No. 494, January 26, 1990

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

No. 494, January 26, 1990 WfJRlllRI ,,1N'(lI1,, 25¢ No. 494 26 January 1990 From. Perestroika to Pogroms BloodyNationalist Strife in USSR JANUARY 22-In order to clamp down on the com­ bare the price of nationalist rampage, speculation on sacred munalist slaughter raging in the Caucasian republics, national feeling. It is a crime to push people to blind enmity, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev found it necessary to to the madness {)f fratricidal war." send in troops. After heavy fighting against Azerbaijani It is indeed: However, the violent nationalisms which nationalist partisans armed with weapons previously now threaten to rip apart the Soviet Union are the seized from the army, Soviet forces now occupy the product of six decades of Stalinist bureaucratic rule capital of Baku. Mass demonstrations are continuing, and have been intensified by Gorbachev's own policies. led by the Azerbaijani Popular Front, which is raising The immediate trigger for the decision to send troops the spectre of secession. Other Soviet forces are mov­ was the pogrom against the several thousand Arme­ ing to gain control of the area along the Azerbaijani nians who still lived in Baku. Azeri mobs-many Armenia border, which had become the front line in made up of refugees from the two-year-long blood feud a savage civil war. -dragged people out of homes, reportedly burning Addressing the Soviet people, Gorbachev explained: them alive, beating them to death and throwing them Time "The tragic events in Baku, the border areas of Azerbai­ off high balconies. Some Azerbaijanis were horrified Azerbaijani nationalists burn down border jan and Armenia, other regions of the Caucasus have laid continued on page 12 posts between USSR and Khomeiniite Iran. Trotskyists to Fight in East German Elections The Spartakist-Arbeiterpartei Deutsch­ The imperialists and their front men lands (SAPD-Spartakist Workers Party had expected the ruling SED (Socialist of Germany), founded at a meeting in 'Spartaki~t Workers Party Founded Unity Party) to simply dissolve as in East Berlin on January 21, has an­ Hungary or, following the Polish exam­ nounced that it will present candidates ple, to meekly make way for a capitalist and participate on a Leninist program in press, stepped-up pressure for reunifica­ Leipzig demonstrations, and the first acts government after an expected rout in the the 6 May 1990 elections to the Volks­ tion from the West German government, of violence in Berlin. The capitalists elections scheduled for May 6. (And kammer, the parliament of the German demands for unlimited penetration of want to put a stop to the so far peaceful e indeed the recent defection of the SED Democratic Republic (DDR). Representa­ capital from Frankfurt. bankers, anti­ development of a political revolution Dresden mayor and his group in the tives of the Spartakist-Gruppen and the Communist witchhunt propaganda in the against Stalinist bureaucratic rule. continued on page 5 Trotzkistische Liga Deutschlands joined in forming the SAPD for that purpose. "With this election campaign, the Spartakist-Arbei terpartei Deutschlands seeks to mobilize against the sellout of the DDR, bringing to the broad masses • of working people the program for polit­ ical rule of workers and soldiers coun­ cils and their allies-in particular white­ collar employees, pensioners, collective farmers, members of the intelligentsia, students and pupils-as well as for forging a truly internationalist Leninist party in all of Germany," a press release stated. Among the documents upon which the party was founded are "What Do the Spartacists Want" (see WV No. 492, 29 December 1989) and the "Open Letter to All Communists" (see page 10). Since the beginning of the year, big sections of the bourgeoisie have gone . Spartakis! all out to provoke a crisis in the DDR: 30 December 1989-Spartakist banner at Treptow Park anti-fascist demonstration: "For the Communism of Lenln­ scare-mongering headlines in the Western Liebknecht-Luxemburgl For a Leninist-Egalitarian Party'" - tation of the Third World? undergoes racial purification. Ar~rekorr I believe that to make this possible Economically the' DDR and the A.Letter to demands far more of the Soviet USSR, especially in the framework of Union than it does of us, but it could federative union, could be made to Soviet Socialist Republics? Ifthe Sovi­ give us a viable economic and social fit well together; and if Kaliningrad The following letter is appearing in et Union, through the decisive interven­ way out of our present crisis, and (Konigsberg) became a town in the ArbeiterpressekorrespondenzNo. 20, 26 tion of the conscious and organized with fundamentally more freedom than DDR of the USSR, it could become an January 1990. Soviet working classes, were to eradi­ by being seized by the BRD with its anti-imperialist bastion in a region of cate Stalinism, introduce multi-party capitalist instability, its Berufsverbot ill-advised nationalist and capitalist restorationist unrest. 