commission and correspondence; peake Bay and some 4,500 troops in the port town of the Articles of Confederation; papers Benedict, Maryland—poised for an attack on the capital. of the Continental Congress; and all the Despite the show of force, the secretary of war, treaties, laws, and correspondence dating John Armstrong, was convinced the British were back to 1789. more interested in the port of Baltimore than in Along with these early records, the clerks Washington, which then had only 8,200 residents. also bagged up the Charters of Freedom—the Secretary of State James Monroe felt differently collective term for the Declaration of Indepen­ and met with President James Madison to discuss dence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. the enemy’s intentions. Then Monroe himself rode And so these three documents began a long jour­ by horse, accompanied by cavalry, into southern ney as the War of 1812 raged. Maryland to scout the situation. The journey would not end until 1952, when Upon seeing the British advancing toward all three were placed together, side by side, in special Washington, Monroe dispatched a note to Presi­ encasements in the Rotunda of the National Archives dent Madison.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Oklahoma Libraries Western History Collections Ralph
    University of Oklahoma Libraries Western History Collections Ralph H. Records Collection Records, Ralph Hayden. Papers, 1871–1968. 2 feet. Professor. Magazine and journal articles (1946–1968) regarding historiography, along with a typewritten manuscript (1871–1899) by L. S. Records, entitled “The Recollections of a Cowboy of the Seventies and Eighties,” regarding the lives of cowboys and ranchers in frontier-era Kansas and in the Cherokee Strip of Oklahoma Territory, including a detailed account of Records’s participation in the land run of 1893. ___________________ Box 1 Folder 1: Beyond The American Revolutionary War, articles and excerpts from the following: Wilbur C. Abbott, Charles Francis Adams, Randolph Greenfields Adams, Charles M. Andrews, T. Jefferson Coolidge, Jr., Thomas Anburey, Clarence Walroth Alvord, C.E. Ayres, Robert E. Brown, Fred C. Bruhns, Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, Benjamin Franklin, Carl Lotus Belcher, Henry Belcher, Adolph B. Benson, S.L. Blake, Charles Knowles Bolton, Catherine Drinker Bowen, Julian P. Boyd, Carl and Jessica Bridenbaugh, Sanborn C. Brown, William Hand Browne, Jane Bryce, Edmund C. Burnett, Alice M. Baldwin, Viola F. Barnes, Jacques Barzun, Carl Lotus Becker, Ruth Benedict, Charles Borgeaud, Crane Brinton, Roger Butterfield, Edwin L. Bynner, Carl Bridenbaugh Folder 2: Douglas Campbell, A.F. Pollard, G.G. Coulton, Clarence Edwin Carter, Harry J. Armen and Rexford G. Tugwell, Edward S. Corwin, R. Coupland, Earl of Cromer, Harr Alonzo Cushing, Marquis De Shastelluz, Zechariah Chafee, Jr. Mellen Chamberlain, Dora Mae Clark, Felix S. Cohen, Verner W. Crane, Thomas Carlyle, Thomas Cromwell, Arthur yon Cross, Nellis M. Crouso, Russell Davenport Wallace Evan Daview, Katherine B.
    [Show full text]
  • The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
    PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making.
    [Show full text]
  • The Causes of the Civil War
    THE CAUSES OF THE CIVIL WAR: A NEWSPAPER ANALYSIS by DIANNE M. BRAGG WM. DAVID SLOAN, COMMITTEE CHAIR GEORGE RABLE MEG LAMME KARLA K. GOWER CHRIS ROBERTS A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the College of Communication and Information Sciences in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2013 Copyright Dianne Marie Bragg 2013 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT This dissertation examines antebellum newspaper content in an attempt to add to the historical understanding of the causes of the Civil War. Numerous historians have studied the Civil War and its causes, but this study will use only newspapers to examine what they can show about the causes that eventually led the country to war. Newspapers have long chronicled events in American history, and they offer valuable information about the issues and concerns of their communities. This study begins with an overview of the newspaper coverage of the tariff and territorial issues that began to divide the country in the early decades of the 1800s. The study then moves from the Wilmot Proviso in 1846 to Lincoln’s election in 1860, a period in which sectionalism and disunion increasingly appeared on newspaper pages and the lines of disagreement between the North and the South hardened. The primary sources used in this study were a diverse sampling of articles from newspapers around the country and includes representation from both southern and northern newspapers. Studying these antebellum newspapers offers insight into the political, social, and economic concerns of the day, which can give an indication of how the sectional differences in these areas became so divisive.
