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The Role of Internal Politics in American Diplomacy

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The Role of Internal Politics in American Diplomacy Autopsy of a Failure: The Frustrated Career of the Union Party Movement, 1848-1860 Sean Patrick Nalty Kalispell, MT B.A., University of Montana, May 2004 M.A., University of Virginia, August 2005 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………....1 CHAPTER 1 – Loosening Bonds of Party, Loosening Bonds of Union, 1848-1849…………..10 CHAPTER 2 – The “Partisan” Crisis of 1850…………………………………………......41 CHAPTER 3 – An Abortive Realignment, 1851-1852……………………………………….90 CHAPTER 4 – “The Test of Parties,” 1852-1854…………………………………………..139 CHAPTER 5 – The Balance of Power, 1854-1856…………………………………………186 CHAPTER 6 – “The Biggest and Best Party We Have Ever Seen,” 1857-1859……………...226 CHAPTER 7 – “We Are Going to Destruction As Fast As We Can,” 1859-1861……….257 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………..292 Introduction The thesis of this dissertation searches for elements of continuity in the continued appeals for a national “Union Party” from roughly 1849 to 1861. Historians have explored various parts of this movement in a discrete fashion, but never has anyone attempted to examine the history of the effort to create a Union Party across the decade of the 1850s. What I find is that all incarnations of the Union Party stressed a common devotion to the rule of law, which they saw as under threat by sectional agitators who stirred up the passions of the public. Whether in debates over the right of the federal government to coerce a state, the legality of the Fugitive Slave Act, and presence of filibustering oversees, or the violence which attended partisan elections, Americans’ respect for the rule of law seemed at issue throughout that turbulent decade. What historians have branded the hallow pronouncement of “the Union, the Constitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws,” I assert, was in actuality a statement against the seeming lawlessness which pervaded the democratic republic of the United States at mid-century. Another point of continuity which this dissertation develops further is the belief among politicians that a partisan realignment was always just around the corner. This was especially true when Democrats and Whigs fought ferocious battles during the period not with each other, but through factions upset at either being deprived of valuable patronage or policies on contentious issues like slavery. In particular, the rage for offices by aspiring politicians and the fraud that this office-seeking encouraged contributed to a decline in popular enthusiasm for the major parties, something advocates of a new Union Party wished to restore to its past heights. Through these two insights, this dissertation invites historians to consider those continuities that underlay even a period of wrenching change like the Civil War Era. My work engages with the copious literature on the Civil War Era in at least three ways. First and most importantly, this study offers the first book-length treatment of the movement to create a Constitutional Union Party throughout the decade of the 1850s. This allows a consideration of certain continuities and discontinuities inherent in the history of the Constitutional Union Party. Most historians, including the author of the only study devoted to the party, emphasized its newness during the 1860 1 election.1 This, however, was not the case and this dissertation aims to show how politicians throughout the 1850s became attracted to a Constitutional Union Party as a counter to the sectionalization of the American political system. In turn, this sectionalization, advocates of a new party insisted, eroded the confidence of Americans in their government to enforce laws regardless of any sectional or partisan bias. Far from representing a flash in the pan in American political history, the creation of a Constitutional Union Party reflected the deep unease for the future that pervaded American political discourse at the mid- century mark. This case study of the Constitutional Union Party adds to the larger historical debate surrounding the efficacy of American political parties. A generation of political historians, such as David M. Potter, William E. Gienapp, Michael F. Holt, and Joel H. Silbey have at various times contended that antebellum national political parties operated to restrain the growth of sectionalism in keeping with the dictum of Martin Van Buren in his 1827 letter to Virginian and committed Jeffersonian Republican Thomas Ritchie.2 More recently, critics have challenged this view by marshaling evidence of an antebellum electorate by turns either disinterested or alarmed at the scale of corruption present within the major political parties.3 What is sometimes lost in this debate is a proper recognition of the fear antebellum Americans inherited from the Founding Generation that political parties could easily degenerate into sectionalism that would threaten the very fabric of the Union. The fact that various politicians both North and South encouraged this belief in their public and private utterances during the 1850s further testifies to its importance as a key component of the political culture of the era. Advocates of a new Constitutional Union Party, therefore, consciously appealed to those Americans anxious about the destructiveness to the American Union likely to come about through an excess of partisanship. 1 John B. Stabler, A History of the Constitutional Union: A Tragic Failure, (PhD Dissertation: Columbia University, 1954), 2. 2 David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis: 1848-1861, ed. Don Fehrenbacher, (New York: Harper and Row, 1977); William E. Gienapp, “The Crisis of American Democracy: The Political System and the Coming of the War,” in Why the War Came, ed. Gabor Boritt, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 79-124; Michael F. Holt, The Political Crisis of the 1850s, (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978); Joel H. Silbey, Party over Section: The Rough and Ready Presidential Election of 1848, (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009. 3 A prominent example of one such critique is Glen Altschuler and Stuart Blumin, Rude Republic: Americans and the Politics in the Nineteenth Century, (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000). 2 A second element of continuity is the importance that Constitutional Unionists attached to the rule of law, especially as it represented the crucial bond that held the Union together. Partisanship exacerbated this problem since it allowed politicians sometimes to support open defiance of written law in courting voters within their districts. Moreover, federalism made this situation possible, as Americans possessed divided loyalties to the sovereigns at the national, state, and local levels. When these loyalties came into conflict, as they did in the 1850s, voters demonstrated an affinity for their local and state rather than national loyalties. According to Philip S. Paludan, people residing in the free or non-slave states before the American Civil War identified primarily with their townships and rural communities. Local experience, he further maintained, brought with it a respect for basic institutions, including a system of laws administered by judicial officials.4 Yet while this analysis of Paludan's might explain the resistance to southern secession on the part of ordinary northerners, his insistence on the power of the principle of law and order in the antebellum North raises an important question: What if local laws conflicted with the dictates of national laws? The debate over the enactment and later enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act and the complicity of local Democratic and Whig politicians in resisting that law deeply troubled self-described conservative politicians in both the North and the South. If partisanship drove politicians and voters to nullify laws, then constitutional government would become a farce. Unwilling to entrust enforcement of the laws like the Fugitive Slave Act to those hypocritical politicians in both major parties who professed to uphold the law even while they countenanced local opposition to it, conservative politicians in the North and South regarded the old parties as hopelessly corrupt and sectional and instead pressed for the establishment of a national Constitutional Union Party. Though historians like Stanley W. Campbell have properly cautioned students of the Civil War Era from assuming that northern outrage against the Fugitive Slave Act led to a sharp decline in its enforcement, the significance of the William and Ellen Craft case 4 Philip S. Paludan, “The Civil War Considered as a Crisis of Law and Order,” The American Historical Review 77 (October 1972): 1013-1034. 3 and the Christiana Riot to contemporaries should not be minimized.5 In an age where filibustering, nullification, secession, partisan-influenced violence, and accusations of widespread fraud filled the newspapers and speeches of the leading orators of the day, the threat to the rule of law seemed everywhere in the decade leading up to the American Civil War. Finally, a significant discontinuity appears between the identity of the Constitutional Unionists early in the 1850s and those who carried the mantle in the presidential election of 1860. What began as a political insurgency against the Democratic and Whig parties within the Deep South in 1850 ended ten years later as a haven for disaffected Know Nothings and Whigs in the Border States. This shift has gone largely
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