DOCSLIB.ORG

French Revolution Political Freedom!

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
French Revolution Political Freedom! French Revolution Part 2: Political Freed​om! Part 2: Political Freedom! ​ Objective: Understand what political freedom is. Determine what ​ ​ the right balance is between security and freedom. Assessment Goals: (Learning Target 1,2,3,6,7): Identify ​the changes in government and rights of people throughout the ​ ​ ​ ​ revolution. Determine when you believe people were the most free. Explain and defend using primary and secondary source evidence. ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ A: Initial Revolutionary Movements _____________________________________________ Estates General Tennis Court Oath Storming of the Bastille http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/french-revolution/source-2/ ‘The London Gazette’ – Saturday 18 July – Tuesday 21 July, 1789 (ZJ 1/85 Transcript In the Evening a Detachment with Two Pieces of Cannon went to the Bastile, to demand the Ammunition deposited there. A Flag of Truce had been sent before them, which was answered from within; But nevertheless, the Governor (the Marquis de Launay) ordered the Guard to fire, and several were killed. The Populace, enraged at this Proceeding, rushed forward to the Assault, when the Governor agreed to admit a certain Number, on Condition that they should not commit any Violence. A Detachment of about Forty accordingly passed the Drawbridge, which was instantly drawn up, and the whole Party massacred. This Breach of Faith, aggravated by so glaring an instance of Inhumanity, naturally excited a Spirit of revenge and Tumult not to be appeased. A Breach was soon made in the Gate, and the Fortress surrendered. The Governor, the principal Gunner, the Jailer, and Two old Invalids, who had been noticed as being more active than the Rest, were seized, and carried before the Council assembled at the Hotel de Ville, by whom the Marquis de Launay was sentenced to be beheaded, which was accordingly put in Execution at the Place de Grêve, and the other Prisoners were also put to Death. Questions to Answer: 1. Why were the people outside the Bastille so outraged when the Governor gave the order to fire on them? 2. Some were allowed in - on what condition? 3. What happened to the 40 who went into the Bastille? 4. What happened to the Governor? Women March on Versailles Declaration of the Rights of Man Notes: Use this graphic Organizer to keep track of your information. ​ Period of the Major Changes in Evidence Changes in Evidence Revolution Events/ the Rights People of Government this time Initial Revolutionary Movement ________________________________________________________________________________ B: Robespierre & the Reign of Terror ______________________________________________ https://www.britannica.com/biography/Maximilien-Robespierre Who: Maximilien Robespierre, in full Maximilien-François-Marie-Isidore de Robespierre, (born ​ May 6, 1758, Arras, France—died July 28, 1794, Paris), radical Jacobin leader and one of the ​ ​ ​ principal figures in the French Revolution. ​ ​ ​ When: In the latter months of 1793 he came to dominate the Committee of Public Safety, the ​ ​ ​ ​ principal organ of the Revolutionary government during the Reign of Terror, but in 1794 he was ​ ​ ​ overthrown and executed in the Thermidorian Reaction. ​ ​ ​ How: On July 27, 1793, Robespierre took his place on the Committee of Public Safety, which ​ had first been set up in April. While some of his colleagues were away on missions and others were preoccupied with special assignments, he strove to prevent division among the revolutionaries by relying on the Jacobin societies and the vigilance committees. Henceforward his actions were to be inseparable from those of the government as a whole. Those who initiated the Terror saw it as a bitter but necessary medicine, a elimination of reactionary elements so the revolution could survive and remain on course. Little new policy was needed to initiate a policy of terror. Speeches in the Convention set the tone, while the radicals in the Committee of Public Safety gave their approval. The Law of Suspects, passed in ​ ​ ​ September 1793, formed the legal basis for the Terror by outlining who might be targeted. The Law of Suspects called for the immediate arrest of anyone in one of six categories. Anything from hoarding grain, harbouring suspects, evading the levée en masse (conscription), ​ ​ possessing subversive documents, even speaking critically of the government could lead to a charge. Arrests and trials were conducted by the Revolutionary Tribunals, which were expanded and given new legal authorities. Primary Sources ©2013 The DBQ Project This page may be reproduced for classroom use 83 Republic of Virtue, Maximillian Robespierre 1794 If the basis of popular government in peacetime is virtue, the basis of popular government during a revolution is both virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror is baneful; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing more than speedy, severe and inflexible justice; it is thus an emanation of virtue; it is less a principle