    [Show full text]
  • Slavery in White and Black Class and Race in the Southern Slaveholders’ New World Order
    This page intentionally left blank Slavery in White and Black Class and Race in the Southern Slaveholders’ New World Order Southern slaveholders proudly pronounced themselves orthodox Chris- tians, who accepted responsibility for the welfare of the people who worked for them. They proclaimed that their slaves enjoyed a better and more secure life than any laboring class in the world. Now, did it not follow that the lives of laborers of all races across the world would be immea- surably improved by their enslavement? In the Old South, but in no other slave society, a doctrine emerged among leading clergymen, politicians, and intellectuals, “Slavery in the Abstract,” which declared enslavement the best possible condition for all labor regardless of race. They joined the socialists, whom they studied, in believing that the free-labor system, wracked by worsening class warfare, was collapsing. A vital question: To what extent did the people of the several social classes of the South accept so extreme a doctrine? That question lies at the heart of this book. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese (1941–2007) was Eleonore Raoul Professor of the Humanities at Emory University, where she was founding director of Women’s Studies. She served on the Governing Council of the National Endowment for the Humanities (2002–2007). In 2003, President George W. Bush awarded her a National Humanities Medal; the Georgia State Senate honored her with a special resolution of appreciation for her contri- butions as a scholar, teacher, and citizen of Georgia; and the fellowship of Catholic Scholars bestowed on her its Cardinal Wright Award.
    [Show full text]
  • James Buchanan As Savior? Judicial Power, Political Fragmentation, and the Failed 1831 Repeal of Section 25
    MARK A. GRABER* James Buchanan as Savior? Judicial Power, Political Fragmentation, and the Failed 1831 Repeal of Section 25 A ntebellum Americans anticipated contemporary political science when they complained about the tendency of embattled political elites to take refuge in the judiciary. Recent scholarship on comparative judicial politics suggests that judicial review is a means by which constitutional framers provided protection for certain class interests that may no longer be fully protected in legislative settings. Tom Ginsburg claims, "[I]f they foresee themselves losing in postconstitutional elections," the politicians responsible for the constitution "may seek to entrench judicial review as a form of political insurance." 1 Such a constitutional design ensures "[e]ven if they lose the election, they will be able to have some access to a forum in which to challenge the legislature."2 In 1801, Thomas Jefferson foreshadowed this strategy. He asserted that the defeated Federalist Party had "retired into the judiciary as a stronghold ...and from that battery all the works of republicanism are to be beaten down and erased.",3 More than a half century later, Chief Justice David S. *Professor of Law and Government, University of Maryland School of Law. This Article was written while the author was the 2008-09 Wayne Morse Chair at the University of Oregon School of Law. I am grateful to the Morse Foundation, Margaret Hallock, and Elizabeth Weber for their remarkable support. I am also grateful to numerous colleagues at the University of Maryland School of Law and elsewhere who read and commented on what follows without giggling too much.
    [Show full text]
  • 274 Kansas History Th E Ka N S a S to U R O F Li N C O L N T H E Ca N D I D a T E
    Abraham Lincoln, photographed by Alexander Hesler on June 3, 1860, six months after his visit to Kansas. “That looks better and expresses me better,” Lincoln said of the photo, “than any I have ever seen; if it pleases the people I am satisfied.” Kansas History: A Journal of the Central Plains 31 (Winter 2008–2009): 274–288 274 Kansas History THE KANSAS TOUR OF LINCO L N T HE CANDIDA T E by Fred W. Brinkerhoff ast November the Kansas State Historical Society held its 133rd annual meeting and, among other things, marked the forthcoming bicentennial of Abraham Lincoln’s birth and the 150th anniversary of his one and only visit to Kansas. The latter is something Kansans have celebrated many times over the years. For example, in 1902 the Kansas Historical Collections published “Lincoln in Kansas,” a collection of con- Ltemporary newspaper accounts and reminiscences about the Great Emancipator’s 1859 visit; in 1945 the Kansas Historical Quarterly published Fred W. Brinkerhoff’s annual presidential address, “The Kansas Tour of Lincoln the Candidate”; and on the eve of the state’s centennial in 1959, the Society helped reprise the Illinois politician in the person of newspaper editor Rolla Clymer, who “reconstructed the political scene of 1859 and gave the essence of what Lincoln . may have said in several long speeches.”1 The following essay, delivered on October 17, 1944, and printed in February 1945, is republished here because we believe its insights and observations remain relevant and will be of interest to readers of Kansas History. The editor added the notes, but the text is Brinkerhoff’s and has been edited only for style.2 Presidential Address, Kansas State Historical Society, October 1944 American statesmen destined to achieve the presidency have had a habit of coming to Kansas to be seen and to be heard as their parties prepared to move toward convention halls.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft—Do Not Cite Without Permission of the Author