19 January 1990 democracy, maintain the collective [blacklisting] and virulent nationalism ownership of the basic means of pro­ and inhumanity. As things now stand, The qualitative reduction of internal Arbeiterpressekorrespondenz duction, reaffirm the right of separa­ one of the revanchist .ideas is to ex­ security forces, i.e., their elimination as tion of nations in the union who are not pel the Turkish population, including organs suppressing legitimate and even Dear Comrades, carrying through capitalist counter­ those born in Germany, and replace intemperate internal dissent, could be Shouldn't we consider, subject to revolution-would we not be better their labor with that of East Ger­ a strong financial source for the selec­ profound transformations in the Soviet off than to be thrown into the pit of mans and Volksdeutsche[ethnic Ger­ tive recapitalization of the industrial Union-many of which are essentially imperialist capitalism with its violent mans from East Europe], while creating base of both areas and for' the ecolog­ identical to those which we in the DDR economic crises, its illegalization of neocolonial spheres in which non­ ical cleansing of noxious industrial face today, if we repel the current hys­ abortion, its underlying threat of wars Aryans would labor in places like Po­ waste. terical assault to drive us into the for spheres of influence, a capitalism land or the western Ukraine "Lebens­ Best greetings, arms ofthe BRD-joining the Union of which sits astride the ruthless exploi- raum" while the Fourth Reich itself A sympathetic reader January 15 is the 71st anniversary of the murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Karl Liebknecht Luxemburg, victims of the bloody repression organized by the Social Democracy to smash the January 1919 Spartacus uprising. For decades, the Social Democrats have Brothers, Comrades, Friends! The day tried to hide their bloody crime by attempting to transform Liebknecht and Luxemburg on which the first Congress of Workers into social-democratic reformists. But the co-founders of the Communist Party of and Soldiers Councils meets is of historic Germany were murdered because they stood with Lenin for workers soviet power rather importance. The first task of this Con­ than bourgeois parliamentarism, as the following quotes show: gress is to defend the revolution, to put down the counterrevolution. Disarming of all generals and officers, Dietz Verlag Berlin the dissolution of the previous command, ~.I. Lenin the founding of a Red Guard to carry out regime, which has become the represen­ tative ofcapitalism. We demand from the The revolution in Germany-which is the social revolution. The conscription of the remnants of the counterrevolution, Congress that it take full political power particularly important and characteristic into its hands for the purpose of carrying as one of the most advanced capitalist and that includes-I say this even though it may anger misled proletarians-a-the out socialism, and that it not transfer countries-at once assumed "Soviet" power to a National Assembly which forms. The whole course of the German Ebert-Scheidemann government. (Stormy calls: Down with the Scheidemannsl) cannot be an organ of the revolution. We revolution, and particularly the struggle demand of the Congress of the [workers of the Spartacists, i.e., the true and only Because documentary evidence shows that all the threads of counterrevolution and soldiers] councils that it extend its representatives ofthe proletariat, against hand to our Russian brothers and request the alliance of those treacherous scoun­ come together in the Ebert-Scheidemann regime. Yesterday Ebert demanded that delegates from the Russians. We seek drels, the Scheidemanns and Stidekums, world revolution and the unity of prole­ with the bourgeoisie-all this clearly his powers be further expanded. (Vigor­ ous protests againstEbert.) Presently we tarians ofall countries under workers and shows how history has formulated the soldiers councils. question in relation to Germany: have in Germany not a socialist but a "Soviet power" or the bourgeois par­ capitalist republic. Thesocialist republic -"To the All-German Soviet liament, no matter under what signboard must first be brought forth by the prole­ Congress," Die Rote Fahne, tariat through struggle against the current 17 December 1918 (such as "National" or "Constituent" As­ ., .... sembly) it may appear. Progress Publishers That is how world history has formu­ lated the question. Now, this can and by another. The proletarian state is a Rosa Luxemburg • Build a proletarian Red Guard for must be said without any exaggeration. machine for tlfe suppression of the bour­ ongoing defense of the revolution and "Soviet power" is the second historical geoisie by the proletariat. Such suppres­ Abolition of capital's domination and train a workers' militia in order to organ­ step, or stage, in the development of the sion is necessary because of the furious, achievement of a socialist order: that and ize the entire proletariat to be on guard proletarian dictatorship. The first step .desperate resistance put up by the land­ nothing less is the historic theme of the at all times ...