in itself, than a consequence of the general principle of democracy, applied to the most pressing needs of the patrie. ​ ​ Robespierre, Speech on Revolutionary Government The theory of revolutionary government is as new as the Revolution that created it. It is as pointless to seek its origins in the books of the political theorists, who failed to foresee this revolution, as in the laws of the tyrants, who are happy enough to abuse their exercise of authority without seeking out its legal justification. And so this phrase is for the aristocracy a mere subject of terror a term of slander, for tyrants an outrage and for many an enigma. It behooves us to explain it to all in order that we may rally good citizens, at least, in support of the principles governing the public interest.It is the function of government to guide the moral and physical energies of the nation toward the purposes for which it was established.The object of constitutional government is to preserve the Republic; the object of revolutionary government is to establish it.Revolution is the war waged by liberty against its enemies; a constitution is that which crowns the edifice of freedom once victory has been won and the nation is at peace.The revolutionary government has to summon extraordinary activity to its aid precisely because it is at war. It is subjected to less binding and less uniform regulations, because the circumstances in which it finds itself are tempestuous and shifting above all because it is compelled to deploy, swiftly and incessantly, new resources to meet new and pressing dangers.The principal concern of constitutional government is civil Liberty; that of revolutionary government, public liberty. Under a constitutional government little more is required than to protect the individual against abuses by the state, whereas revolutionary government is obliged to defend the state itself against the factions that assail it from every quarter.To good citizens revolutionary government owes the full protection of the state; to the enemies of the people it owes only death. Notes: Use this graphic Organizer to keep track of your information. ​ Period of the Major Changes in Evidence Changes in Evidence Revolution Events/ the Rights People of Government this time Reign of Terror ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ C: Napoleon Bonaparte ______________________________________________ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE (History.com) ​ Who: Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), also known as Napoleon I, was a French ​ military leader and emperor who conquered much of Europe in the early 19th century. Born on the island of Corsica, Napoleon rapidly rose through the ranks of the military during the French Revolution (1789-1799). When: After seizing political power in France in a 1799 coup d’état, he crowned himself ​ emperor in 1804. Shrewd, ambitious and a skilled military strategist, Napoleon successfully waged war against various coalitions of European nations and expanded his empire. However, after a disastrous French invasion of Russia in 1812, Napoleon abdicated the throne two years later and was exiled to the island of Elba. In 1815, he briefly returned to power in his Hundred Days campaign. After a crushing defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, he abdicated once again and was exiled to the remote island of Saint Helena, where he died at 51. Napoleon’s What impact did he/this have Evidence? Document actions/decisions/etc. on people and their rights? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Primary Sources 1. Source: General Napoleon Bonaparte to Andre Francois, private ​ ​ ​ conversation in 1788 “I can no longer obey. I have tasted command. I have tasted power and I cannot give it up. I love power.” 2. Napoleon Bonaparte, 1802, shortly after being appointed Consul ​ (leader) of the French Republic “Of all our institutions public education is the most important. Everything depends on it, the present and the future. It is essential to the morals and the political ideas of the next generation. Above all it is essential to equality. I was not always a ruler. Before I became a ruler, I was a subject, and before that I was a student. I can never forget how powerfully the sentiment (feeling) ​ of equality influenced my mind and excited my heart.” 3. Source: Napoleon Bonaparte, in a letter to his brother Joseph, who ​ Napoleon had made King of Spain. “I will be master everywhere in France and of everything, as long as I have breath in my body. ​ Your character is quite different from mine. You like flattering people, and falling in with their ideas. I like people to please me, and to fall in (agree) with my ideas. I am master today.” ​ ​ 4. Source: Napoleon, in a conversation with Barry O’Meara in 1817. ​ O’Meara was Napoleon’s doctor on the island of St. Helena following Napoleon’s final defeat and exile. “I have always been of the opinion that the sovereignty (power to rule) should lay with the ​ ​ ​ people. In fact, my imperial government was a kind of republic.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Price of Revolution Alison Patrick As Patrice Gueniffey Has Noted
