Glossary of French Terms
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After Robespierre
J . After Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION Mter Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION By ALBERT MATHIEZ Translated from the French by Catherine Alison Phillips The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK COPYRIGHT ©1931 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS La Reaction Thermidorienne COPYRIGHT 1929 BY MAX LECLERC ET CIE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION, 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 65·14385 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFACE So far as order of time is concerned, M. M athie( s study of the Thermidorian Reaction, of which the present volume is a translation, is a continuation of his history of the French Revolution, of which the English version was published in 1928. In form and character, however, there is a notable difference. In the case of the earlier work the limitations imposed by the publishers excluded all references and foot-notes, and the author had to refer the reader to his other published works for the evidence on which his conclusions were based. In the case of the present book no such limitations have been set, and M. Mathiei: has thus been able not only to state his con clusions, but to give the chain of reasoning by which they have been reached. The Thermidorian Reaction is therefore something more than a sequel to The French Revolution, which M. Mathiei:, with perhaps undue modesty, has described as a precis having no independent authority; it is not only a work of art, but a weighty contribution to historical science. In the preface to his French Revolution M. -
Gracchus Babeuf and the Revolutionary Language of Thermidor
Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 3-1997 From the Printing Press to the Guillotine: Gracchus Babeuf and the Revolutionary Language of Thermidor David Brian Audley Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the European History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Audley, David Brian, "From the Printing Press to the Guillotine: Gracchus Babeuf and the Revolutionary Language of Thermidor" (1997). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 5740. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.7611 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. THESIS APPROVAL The abstract and thesis of David Brian Audley for the Master of Arts in History were presented February 14, 1997, and accepted by the thesis committee and the department. COMMITTEE APPROVALS: Thomas M. Luckett, Chair Robert Liebman Representative of the Office of Graduate Studies DEPARTMENT APPROVAL: G~s,~ Department of History * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * ACCEPTED FOR PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY BY THE LIBRARY by ABSTRACT An abstract of the thesis of David Brian Audley for the Master of Arts in History presented February 14, 1997. Title: From the Printing Press to the Guillotine: Gracchus Babeuf and the Revolutionary Language of Thermidor. The traditional history of Fran9ois-Noel 'Gracchus' Babeuf has been centered on politics and socialism. Sine his death in 1797 historians have attempted to show the foundations of nineteenth and twentieth-century social revolution and communism in the polemical works of Babeuf. -
The Afterlives of the Terror: Facing the Legacies of Mass Violence in Postrevolutionary France'
H-Nationalism Edwards on Steinberg, 'The Afterlives of the Terror: Facing the Legacies of Mass Violence in Postrevolutionary France' Review published on Wednesday, December 16, 2020 Ronen Steinberg. The Afterlives of the Terror: Facing the Legacies of Mass Violence in Postrevolutionary France. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2019. 240 pp. $19.95 (paper),ISBN 978-1-5017-3924-8. Reviewed by Erica Edwards (Francis Marion University) Published on H-Nationalism (December, 2020) Commissioned by Evan C. Rothera (University of Arkansas - Fort Smith) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=55645 Ronen Steinberg examines how the French nation grappled with the Reign of Terror during and after the French Revolution from the 1790s to 1830s. Building upon the work of Bronislaw Baczko and Howard Brown, Steinberg analyzes the various responses to the Terror of the generation who lived through and survived it in The Afterlives of the Terror. He argues “that the distinct difficulties around coming to terms with the Terror, and the particular debates that this process gave rise to, were derived from the political and social transformations of the Revolution. Popular sovereignty led to debates about accountability after the fall of [Maximilien] Robespierre, for if the citizens were the sources of power in the Republic, they shared in the responsibility for its actions” (p. 14). He adds “that the same radicalizing dynamic, which was predicated on a complete break with the past, also made it very difficult, and perhaps even impossible, to leave certain pasts behind” (p. 15). Indeed, as historians mark 1789 as the break with the Old Regime, Steinberg uses 9 Thermidor to delineate between the Terror and its aftermath. -