    Draft—Do not cite without permission of the author Chapter I: The Contradictions of American Democracy in the Antebellum Years: The Inadequacy of the Constitution; The Rise of the Anti-Slavery and Woman’s Rights Movements Between 1815 and 1860, the new nation consolidated its identity and expanded its boundaries.1 This was a time of economic growth and internal improvements.2 The antebellum era witnessed a “transformation” of the private law of torts, contracts, property, and commercial law that has been said to have unleashed “emergent entrepreneurial and commercial groups to win a disproportionate share of wealth and power in American society,” all in the name of promoting economic growth.3 These years also witnessed significant democratization of the American polity. Even though the new nation’s charter incorporated the revolutionary principle of “popular sovereignty” or the consent of the governed, its political structures and practices had been designed to be far from democratic in the beginning.4 After 1815, however, the spreading trend in the states toward universal white adult male suffrage accelerated significantly, culminating with the election of Andrew Jackson in 1828.5 The people and party operatives who put this man of humble origins into the White House poured into Washington D.C. for his inauguration. “Never before had an American ceremony of state turned into such a democratic and charismatic spectacle.”6 From the perspective of divisions between the social classes, Jacksonianism represented important gains for egalitarian thinking in politics.7 The subsequent decades before the Civil War saw a flowering of reform ferment in the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • The Border South and the Secession Crisis, 1859-1861 Michael Dudley Robinson Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2013 Fulcrum of the Union: The Border South and the Secession Crisis, 1859-1861 Michael Dudley Robinson Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Robinson, Michael Dudley, "Fulcrum of the Union: The Border South and the Secession Crisis, 1859-1861" (2013). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 894. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/894 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. FULCRUM OF THE UNION: THE BORDER SOUTH AND THE SECESSION CRISIS, 1859- 1861 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Michael Dudley Robinson B.S. North Carolina State University, 2001 M.A. University of North Carolina – Wilmington, 2007 May 2013 For Katherine ii Acknowledgements Throughout the long process of turning a few preliminary thoughts about the secession crisis and the Border South into a finished product, many people have provided assistance, encouragement, and inspiration. The staffs at several libraries and archives helped me to locate items and offered suggestions about collections that otherwise would have gone unnoticed. I would especially like to thank Lucas R.
    [Show full text]
  • Dickinsoniana – NEWSPAPER COLLECTION 1785-2007
    Dickinsoniana – NEWSPAPER COLLECTION 1785-2007 The Dickinsoniana Newspaper Collection consists of various newspapers acquired by the Library over the years. These items feature articles which concern mainly Dickinson College: happenings on campus, curriculum offerings, and doings of famous alumni such as James Buchanan and Roger Brooke Taney. The newspapers are arranged alphabetically by title and then chronologically; a description of the pertinent article, its location in the paper, and donor information are included in this inventory. In order to find newspapers dealing with particular individuals or events, a subject index has been included with the collection. Allegheny Democrat (Pittsburgh, PA) June 11, 1833 Dickinson College came under the control of the Baltimore Methodist conference, after having been founded as a Presbyterian school fifty years ago. (p.2) Purchase, 1967 Allegheny Democrat (Pittsburgh, PA) June 17, 1834 Secretary of the Treasury Roger Brooke Taney writes a letter concerning his appointment by President Andrew Jackson. Taney was a long-time supporter of Jackson's. (p.2) Gift of Boyd Lee Spahr, 1968 Allegheny Democrat (Pittsburgh, PA) September 30, 1834 Secretary of the Treasury Roger Brooke Taney gives a speech concerning the struggle between the American people, led by the Jackson administration, and the Bank of the United States. (p.3) Gift of Boyd Lee Spahr American Democrat (Carlisle, PA) November 17, 1846 Governor Francis R. Shunk enrolls his sons in Dickinson College. Shunk was governor of Pennsylvania, elected in 1845. (p.2) Purchase, 1971 American Democrat (Carlisle, PA) March 31, 1847 Alfred Griffith is appointed to the Methodist Episcopal Conference by Dickinson College President Robert Emory.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Eight “A Strong but Judicious Enemy to Slavery”: Congressman Lincoln (1847-1849) Lincoln's Entire Public Service O
    Chapter Eight “A Strong but Judicious Enemy to Slavery”: Congressman Lincoln (1847-1849) Lincoln’s entire public service on the national level before his election as president was a single term in the U. S. House. Though he had little chance to distinguish himself there, his experience proved a useful education in dealing with Congress and patronage. WASHINGTON, D.C. Arriving in Washington on December 2, 1847, the Lincolns found themselves in a “dark, narrow, unsightly” train depot, a building “literally buried in and surrounded with mud and filth of the most offensive kind.”1 A British traveler said he could scarcely imagine a “more miserable station.”2 Emerging from this “mere shed, of slight construction, designed for temporary use” which was considered “a disgrace” to the railroad company as well as “the city that tolerates it,”3 they beheld an “an ill-contrived, 1 Saturday Evening News (Washington), 14 August 1847. 2 Alexander MacKay, The Western World, or, Travels in the United States in 1846-47 (3 vols.; London: Richard Bentley, 1850), 1:162. 3 Letter by “Mercer,” n.d., Washington National Intelligencer, 16 November 1846. The author of this letter thought that the station was “in every respect bad: it is cramped in space, unsightly in appearance, inconvenient in its position, and ill adapted to minister to the comfort of travellers in the entire character of its arrangements.” Cf. Wilhelmus Bogart Bryan, A History of the National Capital from Its Foundation through the Period of the Adoption of the Organic Act (2 vols.; New York: Macmillan, 1914-16), 2:357.
    [Show full text]