    The Price of Revolution 13 The Price of Revolution Alison Patrick As Patrice Gueniffey has noted, interest in the Terror as a French revolutionary phenomenon has waxed and waned, but has never disappeared, though focus and emphasis have changed from time to time. In preparation for the French 1789 bicentennial, Mitterand decided that France, unlike the United States, would not treat its revolutionary decade as a serial story, but would celebrate national liberation in a lump, with Chinese students wheeling empty bicycles at the head of the Bastille Day procession as a reminder that some countries had not yet caught up. This decision made it possible to avoid divisive areas, freeing the heirs of the Revolution to commemorate whatever they chose, but outside Paris, foreign visitors might find themselves puzzled by the range of local traditions which presumably shaped the festivities. (Exactly why did the Arles school children produce an exhibition of émigré biographies?) It would at least seem from the size and complexity of Gueniffey’s book that re-visits to the Terror are likely to continue.1 One realizes with surprise that one part of the story has still not had much attention. The normal focus has been on the development of Terror as an instrument of government policy, on the numbers and character of those affected by it, and on the crisis of Thermidor and its sequel. Gueniffey has a good deal about the political maneuvers that culminated in the events of Prairial, placing Robespierre in the centre of the stage, and the Thermidorians naturally get their share of notice.
    [Show full text]
  • Fair Shares for All
    FAIR SHARES FOR ALL JACOBIN EGALITARIANISM IN PRACT ICE JEAN-PIERRE GROSS This study explores the egalitarian policies pursued in the provinces during the radical phase of the French Revolution, but moves away from the habit of looking at such issues in terms of the Terror alone. It challenges revisionist readings of Jacobinism that dwell on its totalitarian potential or portray it as dangerously Utopian. The mainstream Jacobin agenda held out the promise of 'fair shares' and equal opportunities for all in a private-ownership market economy. It sought to achieve social justice without jeopardising human rights and tended thus to complement, rather than undermine, the liberal, individualist programme of the Revolution. The book stresses the relevance of the 'Enlightenment legacy', the close affinities between Girondins and Montagnards, the key role played by many lesser-known figures and the moral ascendancy of Robespierre. It reassesses the basic social and economic issues at stake in the Revolution, which cannot be adequately understood solely in terms of political discourse. Past and Present Publications Fair shares for all Past and Present Publications General Editor: JOANNA INNES, Somerville College, Oxford Past and Present Publications comprise books similar in character to the articles in the journal Past and Present. Whether the volumes in the series are collections of essays - some previously published, others new studies - or mono- graphs, they encompass a wide variety of scholarly and original works primarily concerned with social, economic and cultural changes, and their causes and consequences. They will appeal to both specialists and non-specialists and will endeavour to communicate the results of historical and allied research in readable and lively form.
    [Show full text]
  • Reign of Terror Lesson Plan Central Historical Question
    Reign of Terror Lesson Plan Central Historical Question: Was the main goal of the Committee of Public Safety to “protect the Revolution from its enemies”? Materials: • Copies of Timeline – Key Events of the French Revolution • Copies of Reign of Terror Textbook Excerpt • Copies of Documents A and B • Copies of Reign of Terror Guiding Questions Plan of Instruction: [NOTE: This lesson focuses on the Reign of Terror, the radical phase of the French Revolution that began in 1793. Students should be familiar with the general events of the French Revolution before participating in this lesson.] 1. Introduction: Hand out French Revolution Timeline. Read the paragraph on top together as a class. Use the timeline to review key events of the French Revolution leading up to the Reign of Terror. As you review these key events, you may want to emphasize the following: [Note: The timeline attempts to illustrate the increasing radicalization of the revolution between 1789 and 1792 by depicting the various governments that preceded the Committee of Public Safety. The main takeaway for students is that many people vied for power during the revolution; it was not a single, monolithic effort. The timeline does NOT attempt to tell the story of the Revolution, and in fact, does not include key events, such as the September Massacres, the king’s attempt to flee, etc.]. o The French Revolution began in 1789 (students should be familiar with the grievances of the Third Estate, storming of the Bastille, Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen). o Students should understand that the first phase of the French Revolution abolished the system of feudalism.
