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The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
Chapter Eight “A Strong but Judicious Enemy to Slavery”: Congressman Lincoln (1847-1849) Lincoln's Entire Public Service O
Chapter Eight “A Strong but Judicious Enemy to Slavery”: Congressman Lincoln (1847-1849) Lincoln’s entire public service on the national level before his election as president was a single term in the U. S. House. Though he had little chance to distinguish himself there, his experience proved a useful education in dealing with Congress and patronage. WASHINGTON, D.C. Arriving in Washington on December 2, 1847, the Lincolns found themselves in a “dark, narrow, unsightly” train depot, a building “literally buried in and surrounded with mud and filth of the most offensive kind.”1 A British traveler said he could scarcely imagine a “more miserable station.”2 Emerging from this “mere shed, of slight construction, designed for temporary use” which was considered “a disgrace” to the railroad company as well as “the city that tolerates it,”3 they beheld an “an ill-contrived, 1 Saturday Evening News (Washington), 14 August 1847. 2 Alexander MacKay, The Western World, or, Travels in the United States in 1846-47 (3 vols.; London: Richard Bentley, 1850), 1:162. 3 Letter by “Mercer,” n.d., Washington National Intelligencer, 16 November 1846. The author of this letter thought that the station was “in every respect bad: it is cramped in space, unsightly in appearance, inconvenient in its position, and ill adapted to minister to the comfort of travellers in the entire character of its arrangements.” Cf. Wilhelmus Bogart Bryan, A History of the National Capital from Its Foundation through the Period of the Adoption of the Organic Act (2 vols.; New York: Macmillan, 1914-16), 2:357. -
CHAPTER 14 the Coming of the Civil
CHAPTER 14 The Coming of the Civil War ANTICIPATION/REACTION Directions: Before you begin reading this chapter, place a check mark beside any of the following seven statements with which you now agree. Use the column entitled “Anticipation.” When you have completed your study of this chapter, come back to this section and place a check mark beside any of the statements with which you then agree. Use the column entitled “Reaction.” Note any variation in the placement of check marks from anticipation to reaction and explain why you changed your mind. Anticipation Reaction _____ 1. While a literary and theatrical success, Harriet _____ 1. Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin had little impact on public opinion toward slavery. _____ 2. The Kansas-Nebraska Act provoked a strong reaction _____ 2. because it proposed a more radical solution to the problem of slavery in the territories than had the Compromise of 1850. _____ 3. The Republican party founded in 1856 was the _____ 3. political voice of northern radical abolitionists. _____ 4. The Dred Scott decision implied that slavery could _____ 4. be legal anywhere in the United States. _____ 5. The Lincoln-Douglas debates were a public airing _____ 5. of the antislavery versus proslavery positions taken by the North and South before the Civil War. _____ 6. Lincoln’s election in 1860 was a popular mandate in _____ 6. support of emancipating southern slaves. _____ 7. The primary reason the South seceded in 1861 was to _____ 7. defend slavery. LEARNING OBJECTIVES After reading Chapter 14 you should be able to: 1. -
James Buchanan and Ideals of Manhood in the Election of 1856
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works School of Arts & Sciences Theses Hunter College Spring 5-2-2019 James Buchanan and Ideals of Manhood in the Election of 1856 Ryan Lockwood CUNY Hunter College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/hc_sas_etds/473 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] James Buchanan and Ideals of Manhood in the Election of 1856 by Ryan Lockwood Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History, Hunter College The City University of New York May 2, 2019 May 2, 2019 Daniel Hurewitz Date Signature of Thesis Sponsor May 2, 2019 Jonathan Rosenberg Date Signature of Second Reader Table of Contents 1. Introduction 4 2. The Election of 1856 10 3. Rumors of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior 13 4. Pro-Buchanan Arguments: The Statesman from Pennsylvania Will Bring Peace 22 5. Anti-Buchanan Arguments: A Spectrum of Martial Manhood 34 6. Anti-Buchanan Arguments II: A Lack of Manly Independence 45 7. The Role of Buchanan’s Bachelorhood 51 8. Conclusion 60 2 List of Images 1. The Democratic Platform 50 2. A Serviceable Garment, or Reverie of a Bachelor 58 3 James Buchanan and Ideals of Manhood in the Election of 1856 “No other man but Mr. Buchanan could have been elected with the opposition we have encountered at the North. -
