Ma Quale Pino Rauti “Fascista”!
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El MSI Y El Lugar Del Fascismo En La Cultura Política Italiana = the Msi and the Role of Fascism in Italian Political Culture
El msi y El luGar DEl Fascismo En la cultura Política italiana The msi and the role of fascism in Italian political culture Ferran GallEGo Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona Fecha de recepción: 17 de febrero; revisión: 17 de mayo; aceptación definitiva: 23 de octubre rEsumEn: En este trabajo se analiza el papel del movimiento social italiano en la política del país transalpino del siglo xx. la clave de su influencia estaría en las peculiaridades del régimen político surgido de las ruinas del fascismo. con la proclamación de la república muchos fascistas se enrolaron en las filas de la Democracia cristiana y otros partidos de la derecha, dejando al msi como único heredero del fascismo. Eso no le impidió colaborar con la Democracia cristiana a través de la estrategia del «inserimento». cuando la Democracia cristiana empezó su aproximación al Partido socialista italiano, el msi se vio claramente excluido y situado en una posición relativamente marginal. su resurgimiento estará relacio- nado con los cambios radicales ocurridos en la política italiana en las décadas de los sesenta y setenta que propiciaran la llegada al liderazgo de Giorgio almirante en 1969. El msi se presentará como un partido restaurador del orden y dispuesto a combatir por sí mismo la subversión. Durante los años 80 el msi se moverá entre la estrategia del Partido-Protesta de almirante y la idea de un partido de la sociedad civil defendido por rauti. al final, el msi, tras el cambio de liderazgo de almirante por Gianfranco Fini, inició un nuevo camino donde se afirmaba la lealtad a los valores del fascismo, corroborado por la crisis del comunismo. -
Secrets and Bombs: the Piazza Fontana Bombing and the Strategy of Tension - Luciano Lanza
Secrets and Bombs: The Piazza Fontana bombing and the Strategy of Tension - Luciano Lanza Secrets and Bombs 21: TIMETABLE – A Basic Chronology (with video links) January 29, 2012 // 1 2 Votes Gladio (Italian section of the Clandestine Planning Committee (CPC), founded in 1951 and overseen by SHAPE (Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe) 1969 25 April — Two bombs explode in Milan: one at the FIAT stand at the Trade Fair and another at the bureau de change in the Banca Nazionale delle Communicazione at Central Station. Dozens are injured but none seriously. AnarchistsEliane Vincileone, Giovanni Corradini, Paolo Braschi,Paolo Faccioli, Angelo Piero Della Savia and Tito Pulsinelliare arrested soon after. 2 July — Unified Socialist Party (PSU), created out of an amalgamation of the PSI and the PSDI on 30 October 1966, splits into the PSI and the PSU. 5 July — Crisis in the three-party coalition government (DC, PSU and PRI) led by Mariano Rumor. 5 August — Rumor takes the helm of a single party (DC — Christian Democrat) government. 9 August — Ten bombs planted on as many trains. Eight explode and 12 people are injured. 7 December — Corradini and Vincileone are released from jail for lack of evidence. Gladio 12 December — Four bombs explode. One planted in the Banca Nazionale dell’Agricoltura in the Piazza Fontana in Milan claims 16 lives and wounds a further hundred people. In Rome a bomb explodes in the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, wounding 14, and two devices go off at the cenotaph in the Piazza Venezia, wounding 4. Another bomb — unexploded — is discovered at the Banca Commerciale in the Piazza della Scala in Milan. -
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European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits. -
Criticism of “Fascist Nostalgia” in the Political Thought of the New Right
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3866 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 3 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.6 JOANNA SONDEL-CEDARMAS ORCID: 0000-0002-3037-9264 Uniwersytet Jagielloński Criticism of “fascist nostalgia” in the political thought of the New Right The seizure of power by the National Liberation Committee on 25th April, 1945 and the establishment of the republic on 2nd June, 1946 constituted the symbolic end to Mussolini’s dictatorship that had lasted for more than 20 years. However, it emerged relatively early that fascism was not a defi nitively closed chapter in the political and social life of Italy. As early as June of 1946, after the announcement of a presidential decree granting amnesty for crimes committed during the time of the Nazi-Fascist occupation between 1943 and 1945, the country saw a withdrawal from policies repressive towards fascists.1 Likewise, the national reconciliation policy gradually implemented in the second half of the 1940s by the government of Alcide De Gasperi, aiming at pacifying the nation and fostering the urgent re- building of the institution of the state, contributed to the emergence of ambivalent approaches towards Mussolini’s regime. On the one hand, Italy consequently tried to build its institutional and political order in clear opposition towards fascism, as exemplifi ed, among others, by a clause in the Constitution of 1947 that forbade the establishment of any form of fascist party, as well as the law passed on 20th June, 1 Conducted directly after the end of WW II, the epurazione action (purifi cation) that aimed at uprooting fascism, was discontinued on 22nd June 1946, when a decree of president Enrico De Nicola granting amnesty for crimes committed during the Nazi-Fascist occupation of Italy between 1943–1945 was implemented. -
0714685003.Pdf
CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. -
Introduction to Part I