    [Show full text]
  • HSTR 352.01: French Revolution 1789-1848
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Syllabi Course Syllabi Summer 6-2016 HSTR 352.01: French Revolution 1789-1848 Linda S. Frey University of Montana - Missoula, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Frey, Linda S., "HSTR 352.01: French Revolution 1789-1848" (2016). Syllabi. 4242. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi/4242 This Syllabus is brought to you for free and open access by the Course Syllabi at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syllabi by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Summer 2016 Prof. Frey FRENCH REVOLUTION Required Reading Wright, France in Modern Times Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled Rowe, “Civilians and Warfare during the French Revolutionary Wars.” (reserve) Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution Walter, Diary of a Napoleonic Soldier Supplementary readings are available at the reserve desk at the Mansfield Library. Exams This class is only offered for a traditional grade. Midterm (tentative date June 8) will cover Wright pp. 3-56, Tocqueville, Rowe, Palmer, and readings on reserve. Final will cover Wright, pp. 57-122, Holtman, and Walter, and readings on reserve. Papers are due June 13 at the beginning of the class hour. No electronic submissions will be accepted. LATE PAPERS WILL NOT BE ACCEPTED. Length: 5-7 pages double spaced. Style: Chicago Manual of Style, Footnotes. All papers should be submitted with the usual scholarly apparatus, that is, title page, footnotes, and bibliography.
    [Show full text]
  • Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution
    Coastal Carolina University CCU Digital Commons Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Honors Theses Studies Spring 5-7-2020 Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution Christy Leigh Salinari Coastal Carolina University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Salinari, Christy Leigh, "Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution" (2020). Honors Theses. 369. https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses/369 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Studies at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution By Christy Leigh Salinari Political Science Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In the HTC Honors College at Coastal Carolina University Spring 2020 Louis E. Keiner Kimberly Hurd Hale Director of Honors Assistant Professor HTC Honors College Political Science Edwards College of Humanities and Fine Arts ABSTRACT Liberty, equality, and fraternity were the three original pillars of the French Revolution at the start in 1789. The slogan became the rallying cry for the embittered French people in their initial pursuit for political and social transformation. The French Revolution is perhaps the most prominent contemporary illustration of a violent revolution which ultimately was successful, resulting in a model of democratic government. The French Revolution reached a decade in length wherein there were countless demonstrations, massacres, wars, civil unrest, and political enlightenment.
    [Show full text]
  • Jacobins Maximilien Robespierre the Committee of Public Safety
    The Reign of Terror Jacobins The most famous political group of the French Revolution was the Jacobins. Also known as the Society of the Friends of the Constitution, the club originally met at Versailles, organized by deputies of the Estates-General (and then National Assembly). They later met as a club in Paris. By July 1790, their membership grew to about 1,200 Parisian members, with 152 affiliate clubs; the number of members continued to grew thereafter. The club’s main concern was to protect what the revolutionaries had achieved so far—and prevent any reaction from the aristocracy. This desire resulted in the Reign of Terror. The Jacobins felt that it was their duty to catch anyone suspected of opposing the Revolution. The Jacobins also led the dechristianizing movement and organized Revolutionary festivals. Maximilien Robespierre Possibly the most well-known Jacobin was Maximilien Robespierre. He was trained as a lawyer and practiced law by representing poor people. When the Estates-General was summoned in 1789, the Third Estate elected him as one of their deputies. He was thirty years old. Robespierre was a quiet, simple man, with a weak voice. Yet he was able to make himself heard. He spoke more than five hundred times during the life of the National Assembly, and it was here that he gained supporters. He was a philosopher and sided with the ideals of the Enlightenment. He used this background to help shape the Declaration of the Rights of Man. He was a proponent of everything the Declaration stood for. He believed in equal rights, the right to hold office and join the national guard, and the right to petition.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2011 Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia Anne Cabrié Forsythe College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Forsythe, Anne Cabrié, "Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia" (2011). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539626669. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-f7fy-7w09 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Comparing Terrors: State Terrorism in Revolutionary France and Russia Anne Cabrie Forsythe Richmond, Virginia Bachelors of Arts, Mary Baldwin College, January 2006 A Thesis presented to the Graduate Faculty of the College of William and Mary in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts Lyon G. Tyler Department of History The College of William and Mary January 2011 APPROVAL PAGE This Thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Anne Cabrie Forsythe Approved by the Committee, December 2010 Committee Ch&fr Associate Professor Gail M. Bossenga, History The College of William and Mary James Pinckney Harrison Professor Frederick C. Corney, History The College of William and Mary Professor Carl J. Strikwerda, History Dean of the Faculty of Arts & Sciences The College of William and Mary n4~ Associate Professor Hiroshi Kitamura, History The College of William and Mary ABSTRACT PAGE This paper compares how the National Convention and the Sovnarkom were able to declare terror and how they operated each terror in terms of their definition of revolutionary justice.