Recommended publications
  • The Rhetorical Crisis of the Fall of the Berlin Wall
    THE RHETORICAL CRISIS OF THE FALL OF THE BERLIN WALL: FORGOTTEN NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL DIRECTIONS A Dissertation by MARCO EHRL Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, Nathan Crick Committee Members, Alan Kluver William T. Coombs Gabriela Thornton Head of Department, J. Kevin Barge August 2018 Major Subject: Communication Copyright 2018 Marco Ehrl ABSTRACT The accidental opening of the Berlin Wall on November 9th, 1989, dismantled the political narratives of the East and the West and opened up a rhetorical arena for political narrators like the East German citizen movements, the West German press, and the West German leadership to define and exploit the political crisis and put forward favorable resolutions. With this dissertation, I trace the neglected and forgotten political directions as they reside in the narratives of the East German citizen movements, the West German press, and the West German political leadership between November 1989 and February 1990. The events surrounding November 9th, 1989, present a unique opportunity for this endeavor in that the common flows of political communication between organized East German publics, the West German press, and West German political leaders changed for a moment and with it the distribution of political legitimacy. To account for these new flows of political communication and the battle between different political crisis narrators over the rhetorical rights to reestablish political legitimacy, I develop a rhetorical model for political crisis narrative. This theoretical model integrates insights from political crisis communication theories, strategic narratives, and rhetoric.
    [Show full text]
  • Document 21:</B>
    Volume 10. One Germany in Europe, 1989 – 2009 The Storming of the Stasi Headquarters (January 16, 1990) The PDS-led government’s plan to merely restructure – rather than disband – the hated secret police [Stasi] prompted angry citizens to storm its headquarters. Their goal was to force the complete dissolution of the Stasi, but also to preserve the organization’s voluminous records, which contained incontrovertible evidence of its repressive activities. The following account of the storming of the headquarters appeared in Neues Deutschland. First Stormed, then Ravaged Calls to Remain Calm Go Unheeded/ Hans Modrow Appeals to Reason From our Reporters Klaus Morgenstern and Wolfgang Richter Berlin. At 5 P.M., the first demonstrators climbed the gate. Under pressure from the masses, the police opened the steel entry gate to the headquarters of the former Office of State Security in Berlin. Tens of thousands stormed the entrances on Rusche and Normannen streets. On banners and in chants they expressed their indignation at the hesitant dissolution of the state security service in Berlin, crying “Stasi to the mines,” “Down with the Stasi,” and “No pardon for the Stasi or there’ll be trouble.” The New Forum had called for a peaceful “demonstration against Stasi and Nasi*” last Thursday during a demonstration at the Volkskammer. But as events progressed on Monday, the organizers gradually lost control. The first to enter charged to House 18, a block of offices and supply rooms. Stones smashed the glass entrance, clearing the way into the building. A large, howling crowd stormed the multistory building. Papers and furniture flew to the pavement from shattered windows.
    [Show full text]
  • The Myth of a No-NATO-Enlargement Pledge to Russia
    Mark Kramer The Myth of a No-NATO-Enlargement Pledge to Russia In the latter half of the 1990s, as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was preparing to expand its membership for the first time since the admission of Spain in 1982, Russian officials claimed that the entry of former Warsaw Pact countries into NATO would violate a solemn ‘‘pledge’’ made by the governments of West Germany and the United States in 1990 not to bring any former Communist states into the alliance.1 Anatolii Adamishin, who was Soviet deputy foreign minister in 1990, claimed in 1997 that ‘‘we were told during the German reunification process that NATO would not expand.’’2 Other former Soviet officials, including Mikhail Gorbachev, made similar assertions in 1996—1997. Some Western analysts and former officials, including Jack F. Matlock, who was the U.S. ambassador to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1990, endorsed this view, arguing that Gorbachev received a ‘‘clear commitment that if Germany united, and stayed in NATO, the borders of NATO would not move eastward.’’3 Pointing to comments recorded by the journalists Michael Beschloss and Strobe Talbott, former U.S. defense secretary Robert McNamara averred that ‘‘the United States pledged never to expand NATO eastward if Moscow would agree to the unification of Germany.’’4 According to this view, ‘‘the Clinton administration reneged on that commitment ...when it decided to expand NATO to Eastern Europe.’’5 These assertions were sharply challenged at the time by other observers, including former U.S. policymakers who played a direct role in the German reunification process.
