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Mocking Terror After Thermidor

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Mocking Terror After Thermidor “Rira bien qui rira le dernier”: Mocking Terror after Thermidor Nichole Lucero, Arizona State University After the coup of 9 Thermidor had succeeded, the victorious Convention deputies found themselves with a difficulty to overcome. Men like Louis Fréron and Jean Tallien, both of whom would become leading Thermidorian deputies, had initiated the fall of Robespierre and his allies out of fear that they were going to be denounced. None of the plotters of the coup imagined that their actions would bring about the end of the Terror, and they believed as strongly as ever in the reasons for the Terror’s existence. But they needed a reason for the coup. The desire for self-preservation was not enough to justify sending the Robespierrists to the guillotine. Bronislaw Baczko argues that the Thermidorian deputies deliberately set about creating a myth in which Robespierre was a would-be tyrant king and they had saved the nation from the conspiracy of the Robespierrists.1 But the Thermidorians had been as intimately involved with the machinery of the Terror as the Robespierrists had been, and they had to be careful to keep their narrative in sharp relief while separating themselves from the faction of tyranny. The Robespierre-king myth thus served two purposes: it gave the Thermidorians a reason for staging the coup and it gave them a scapegoat that would siphon off any anger directed at the Convention and confine it to the Robespierrists. Unfortunately for the Thermidorians, their skill at manipulating public opinion was not as great as they had hoped. On 15 Thermidor, just a few days after the coup, petitioners began besieging deputies with pleas for the release of family and friends from the prisons of the Terror, indicating that, for many, it was not only the Robespierrists who had been called into question, but the entire apparatus of the Terror. Despite the Thermidorians’ attempt to confine opprobrium to the Robespierrists, a coalition of journalists, writers, and young bourgeois men known as the Gilded Youth seized hold of the meaning of 9 Thermidor. They shaped it into a repudiation of the Terror and all of its personnel, threatening the Convention itself because every deputy had been complicit in some way with the Terror. The prodigious outpouring of anti-terrorist pamphlets that appeared during the Thermidorian Reaction played a large role in shaping public opinion on the Terror.2 These pamphlets can be divided into two broad categories. The first genre used serious language to convince readers that all those who had actively supported the Terror had done the French people a grave injustice and that they still posed a threat. The second genre used satire to delegitimize the Terror and its 1 Bronislaw Baczko, Comment sortir de la Terreur : Thermidor et la Révolution (Paris : Gallimard, 1998), 34-46. 2 Ibid., 244. The period of the Thermidorian Reaction lasted from 9 Thermidor at the end of July 1794 to October 1795, when the Directory regime began. “Rira bien qui rira le dernier”: Mocking Terror after Thermidor 33 supporters. Both genres had the same ends: to communicate the wrongness of the Terror. A common feature of the satirical pamphlets is the authors’ willingness to use the death and violence engendered by the Terror as fodder for ridicule. Though satire, death and violence had been a part of the Revolution’s political landscape from its beginnings, it was only during the Thermidorian Reaction that the three became so closely linked. This unusual characteristic of the period begs further study. This article examines anti-terrorist pamphlets that satirize two of the most notorious moments of the Terror in the Thermidorian political imagination: the brutal repression of the cities of Nantes and Lyon. While the French tradition of political satire and its power to delegitimize made satire a natural choice, the lived experience of terror created links between satirical humor, death and violence for anti-terrorist pamphleteers. They expressed this link by satirizing the death and violence of the Terror. The Role of Pamphlets during the Thermidorian Reaction Ironically, it was Tallien who set off the storm of anti-terrorist pamphlets. Though Tallien reinvented himself as an enemy of the Terror government’s abuses of power, his actions while a deputy on mission to Bordeaux had marked him as its zealous instrument. Seeking to distance himself from his past, Tallien requested that Jean-Claude-Hippolyte Mehée de la Touche write a pamphlet that both argued for freedom of the press and poked fun at the principles of the Terror. It was titled La queue de Robespierre (Robespierre’s Tail) and enjoyed enormous success. 