    [Show full text]
  • AP European History Mr. Blackmon the French Revolution and Napoleon Page 2
    AP European History Mr. Blackmon The French Revolution and Napoleon I. France on the Eve of the Revolution A . Major Social Groups 1. First Estate 2. Second Estate 3. Third Estate B . The First Estate: The Clergy 1. 130,000 clergymen (priests, monks, and nuns) 2. Higher Clergy: Bishops, Archbishops, Abbots a. Drawn from nobility b. Large incomes c. Generally supportive of the Second Estate 3.Lower Clergy: Parish priests a. Drawn from the Third Estate b. Quite poor c. Tended to identify with their flock d. Rural parishioners often devout and devoted to their priest e. Initially will support the Revolution C . The Second Estate: The Nobility 1.Noblesse d’epée: Ancient families 2. Nobility of the Robe: Families which had purchased or earned titles through service to the monarch. a. 400,000 out of 25,000,000 3. Court Nobility a. Centered at Versailles, wealthier, influenced by the Enlightenment b. Serve as Tax Farmers, ministers c. Some are very Reactionary: Charles, duc d’Artois (later Charles X, who had “learned nothing and forgotten nothing.” d. Some are strongly influenced by the Enlightenment (1) Louis-Phillippe, duc d’Orleans (Phillippe Egalite) (2) Marquis de Lafayette (3) Comte de Mirabeau (4) Duc de Talleyrand (5) Condorcet 4. Provincial Nobility a. Much poorer b. Quite conservative D. The Third Estate 1. Peasants: 80% a. 1,500,000 were serfs b. Peasants owned 50% of the land in France c. The peasantry is not united! AP European History Mr. Blackmon The French Revolution and Napoleon Page 2 (1) Village life was quite hierarchical (a) At the top were big farmers, who owned their own land and farmed estates as tenants.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution 1789
    Grade 10 - History Topic 3 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1789 1 Until 1789 rule by Kings States Generals Called 1789 Fall of the Bastille, July 1789 King Louis XVI of France [http://www.biography.com/people/louis-xvi-9386943] New Constitution 1789 - 1791 Republic 1792 Extremists in Power 1793 Reign of Terror 1793 - 1794 Napoleon First The Directory Consul 1795 1799 2 [http://www.biography.com/people/napoleon- 9420291] CONDITIONS IN FRANCE BEFORE 1789 The French Revolution was the result of conditions in France in the century preceding 1789. The causes are usually considered under the following headings: POLITICAL CAUSES A. THE WORKING OF THE GOVERNMENT The government was despotic, i.e. the King had absolute power. However, there were two other powerful organisations in France: i The power of the Church a. The Catholic Church owned a large amount of land. b. It was very wealthy. c. It was not subjected to ordinary laws; it had its own legal system. d. It did not pay official taxes but gave ‘presents’ to the state on a voluntary basis. e. It was socially and educationally very important. ii The Parlements of France a. These were special courts of law that had the right to register all and therefore could refuse to register a law made by the King. b. The King could use his power of ‘Lit de justice’ whereby he could in theory force the Parlements to register the law, but in fact he was afraid to use this power in case he upset the Parlements. b. The King nominated the members of the Royal Council and they were responsible to him.