    [Show full text]
  • Exhibition Concept “Revolution and the Fall of the Wall” Open-Air Exhibition in the Stasi Headquarters in Berlin- Lichtenberg
    Exhibition Concept “Revolution and the Fall of the Wall” Open-Air Exhibition in the Stasi Headquarters in Berlin- Lichtenberg The Exhibition The exhibition deals with the causes, background and course of the Peaceful Revolution as well as the complex motives of those involved. The formerly divided city of Berlin provides the ideal conditions for illustrating the German-German aspects and the power bloc confrontation of its postwar history. Since the revolution did not end with the fall of the Berlin Wall, a good third of the exhibition recalls the period from November 1989 onwards, narrates the events up until the free elections in March 1990 and describes the exciting road towards German unity and, moreover, to the first all-German elections in December 1990. The exhibition focuses on East Germans who overcame their fear and took their fate into their own hands. They compelled politicians to act and ‘made history’. Oppositional activities are shown which – initiated by small groups of people – soon grew into larger movements, as well as the activities of the new grassroots movements and parties, the courageous demonstrations and the helpless reactions of the communist authorities. Many people voted with their feet and left the country while others wanted to reform the GDR. Together, they toppled the Socialist Unity Party (SED) dictatorship. An increasing number of people took a stand against hopelessness, decline and stagnation in society, demanding freedom of travel and free elections. Just how rapidly events progressed can be seen from the fact that, in the local elections in May 1989, around 90 percent of people still voted for the government-backed candidate list on the GDR ballot paper and, only six months later, hundreds of thousands took to the streets and called into question the SED’s claim to power.
    [Show full text]
  • Legitimation, Repression and Co-Optation in the German Democratic Republic Udo Grashoff
    Legitimation, Repression and Co-optation in the German Democratic Republic Udo Grashoff I. Legitimation and Legitimacy of the SED Rule The German Democratic Republic (GDR) was created by the Soviet power. Therefore, all efforts to gain acceptance of its own people should be considered as actions to compensate for its general intrinsic lack of legitimacy as a nation state.1 Moreover, the idea of nationalism in East Germany took on a subversive meaning because of the division of Germany. The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) claimed to represent all Germans, which made the political leadership of the “Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands” (SED, “Socialist Unity Party of Germany”) seem questionable. The communist Party could only partly rely on national values and was forced to establish substitutes. Furthermore, the permanent rivalry between the two German states and the fact that communists were a minority within the East German society put strong pressure on the SED to legitimize its dictatorship. 1. Normative Justification of the Rule: Communism as the Ultimate Aim Throughout 1945/46 to 1990, the SED used Marxist-Leninist ideology as the basic justification for its claim to power in all stages of its rule. At the core of this oversimplified historical materialism lay the belief that the communists not only knew the law of historical development but were also able to control social progress. Hence, the constitutionally stated leading role of the SED was legitimized by the idea that the party should act as the executor of the historical law that would lead towards a classless society. This idea allows the designation of the GDR as an ideocracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Labor in the Collapse of the GDR and Reunification: a Crucial, Yet Overlooked Actor