James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press
Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Frank Turner Master of Arts Thesis California State University at San Marcos February, 2016 Dr. Watts 1 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Table of Contents Title Page...………………………………………………………………………...1 Table of Contents……………………………………………………………….....2 Abstract………………………....…………………………………………………3 Introduction……………………………..………………………………………...4 Chapter One James Buchanan and Slavery……….……..……………………………………...16 Chapter Two Buchanan and the 1850s Press…………………………..………………………...35 Buchanan’s Inauguration……………….…………………………………………41 Dred Scott…………………………………………………………………..……..51 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………..63 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………..….67 2 Frank Turner James Buchanan, Slavery, and the Press Abstract James Buchanan was the fifteenth president of the United States, who served from1857 until 1861, preceding Abraham Lincoln. He is considered to have been one of the most ineffective presidents, due to policies that some historians believe helped lead to the American Civil War. This thesis looks at how the antebellum presses viewed Buchanan, and what types of images they projected of him to the public. From the very beginning of his presidency, there were concerns in most of the presses about his leadership. In March of 1857, his inauguration and the Dred Scott decision were two events that happened early in his administration, that offer evidence that the press, from the start, projected negative images of him, especially in regards to his policies regarding slavery. This helped to create the belief that he was an ineffectual leader. Buchanan was aware of the powerful influence the press held over its readership, and he immediately went to work to reconstruct his “organ,” the Washington Daily Union, as a mouthpiece for himself, as well as the Democratic Party. -
John C. Fremont and the Violent Election of 1856
Civil War Book Review Fall 2017 Article 9 Lincoln's Pathfinder: John C. rF emont And The Violent Election Of 1856 Stephen D. Engle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cwbr Recommended Citation Engle, Stephen D. (2017) "Lincoln's Pathfinder: John C. rF emont And The Violent Election Of 1856," Civil War Book Review: Vol. 19 : Iss. 4 . DOI: 10.31390/cwbr.19.4.14 Available at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cwbr/vol19/iss4/9 Engle: Lincoln's Pathfinder: John C. Fremont And The Violent Election Of Review Engle, Stephen D. Fall 2017 Bicknell, John Lincoln’s Pathfinder: John C. Fremont and the Violent Election of 1856. Chicago Review Press, $26.99 ISBN 1613737971 1856: Moment of Change The famed historian David Potter once wrote that if John Calhoun had been alive to witness the election of 1856, he might have observed “a further snapping of the cords of the Union.” “The Whig cord had snapped between 1852 and 1856,” he argued “and the Democratic cord was drawn very taut by the sectional distortion of the party’s geographical equilibrium.” According to Potter, the Republican party “claimed to be the only one that asserted national principles, but it was totally sectional in its constituency, with no pretense to bi-sectionalism, and it could not be regarded as a cord of the Union at all.”1 He was right on all accounts, and John Bicknell captures the essence of this dramatic political contest that epitomized the struggle of a nation divided over slavery. To be sure, the election of 1856 marked a turning point in the republic’s political culture, if for no other reason than it signaled significant change on the democratic horizon. -
The Role of Internal Politics in American Diplomacy
Autopsy of a Failure: The Frustrated Career of the Union Party Movement, 1848-1860 Sean Patrick Nalty Kalispell, MT B.A., University of Montana, May 2004 M.A., University of Virginia, August 2005 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………....1 CHAPTER 1 – Loosening Bonds of Party, Loosening Bonds of Union, 1848-1849…………..10 CHAPTER 2 – The “Partisan” Crisis of 1850…………………………………………......41 CHAPTER 3 – An Abortive Realignment, 1851-1852……………………………………….90 CHAPTER 4 – “The Test of Parties,” 1852-1854…………………………………………..139 CHAPTER 5 – The Balance of Power, 1854-1856…………………………………………186 CHAPTER 6 – “The Biggest and Best Party We Have Ever Seen,” 1857-1859……………...226 CHAPTER 7 – “We Are Going to Destruction As Fast As We Can,” 1859-1861……….257 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………..292 Introduction The thesis of this dissertation searches for elements of continuity in the continued appeals for a national “Union Party” from roughly 1849 to 1861. Historians have explored various parts of this movement in a discrete fashion, but never has anyone attempted to examine the history of the effort to create a Union Party across the decade of the 1850s. What I find is that all incarnations of the Union Party stressed a common devotion to the rule of law, which they saw as under threat by sectional agitators who stirred up the passions of the public. Whether in debates over the right of the federal government to coerce a state, the legality of the Fugitive Slave Act, and presence of filibustering oversees, or the violence which attended partisan elections, Americans’ respect for the rule of law seemed at issue throughout that turbulent decade. -