From Jacobin to Liberal
Butler University Digital Commons @ Butler University Scholarship and Professional Work - LAS College of Liberal Arts & Sciences 2011 From Jacobin to Liberal Paul R, Hanson Butler University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers Part of the European History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Hanson, Paul R. “From Jacobin to Liberal,” Historical Reflections, vol 37, no. 3 (Winter 2011), 86-100. Available from: digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers/495/ This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts & Sciences at Digital Commons @ Butler University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarship and Professional Work - LAS by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Butler University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. From Jacobin to Liberal Paul Hanson Professor of History, Butler University Abstract This article focuses on From Jacobin to Liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien, 1775–1848 and argues that this book, written near the end of Robert R. Palmer’s career, stands as a sort of bookend to his earlier masterpiece, Twelve Who Ruled. The focus of the book, Marc- Antoine Jullien, was a precocious idealist, just sixteen years old when he made his first speech before the Paris Jacobin club. He supported the Jacobin political vision and went on to serve as an emissary in the provinces for the Committee of Public Safety, the focus of Twelve Who Ruled. As such, young Jullien was denounced as a terrorist after the fall of Robespierre. He survived the Revolution, however, and Palmer sees in him an example of a young man whose political views evolved over time, from Jacobinism to liberalism. -
Masculinity in French Republican Socialist Rhetoric Randolph A
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations December 2018 A New Brand of Men: Masculinity in French Republican Socialist Rhetoric Randolph A. Miller University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Miller, Randolph A., "A New Brand of Men: Masculinity in French Republican Socialist Rhetoric" (2018). Theses and Dissertations. 2000. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/2000 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A NEW BRAND OF MEN: MASCULINITY IN FRENCH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST RHETORIC by Randolph Miller A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee December 2018 ABSTRACT A NEW BRAND OF MEN: MASCULINITY IN FRENCH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST RHETORIC by Randolph Miller The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2018 Under the Supervision of Professor Carolyn Eichner Social theorist and activist, August Blanqui, used his appearance before court in 1832 to lay out an argument that condemned the present political and economic system and demanded emancipation of the male worker. During his monologue, along with his devastating portrayal of worker misery and systemic corruption, Blanqui made comparisons between the male bourgeoisie and the male proletariat. Recounting the recent overthrow of Charles X for his audience, Blanqui described the “glorious workers” as six feet tall, towering over a groveling bourgeoisie who praised them for their “selflessness and courage.” According to Blanqui, the workers, unlike the aristocracy of wealth who oppressed them, were both physically dominant and selfless—two features that indicated a superior masculinity in the minds of radicals. -
The French Revolution
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION “A lucid and lively introduction . Students wishing to explore the frontiers of research in the subject can be reliably advised to start here.” William Doyle, University of Bristol The French Revolution is a collection of key texts at the forefront of current research and interpretation, challenging orthodox assumptions concerning the origins, development, and long-term historical consequences of the Revolution. The volume includes a clear and thorough introduction by the editor which contextualises the historiographical controversies, especially those dating from 1989. The articles are woven into a sophisticated narrative, which covers areas including the inevitability of the Terror, subsequent issues for nineteenth-century French history, the intellectual connection, the later role of Napoleon, and the feminist dimension. Gary Kates is Chair of the History Department at Trinity University, Texas. He is author of Monsieur d’Eon is a Woman (1995), The Cercle Social, the Girondins and the French Revolution (1985) and is an advisory editor for Eighteen-century Studies. Rewriting Histories focuses on historical themes where standard conclusions are facing a major challenge. Each book presents 8 to 10 papers (edited and annotated where necessary) at the forefront of current research and interpretation, offering students an accessible way to engage with contemporary debates. Series editor Jack R. Censer is Professor of History at George Mason University. REWRITING HISTORIES Series editor: Jack R. Censer Already published THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION AND WORK IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE Edited by Lenard R. Berlanstein SOCIETY AND CULTURE IN THE SLAVE SOUTH Edited by J. William Harris ATLANTIC AMERICAN SOCIETIES From Columbus through Abolition Edited by J.R. -