    Labor in the Collapse of the GDR and Reunification: A Crucial, Yet Overlooked Actor Dissertation zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie eingereicht an der Philosophischen Fakultät I (Fachbereich Geschichte) der Humboldt Universität zu Berlin von Mathieu Denis Präsident der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin: Prof. Dr. Dr. hc. Christoph Markschies Dekan der Philosophischen Fakultät I: Prof. Dr. Michael Borgolte Gutachter: 1. Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Hartmut Kaelble 2. Prof. Dr. Yves Sintomer (Université Paris 8) Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 31.05.2007 Abstract Was labour involved in the events of 1989-1990 in Germany? Most studies of the East Ger- man revolution and the subsequent unification of Germany say no. This study argues in the opposite direction and by contextualizing the dynamics of East and West German labour of- fers a new picture of supposedly well-known events. The study explores the different ways in which East and West German labour became crucial actors in 1989-1990. It first enlightens the participation of East German workers to the revolu- tion, by revealing the multifaceted overlapping of developments in the shop floors and the streets. Dynamics within labour, the work shows, were a core constituent of the political proc- esses that marked GDR's end. The analysis then focuses on the politics of four West German unions (metal, chemistry, me- dia, and public service) and of their federation (DGB) and unearths the setting up of a tripar- tite crisis management of the East German economic reforms, between the West German gov- ernment, employers and unions. Set up as early as February 1990, this formal and informal agreement led to the adjunction of the "social" dimension to the Monetary, Economic and Social Union of May 1990, i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Commissioner for the Stasi Files Johannes Legner
    Key Institutions of German Democracy Number 7 COMMISSIONER FOR THE STASI FILES JOHANNES LEGNER GERMAN ISSUES 28 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University COMMISSIONER FOR THE STASI FILES JOHANNES LEGNER GERMAN ISSUES 28 The American Institute for Contemporary German Studies (AICGS) is a center for advanced research, study, and discussion on the politics, culture, and society of the Federal Republic of Germany. Established in 1983 and affiliated with The Johns Hopkins University but governed by its own Board of Trustees, AICGS is a privately incorporated institute dedicated to independent, critical, and comprehensive analysis and assessment of current German issues. Its goals are to help develop a new generation of American scholars with a thorough understanding of contemporary Germany, deepen American knowledge and understanding of current German developments, contribute to American policy analysis of problems relating to Germany, and promote interdisciplinary and comparative research on Germany. Executive Director: Jackson Janes Board of Trustees, Cochair: Fred H. Langhammer Board of Trustees, Cochair: Dr. Eugene A. Sekulow The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©2003 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-74-1 Additional copies of this AICGS German Issue are available from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite
    [Show full text]
  • The Constitutional Law of German Unification , 50 Md
    Maryland Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 3 Article 3 The onsC titutional Law of German Unification Peter E. Quint Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Peter E. Quint, The Constitutional Law of German Unification , 50 Md. L. Rev. 475 (1991) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol50/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. m@ :::z::::: :::::: ::: . : ' " ' ... 0... .. = . ... ..... .. .... ..... -'.'. :. ~......>.. -.., ....... .. ...... _ .- :i..:""- ............ .:!........ :. !!:"° S. ... .. .. MARYLAND LAW REVIEW VOLUME 50 1991 NUMBER 3 © Copyright Maryland Law Review, Inc. 1991 Articles THE CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF GERMAN UNIFICATION PETER E. QUINT* TABLE OF CONTENTS MAP: GERMANY, 1945 INTRODUCTION .............................................. 476 I. UNION AND DISUNION IN GERMAN HISTORY ............. 478 II. THE LEGAL STATUS OF GERMANY, 1945-1989 .......... 480 III. POLITICAL REVOLUTION IN THE GDR, 1989-1990 ....... 483 IV. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THE GDR, 1989-1990 .... 488 A. Background: The 1968/74 Constitution of the GDR ... 488 B. Proposalsfor a New GDR Constitution-The Round Table Draft ....................................... 493 C. Amending the GDR Constitution-The Old Volkskammer and the Modrow Government ........................ 496 Copyright © 1991 by Peter E. Quint. * Professor of Law, University of Maryland. A.B., Harvard University, 1961; LL.B., 1964; Diploma in Law, Oxford University, 1965. For valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article I am grateful to Winfried Brugger, Thomas Giegerich, Eckart Klein, Alexander Reuter, William Reynolds, Edward Tomlinson, and Giinther Wilms.
    [Show full text]
  • Stasi State Or Socialist Paradise?