70,000 copies were printed and distributed throughout France in the first week of its publication.3 Encouraged by the relaxation of censorship after Thermidor and the success of La queue de Robespierre, an “incredible crowd” of pamphlets descended on France, according to the Courrier républicain.4 Most pamphlets were written anonymously, thus making it difficult to get a sense of who wrote them and what experiences motivated the writers to add their pen to the anti-terrorist movement. However, François Gendron has determined that the Gilded Youth played a large role in the pamphlet literature of the period.5 In my previous research, I have traced the Gilded Youth to their origins as the young men of 1793 who protested recruitment to the Vendée. Many of them were later arrested for this after the Law of Suspects’ passage in September 1793, and they remained in prison until after 9 Thermidor. It thus seems likely that the recent experience of prison informed pamphleteers’ construction of their narrative of the Terror. Ange Pitou and Alphonse Martainville, two of the few authors of anti-terrorist pamphlets whose identity can be confirmed, were imprisoned during the Terror. 6 Both men also wrote pamphlets that satirized the death and violence of the Terror. Thermidorian Satire The satire in Thermidorian anti-terrorist pamphlets drew on a rich tradition of French political satire that stretched back at least as far as the Wars of Religion. This tradition lent itself well to the revolutionary periodical press. According to Fabrice Erre, the royalist newspaper Les actes des apôtres (1789-1791) introduced a new chapter in French political satire by adapting it to the challenges of a regularly 3 François Gendron, La jeunesse dorée : Épisodes de la Révolution française (Sillery : Les presses de l’Université du Québec, 1979), 36. 4 Courrier républicain, 3 vendémiaire, Year III. 5 Gendron, 38. A few journalists were also members of the Gilded Youth. 6 Pitou was not considered a member of the Gilded Youth, but rather of the wider anti- terrorist movement. Journal of the Western Society for French History 34 Lucero published periodical.7 Writers of Les actes des apôtres “theatricalized” reality.8 The newspaper simplified the complicated world of politics into the actions of a few key personages, who were then recreated as buffoon caricatures that inspired ridicule. Like any good caricature, they were based on reality. Yet authors of the newspaper inserted the caricatures into fictional narratives, without regard to the corresponding reality. Revolutionaries responded to Les actes des apôtres with their own political satire. Once the revolutionary government began to censor the press in 1793, the war of satire stopped. After 9 Thermidor, pamphleteers renewed the satirical tradition begun by Les Actes des apôtres.9 Anti-terrorist pamphleteers followed the pattern of theatricalizing the political world, creating easily recognizable caricatures and placing them in narratives that were frequently fictionalized. These caricatures rarely deviated from pamphlet to pamphlet. There was, for example, the hypocrite deputy Bertrand Barère, known as the “Old Bag,” and the deputy François Granet of the perpetually filthy clothing that resembled rags.10 Pamphleteers also relied on several tropes based on caricatures of non-specific people, such as the woefully ignorant revolutionary committee member. One of the most common fictionalizations was the pamphlet that masqueraded as a legitimate document written by someone else. Fictionalizations were deliberately obvious by their outlandish claims. No one was expected to believe, for instance, that Robespierre had truly bequeathed to Granet his knee breeches in his will.11 I have located 120 anti-terrorist pamphlets, all written from September 1794 to the start of the Directory in October 1795.12 Thirty-five of them are satirical. To qualify as satire, pamphlets had to include a significant proportion of characteristics associated with revolutionary-era satire and caricature: irony; the caricature of people and groups as comic buffoons; word play; zoomorphism; role switching; exaggeration; themes of the grotesque (the lower body and bodily orifices, carnal appetites, ribaldry); and, finally, deliberately obvious fictionalization of the narrative. Nearly all the pamphlets satirize death and violence at least once. Antoine de Baecque has argued that laughter was not killed during the Terror, but instead altered. Laughter became bound with violence, fear, and the terrible to become what Mikhail Bakhtin christened ‘troubled laughter’.13 The troubled laughter of the Terror continued to shape satire during the Thermidorian Reaction. For the pamphleteers who were imprisoned during the Terror, the melding of laughter and fear had been a lived experience. The text of the successful Almanach des prisons, written by a man who claimed to have been imprisoned in the Conciergerie for six months, described prisoners who lived in 7 Fabrice Erre, “L’Invention de l’écriture satirique périodique,” Orages, no. 7 (March 2008), 107. 8 Ibid. 9 There were three satirical periodicals printed after Thermidor, but these were short lived and unable to recreate the success of Les actes des apôtres. 10 Old Bag (Vieux-Sac) was a pun on Barère’s pre-Revolutionary title, the Baron de Vieuzac.
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