Revolutionary Insurgency and Revolutionary Republicanism
REVOLUTIONARY INSURGENCY AND REVOLUTIONARY REPUBLICANISM: ASPECTS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY TRADITION FROM THE ADVENT OF THE JULY MONARCHY THROUGH THE REPRESSION OF THE PARIS COMMUNE SUBMITTED BY: DAVID A. SHAFER DEGREE: PhD COLLEGE: UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON ProQuest Number: 10045641 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10045641 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT During the greater part of the nineteenth century the French political, social and cultural landscapes continued to reverberate from the echoes of the French Revolution. On one level, the Revolution framed the parameters of political debate. However, on another level the Revolution represented the first time in French history when political activism appeared to open up boundless opportunities for effecting change. In large measure, this was due to the prominence of popular protest in the Revolution and its transformation after 1789. Popular protest was nothing new to France. In fact, it was ingrained in the popular mentalité as a response to grievances. That said, the scope of popular protest during the ancien régime tended to be quite limited and rarely transcended the immediate source of the dispute. -
Uniting 'Good' Citizens in Thermidorian France
Chapter 5 Uniting ‘good’ Citizens in Thermidorian France On September 20, 1794, a little less than two months after the fall of Robespierre on 9 Thermidor Year ii (July 27, 1794), representative Jean-Baptiste Robert Lin- det presented to the National Convention on behalf of the committees of Pub- lic Safety and General Security a report ‘On the internal situation of the Republic’.1 It was a strained report. How else could it be? Having gone through the experience of what has come to be known as the Jacobin Terror of 1793– 1794, France was still gasping for breath and was only beginning to ‘recollect the events the memory of which ought never to be effaced’, as the report put it. These events, Lindet purported, ‘will be a useful lesson for us and for posterity’. For ‘[t]he representatives of the people ought not only to pass on to posterity their actions, their glory and their success; they ought to pass on to them the knowledge of dangers, misfortunes, and errors’.2 What were these dangers, misfortunes, and errors? And could the Terror represent all these things at once? For weeks the streets had been flooded with anti-Jacobin pamphlets, as the freedom of press was re-established. Gradually, more and more atrocities came to light; Jacobins were denounced everywhere; Robespierre was portrayed as a ‘tyrant’ and bloodthirsty monster; militias of vengeful anti-Jacobin groups of young men scoured the streets of Paris, while thousands of often equally vengeful prisoners were released within less than a month. The downfall of Robespierre set in motion a process of public exor- cism that could hardly be kept under control by the National Convention that eagerly tried to re-establish its status as the supreme political authority above that of the committees and the Jacobin Club.3 It was an extremely vexed and complex process. -
H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1
H-France Review Volume 18 (2018) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 18 (February 2018), No. 28 Loris Chavanette, Quatre-vingt-quinze: La Terreur en procès, Préface de Patrice Gueniffey. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2017. 397 pp. Illustrations, bibliography, and index. € 26.00 (pb). ISBN 978-2-2710-9001-0. Review by Howard G. Brown, Binghamton University, State University of New York The Thermidorians have long had bad press--and for good reason. The politicians who dispatched Robespierre and his closest allies on 9 Thermidor Year II (July 27, 1794) acted principally to preserve themselves, not the republic. Over the following fifteen months, France careened from a populist dictatorship and a controlled economy to an elitist assembly and free-market chaos. A year of growing backlash against the policies and personnel of the previous regime introduced the term “reactionary” into the political lexicon. This volte-face on the regime of Year II is why hardline Soviet critics bashed the NEP, the liberalizing New Economic Policy of the 1920s, as “Thermidorian.” The Thermidorians also tried to end the French Revolution by adopting a new republican constitution, but then fudged its implementation in order to preserve themselves in power. The resulting combination of institutions and politicians, known as the Directory, proved congenitally incapable of providing political stability and so paved the road to personal dictatorship. These obvious failures have been the basis for a persistent caricature, one that ignores some significant successes. In the past quarter century, historians have paid more attention to the once largely neglected years between Robespierre and Napoleon. The result is a better appreciation of the profound and multifaceted challenges that confronted the men of 1795. -