    Stasi State or Workers’ Paradise – socialism in the German Democratic Republic and what became of it by Bruni de la Motte & John Green First published in Britain in 2015 Copyright © John Green & Bruni de la Motte Designed by Michal Boncza Printed by ACIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978-0-9558228-6-5 Artery Publications, 11 Dorset Road, London W5 4HU Contents Introduction A difficult birth - how the GDR came about A more egalitarian society Social ethos – the community spirit Equal rights for women Childcare Young people Social wage Voluntary work Education A comprehensive system for all age groups The polytechnic principle Economy Workers’ rights Pros and cons of central planning Farming and Co-operatives Public transport Health service Culture, media and sport Freedom and democracy Justice and legal rights Religious freedom The state security services Internationalism and foreign aid The demise of the GDR The fall of the Wall Currency union The Treuhand and the asset-stripping process The so-called old debts The decapitation of the GDR’s intellectual workforce Housing vultures Women – the biggest losers East Germans treated worse than the Nazis Conclusion Notes Bibliography Foreword History is famously written by the victors. Nowhere is that more obvious than in the former communist states of central and eastern Europe. Their successor governments have systematically sought to demonise or even punish any attempt to recognise the social and economic achievements of east European- style socialism, alongside its constantly rehearsed failures and injustices. The more their citizens balk at such a one-sided account of their own lived experiences, the more any honest or remotely sympathetic discussion of the experience of post-war European communism is met with official denunciation and legal bans, from Hungary to Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Erich Mielke's Last Gift
    Erich Mielke’s Last Gift The Legacy of the Stasi in the Middle East: From the German Democratic Republic to the Islamic State Saskia Pothoven 3987868 Supervisor: Prof. Dr. B.A. de Graaf MA Research Thesis International Relations in Historical Perspective 2 | Abstract [Page intentionally left blank] Erich Mielke’s Last Gift | 3 Abstract This thesis examines to what extent the way the Islamic State operates can be traced back to the intelligence relationship between the Stasi and the Ba’ath party in Iraq during the 1970s and 1980s. As an explorative research, it aims to map potential continuities between the Stasi and the Islamic State with regard to both the organizational structure of the Islamic State’s intelligence apparatus, as well as its operational techniques. In the first chapter, the ideological role of the Stasi within the GDR is examined. In the second chapter, materials from the Stasi archives are analysed to determine the extent of the intelligence relationship between the Stasi and the Ba’ath, and to see how this relationship has influenced the intelligence apparatus of the Ba’ath. In the third chapter, the intelligence apparatus of the Islamic State and its link with the Ba’ath are explored. In order to trace such continuities, a framework of different degrees of influence has been developed, which ranges from level 1 (low) to level 4 (high). There are several similarities, in organizational structure, as well as in the extent of surveillance of citizens, and the heavy use of informants, that indicate that the intelligence apparatus of the Islamic State has been indirectly influenced by the Stasi support to the Iraqi Ba’ath party.
    [Show full text]
  • German Historical Institute London Bulletin
    German Historical Institute London Bulletin Bd. 25 2003 Nr. 2 Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. THE COLLAPSE OF THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC AND THE ROLE OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC* by Manfred Görtemaker The experts had it all wrong. Only months before the collapse of the German Democratic Republic most observers insisted that the ques- tion facing Germany was no longer reunification, but rather how two states could come to terms with each other within the framework of East–West stability and European security. For instance, the editor of the German weekly Die Zeit, Theo Sommer, noted as late as Sept- ember 1989: ‘We are not an inch closer to reunification than a year ago, or five or ten years ago. ... The issue of German unity is not hot- ter than ever. On the contrary: it is on one of the back burners of world politics, and there is no fire under the pot.’1 One leading American expert on Germany, James A. McAdams from Princeton University, even maintained that the GDR had built ‘authority after the Wall’ and was now potentially more stable than the Federal Republic.2 And Sommer and McAdams were not alone.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emigration Movement by Signing the CSCE Final Act in 1975, The
    The first part of this presentation will refer The emigration movement to socio-political contexts and non-state actor By signing the CSCE Final Act in 1975, the groups from the period before 1989, while the GDR had committed itself to respecting human second part will focus on the dynamics from rights and fundamental freedoms. This also 1989/90 up to the day the GDR acceded to the included freedom of travel and emigration. jurisdiction of the FRG’s (Federal Republic of From 1977 onwards, GDR citizens were able to Germany’s) Grundgesetz (Constitution) on 3 apply for an emigration permit. Between 1961 October 1990. Starting in 1990, these dynamics and 1988, more than 380,000 people officially were largely co-determined by external actor left the GDR, about 222,000 people left the groups. GDR by routes of escape, prisoner trade or not THEREWOMEN ISAS returning to the GDR from an approved visit ACTORS NO JUSTICE Actor groups in the 1980s to the West. The waves of emigration had THEREIN THE IS WITHOUT Despite, or perhaps because of, the relatively dramatic consequences, especially through UPHEAVALS SOLIDARITY.NO FREEDOM OF 1989/90 high standard of living compared to other the devastating loss of well-trained skilled WITHOUT Eastern Bloc countries, the dissatisfaction workers and academics. Although felt by DIVERSITY. of the people in the GDR grew in the 1980s. everyone throughout the entire GDR, these Their lack of individual liberty, freedom consequences were neither publicly mentioned of the press, democratic basic rights, as nor discussed. well as the progress of socialism constantly heralded by party and state leadership had The peace, human rights, increased the distance to the state to the point and environmental movement critical of estrangement for many people.
    [Show full text]