Building an Antislavery House: Political Abolitionists and the U.S
Building an Antislavery House: Political Abolitionists and the U.S. Congress By Corey Michael Brooks A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Robin L. Einhorn, Chair Professor David M. Henkin Professor Eric Schickler Fall 2010 Building an Antislavery House: Political Abolitionists and the U.S. Congress © 2010 By Corey Michael Brooks 1 Abstract Building an Antislavery House: Political Abolitionists and the U.S. Congress by Corey Michael Brooks Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Robin L. Einhorn, Chair This dissertation reintegrates abolitionism into the main currents of U.S. political history. Because of a bifurcation between studies of the American antislavery movement and political histories of the sectional conflict, modern scholars have drastically underestimated the significance of abolitionist political activism. Historians often characterize political abolitionists as naïve idealists or separatist moral purists, but I recast them as practical, effective politicians, who capitalized on rare openings in American political institutions to achieve outsized influence in the face of a robust two-party system. Third-party abolitionists shaped national debate far beyond their numbers and played central roles in the emergence of the Republican Party. Over the second half of the 1830s, political abolitionists devised the Slave Power concept, claiming that slaveholder control of the federal government endangered American democracy; this would later become the Republicans‘ most important appeal. Integrating this argument with an institutional analysis of the Second Party System, antislavery activists assailed the Whigs and Democrats—cross-sectional parties that incorporated antislavery voices while supporting proslavery policies—as beholden to the Slave Power. -
DOUGHFACE MASCULINITY and the ANTEBELLUM POLITICS of HOUSEHOLD Joshua A. Lynn a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository HALF-BAKED MEN: DOUGHFACE MASCULINITY AND THE ANTEBELLUM POLITICS OF HOUSEHOLD Joshua A. Lynn A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2010 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Joseph T. Glatthaar ©2010 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT JOSHUA A. LYNN: Half-Baked Men: Doughface Masculinity and the Antebellum Politics of Household (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the antebellum politics of household, political legitimacy stemmed from domestic life. As white northern families and southern plantation households constituted distinct domesticities, northern “Doughface” Democrats betrayed the northern home by catering to southern planters. Doughfaces argued that they demonstrated a manly independence in treating all families equally. In reality, however, their doctrine of popular sovereignty unfairly benefited southern households in the federal territories in the late 1840s and 1850s. Antislavery northerners responded with accusations of unmasculine servility. In the 1856 presidential election, Democrats portrayed James Buchanan, a Doughface and a bachelor, as a man who transcended competing conceptions of the household. At the same time, they offered him to southern voters as a fellow paternalist. Northerners subsequently charged Buchanan with treason against the northern home and against the concept of household itself. Doughfacism illustrates the intersection of politics, gender, and domesticity, and how political culture began at home. -
Lesson Guide