Deputies and the Dangers of Conspicuous
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Kingston University Research Repository ‘COME AND DINE’: THE DANGERS OF CONSPICUOUS CONSUMPTION IN FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY POLITICS, 1789-95 The French Revolution saw the invention of a new kind of politics, one in which the government was subject to the people. It also gave birth to a new kind of man, the professional politician, and to the complex and often fraught relationship that bound him to his electorate. Tensions had surrounded the very notion of political representation since the beginning of the Revolution as legislators struggled to give ‘sense and embodiment to the idea of the nation.’1 The very nature of the representative system, Paul Friedland has argued, reduced the people to spectators and legislators to ‘political actors’.2 Because of this new dynamic, the deputies’ every word and action, both public and private, quickly became subject to intense public scrutiny. How should legislators dress, talk and eat in public? What attitudes and behaviours should they adopt to make their government palatable in the aftermath of the king’s trial and Saint-Just’s pronouncement that ‘no man [could] reign innocently’?3 In order to meet these challenges, revolutionary politicians tended to highlight their capacity for virtue and for sacrificing themselves for the republic. Maximilien Robespierre stressed the importance of politicians’ ‘probity, application to work’ and ‘modest habits’.4 Other deputies described gruelling daily schedules and frugal living 1 Pierre Rosanvallon, Le peuple introuvable: Histoire de la représentation démocratique en France (Paris: Gallimard, 1998), 38. -
The Reign of Terror and the Character of Bloodshed
Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Scholarship Spring 2020 The Architecture of Violence: the Reign of Terror and the Character of Bloodshed Aidan Turek [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Political History Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Turek, Aidan, "The Architecture of Violence: the Reign of Terror and the Character of Bloodshed". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2020. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/848 1 The Architecture of Violence: The Reign of Terror and the Character of Bloodshed Adv. Reo Matsuzaki A.P. Turek Spring, 2020 1 2 Table of Contents Chapter I: Revolutionaries, Theorists, and the Terror ........................................................................... 4 I.I Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 4 I.II Theory on Revolution: Moore, Skocpol, and Ignoring Violence ............................................. 10 I.III Violence from a Theoretical Standpoint ................................................................................. 14 I.IV Analysis to Come .................................................................................................................. -
Mocking Terror After Thermidor
“Rira bien qui rira le dernier”: Mocking Terror after Thermidor Nichole Lucero, Arizona State University After the coup of 9 Thermidor had succeeded, the victorious Convention deputies found themselves with a difficulty to overcome. Men like Louis Fréron and Jean Tallien, both of whom would become leading Thermidorian deputies, had initiated the fall of Robespierre and his allies out of fear that they were going to be denounced. None of the plotters of the coup imagined that their actions would bring about the end of the Terror, and they believed as strongly as ever in the reasons for the Terror’s existence. But they needed a reason for the coup. The desire for self-preservation was not enough to justify sending the Robespierrists to the guillotine. Bronislaw Baczko argues that the Thermidorian deputies deliberately set about creating a myth in which Robespierre was a would-be tyrant king and they had saved the nation from the conspiracy of the Robespierrists.1 But the Thermidorians had been as intimately involved with the machinery of the Terror as the Robespierrists had been, and they had to be careful to keep their narrative in sharp relief while separating themselves from the faction of tyranny. The Robespierre-king myth thus served two purposes: it gave the Thermidorians a reason for staging the coup and it gave them a scapegoat that would siphon off any anger directed at the Convention and confine it to the Robespierrists. Unfortunately for the Thermidorians, their skill at manipulating public opinion was not as great as they had hoped. On 15 Thermidor, just a few days after the coup, petitioners began besieging deputies with pleas for the release of family and friends from the prisons of the Terror, indicating that, for many, it was not only the Robespierrists who had been called into question, but the entire apparatus of the Terror.