    [Show full text]
  • The Invention of Modern State Terrorism During the French Revolution
    The Invention of Modern State Terrorism during the French Revolution Guillaume Ansart Synopsis This essay discusses three aspects of the Terror (September 1793–July 1794): (1) The Institutions of the Terror: The Committee of General Security, the Committee of Public Safety, and the Revolutionary Tribunal; (2) the Theory of Terror: The unity and indivisibility of the people, the category of enemy of the people, and the concept of Revolution as a state of war against aristocratic/foreign conspiracies; (3) the Language of Terror: The Terror is also a performative language, a language which embodies terror by aiming to silence all debate. In this sense, the language of Terror is Terror itself. Biography Guillaume Ansart is Associate Professor of French at Indiana University, Bloomington. His recent research has focused on the political culture of late eighteenth-century France, especially Raynal and Diderot’s Histoire des deux Indes and Condorcet, whose writings on the United States he has edited for Classiques Garnier and translated for Penn State UP (both forthcoming in 2012). Essay Originality of the Terror Terror, of course, has been used throughout history by despots and tyrants of every kind. Even under what Montesquieu, in The Spirit of the Laws (1748), called “moderate” governments (e.g. ancient republics or modern monarchies), the notion that times of crisis and exceptional circumstances, when the very survival of the body politic is at stake, may sometimes require the suspension of normal legal guarantees, was commonly accepted. Ancient Rome could and did rely many times on the institution of the dictatorship; French absolutism used the concept of raison d’État.
    [Show full text]
  • The Calendar in Revolutionary France : Perceptions of Time in Literature, Culture, Politics / Sanja Perovic
    THE C A LENDA R IN REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE One of the most unusual decisions of the leaders of the French Revolution – and one that had immense practical as well as symbolic impact – was to abandon customarily accepted ways of calculating date and time to create a revolutionary calendar. The experiment lasted from 1793 to 1805 and prompted all sorts of questions about the nature of time, ways of measuring it and its relationship to indi- vidual, community, communication and creative life. This study traces the course of the revolutionary calendar, from its cultural ori- gins to its decline and fall. Tracing the parallel stories of the calen- dar and the literary genius of its creator, Sylvain Maréchal, from the Enlightenment to the Napoleonic era, Sanja Perovic reconsiders the status of the French Revolution as the purported ‘origin’ of modern- ity, the modern experience of time and the relationship between the imagination and political action. sanja perovic is Lecturer in the French Department at King’s College London. Le calendrier républicain, Debucourt, No. 1987–49, © Musée de la Révolution française/Domaine de Vizille. THE CA LENDA R IN REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE Perceptions of Time in Literature, Culture, Politics SANJA PEROVIC King’s College London cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Mexico City Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 8ru, uk Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107025950 © Sanja Perovic 2012 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]
  • (October 2020), No. 182 Michel Biard and Marisa Linton, Terreur!
    H-France Review Volume 20 (2020) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 20 (October 2020), No. 182 Michel Biard and Marisa Linton, Terreur! La Révolution française face à ses démons, Préface de Timothy Tackett. Paris: Armand Colin, 2020. 296 pp. Notes, bibliography, and appendices. €22.90 (pb). ISBN 9782200623517; €14.99 (eb). ISBN 9782200628246. Review by Howard G. Brown, Binghamton University, State University of New York. “Disons-le nettement, la Révolution a commis des crimes. Pourquoi le dissimuler? A quoi bon les atténuations? Qu’a-t-elle besoin d’excuses? elle est immense. Oui, immense, mais furieuse; immense, mais souvent sanguinaire; immense, mais parfois féroce. Elle a réalisé par des moyens de sauvagerie un but de civilisation.”[1] Like Victor Hugo, Michel Biard and Marisa Linton believe that understanding the French Revolution requires facing its violence and excesses, even while refusing to let them become its dominant legacy. Although the authors object to the concept of “the Terror,” or even “the Reign of Terror,” as a distinct period in the French Revolution, explaining the state-authorized violence and coercion of 1793-94 remains their focus throughout. Thankfully the book’s lurid cover and sensationalist title are not matched by its content, which is resolutely scholarly.[2] The book’s purpose is to synthesize the most recent works on the period in French and in English, while offering a corrective to historians who are inclined either to discount the force of circumstances, including emotional ones, or who engage in ideological battles at the expense of true historical analysis, as the authors see it (p.
    [Show full text]