C a p t i o n e d M e d i a P r o g r a m VOICE (800) 237-6213 TTY (800) 237-6819 FAX (800) 538-5636 E-MAIL [email protected] WEB www.captionedmedia.org #12125 FILLMORE, PIERCE, & BUCHANAN NEW DIMENSION MEDIA/QUESTAR, 2003 Grade Level: 3–8 10 Minutes CAPTIONED MEDIA PROGRAM RELATED RESOURCES #12119 A. JOHNSON, GRANT, & HAYES #12120 ABRAHAM LINCOLN #12121 ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP: MAKING A DIFFERENCE #12122 CARTER, REAGAN, & G.H. BUSH #12123 CLEVELAND, MCKINLEY, & THEODORE ROOSEVELT #12124 CLINTON & G.W. BUSH #12126 FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT #12127 GARFIELD, ARTHUR, CLEVELAND, & B. HARRISON #12128 GEORGE WASHINGTON #12129 J.Q. ADAMS, JACKSON, & VAN BUREN #12130 JOHN ADAMS & THOMAS JEFFERSON #12131 L.B. JOHNSON, NIXON, & FORD #12132 MADISON & MONROE #12133 TAFT, WILSON, HARDING, COOLIDGE, & HOOVER #12134 THE MAKING OF AMERICA'S PRESIDENCY #12135 TRUMAN, EISENHOWER, & KENNEDY #12136 W. H. HARRISON, TYLER, POLK, & TAYLOR Funding for the Captioned Media Program is provided by the U.S. Department of Education New Dimension Media TEACHER’S GUIDE Grades 5 to 12 Fillmore, Pierce & Buchanan Our Presidents in America’s History Series Subject Area: Social Studies, U.S. History Synopsis: Chronicles the presidencies of Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan, with emphasis on the growing tensions in the nation over the slavery issue. Discusses the controversies surrounding the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act and looks at the nation’s growth, the rise of the anti-slavery Republican Party and the Dred Scott Decision. Learning Objectives: Objective 1) Students will be able to recall the major events of the Presidencies of Millard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan. -
States' Rights, Southern Hypocrisy, and the Crisis of the Union Paul Finkelman
The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Akron Law Review Akron Law Journals June 2015 States' Rights, Southern Hypocrisy, and the Crisis of the Union Paul Finkelman Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Follow this and additional works at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview Part of the Legal History Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation Finkelman, Paul (2012) "States' Rights, Southern Hypocrisy, and the Crisis of the Union," Akron Law Review: Vol. 45 : Iss. 2 , Article 5. Available at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview/vol45/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Akron Law Journals at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The nivU ersity of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Akron Law Review by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Finkelman: States' Rights 11-FINKELMAN_MACRO AUTHOR.DOCM STATES’ RIGHTS, SOUTHERN HYPOCRISY, AND THE CRISIS OF THE UNION Paul Finkelman∗ I. Introduction ...................................................................... 449 II. The 1850s: The High Point of Proslavery Nationalism ... 452 A. Restrictions and Limitations on Slavery in 1850 ....... 453 B. The Great Proslavery Shift of the 1850s .................... 456 III. Secession and States Rights .............................................. 469 I. INTRODUCTION On December 20, 2010 we marked—I cannot say celebrated—the sesquicentennial of South Carolina’s secession. By the end of February 1861, six other states had followed South Carolina into the Confederacy. -
The Unrecognized Revolution: the Election of 1860 and the Upheaval
1 THE UNRECOGNIZED REVOLUTION: THE ELECTION OF 1860 AND THE UPHEAVAL IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY James L. Huston, Oklahoma State University Among the many changes the presidential election of 1860 ushered in, none was as abrupt as the one in American foreign policy. National policy toward other nations went from expansionism and free trade to isolationism and protectionism. This change, representing nearly a perfect one-hundred-eighty-degree about-face, happened almost instantaneously, was in place once the Republicans took over the presidency and southerners vacated Congress; it lasted until a wave of imperialism swept over the country in the 1890s. Historians and others have long noted the rise of protectionism with the Republican embrace of power, and many have focused on it to explain the alteration in economic conditions in the last decade of the nineteenth century- -the rise of big business, protest movements, and the large inequality in wealth distribution. Economists have uniformly declared Republican foreign policy an international disaster.1 What has been missed in this interpretation has been the intimate connection between trade policy and expansionism. Despite economic theory about free trade evoking pacifism and fair play, the historical reality for the United States is that free trade economic policy moved hand in hand with geographical expansionism, war, colonialism, imperialism, and racism, whereas protectionism traveled comfortably with anti-expansionism, egalitarianism, and republicanism. 1860 was the year of the turning point.2 2 Foreign affairs, especially the role of European powers, has not been a subject of intense scrutiny for scholars interested in the coming of the Civil War.