2_BULL-INTRO1P017-028 3/10/07 15:04 Page 17 Part I Villains? The Judicial Truth 2_BULL-INTRO1P017-028 3/10/07 15:04 Page 18 2_BULL-INTRO1P017-028 3/10/07 15:04 Page 19 Introduction to Part I Stragismo, as discussed in Chapter 1, refers to a bombing campaign which started in the late 1960s and lasted for several years, causing a high toll in terms of the number of people killed and wounded. Initially, investigations targeted extreme- left, especially anarchist, groups (the so-called ‘red trail’), since the available evi- dence appeared to point in their direction. Later investigations started to probe an alternative path, the so-called ‘black trail’, which pointed the finger at extreme- right groups as the culprits for the massacres, albeit acting in ways that would pin the blame upon the extreme left. In connection to this discovery, investigating magistrates also brought to light the existence of a strategy, which became widely known as the Strategy of Tension, whose aim was to create an atmosphere of sub- version and fear in the country so as to promote a turn to an authoritarian type of government. Since the strategy was mainly directed at containing communism in Italy (especially in the light of the formation of centre-left governments from 1963, and increasing unrest on the part of students and workers in 1968 and 1969), it was an essential part of this strategy that the threat of political subversion should be seen as coming from the left, not from the right. This explained to many why much of the early evidence had appeared to point in the direction of anarchist groups. -
L'attivita' Di Guerin Serac E Dell'aginter Press L'attivita
L’ATTIVITA’ DI GUERIN SERAC E DELL’AGINTER PRESS L’ATTIVITA’ DELL’AGINTER PRESS PREMESSA GENERALE L’APPUNTO S.I.D. DEL 16.12.1969 Nel maggio del 1974, un gruppo di militanti appartenenti al nuovo Governo portoghese, nato dalla Rivoluzione dei Garofani dell’aprile precedente, faceva irruzione nei locali di un’agenzia di stampa al civico 13 di Rua des Pracas, a Lisbona, dove un funzionario della PIDE, l’ex polizia politica del regime salazarista, aveva rivelato celarsi, sotto la copertura dell’agenzia AGINTER PRESS, una centrale di informazioni che aveva lavorato per la PIDE stessa. Nei locali semi-abbandonati dell’agenzia, frequentata saltuariamente solo da un impiegato dopo gli eventi del 25.4.1974, veniva rinvenuta, oltre a un enorme archivio con documenti e microfilm riguardanti ogni Continente e Paese del mondo, un’officina per la fabbricazione di falsi documenti, comprese tessere di giornalisti e di poliziotti, di numerosi Paesi nonchè visti e timbri relativi alle principali frontiere europee. Venivano anche rinvenuti documenti commerciali concernenti transazioni di notevole entità e libri contabili riguardanti i pagamenti di singoli militanti indicati con sigle e nomi cifrati. L’esame della documentazione proseguiva presso la Commissione di smantellamento della PIDE e, secondo i risultati di tale inchiesta, l’AGINTER PRESS era stata, sino all’aprile 1974, un centro di eversione internazionale, finanziato non solo dal Governo portoghese ma anche da altri Governi europei, dietro cui si celava: - un centro spionistico legato ai servizi segreti portoghesi e ad altri servizi segreti occidentali quali la C.I.A. e la rete tedesco-occidentale GEHLEN; - un centro di reclutamento e di addestramento di mercenari e terroristi specializzati in attentati e sabotaggi soprattutto nei Paesi del Terzo Mondo; - un’organizzazione fascista internazionale denominata “ORDRE ET TRADITION” e il suo braccio militare O.A.C.I. -
Men Among the Ruins
MEN AMONG THE RUINS Postwar Reflections of a Radical Traditionalist By: JULIUS EVOLA Translated by Guido Stucco Edited by Michael Moynihan Inner Traditions Rochester, Vermont CONTENTS Editor's Note vi Foreword by Joscelyn Godwin vii Preface to the American Edition by Dr. H. T Hansen xi Introduction: Julius Evola's Political Endeavors by Dr. H. T Hansen 1 Preface to the Third Italian Edition (1972) 105 Introduction by Prince J. Valerio Borghese 107 1. Revolution_____Counterrevolution—Tradition 112 2. Sovereignty—Authority—Imperium 122 3. Personality—Freedom—Hierarchy 133 4. Organic State—Totalitarianism 148 5. Bonapartism—Machiavellianism—Elitism 156 6. Work—The Demonic Nature of the Economy 165 7. History—Historicism 178 8. Choice of Traditions 182 9. Military Style—"Militarism"—War 193 10. Tradition—Catholicism—Ghibellinism 204 11. Realism—Communism—Anti bourgeoisie 217 12. Economy and Politics_____Corporations—Unity of Work 224 13. Occult War—Weapons of the Occult War 235 14. Latin Character—Roman World—Mediterranean Soul 252 15. The Problem of Births 266 16. Form and Presuppositions of a United Europe 274 Appendix: Evola's Autodifesa (Self-Defense Statement) 287 Notes 298 EDITOR'S NOTE For the present English edition, we have endeavored to convey precis ely Evola's own system of terminology. Thus the reader will note the capitalization of words like Tradition (when used by Evola to denote a transcendent spiritual tradition), Idea, Land, Leader, Mothers (Evola utilizes this term in a sense inspired by J. J. Bachofen), Orders (referring to Knightly Orders, Mannerbunde, etc.), and the State. We have attempted to follow the precedent of the Italian edition (Rome: Volpe, 1972) as closely as possible in this respect. -
Panorama - Dopo Almirante - Parla Il Leader Dell'ala Dura Del MSI - All'armi, Siam Ecologisti
Panorama - Dopo Almirante - Parla il leader dell'ala dura del MSI - All'armi, siam ecologisti Ex-fascista? Ma se mi occupo di ambiente, di territorio, di droga! Gli anni di Ordine nuovo? Non capivo che il mondo era cambiato. Rauti parla a ruota libera di sé, di Craxi, di Almirante, di Fini. E confessa un amore per un leader di sinistra. Dopo la morte di Giorgio Almirante e di Pino Romualdi, è l’ultima figura carismatica del MSI, un partito il cui declino elettorale sembra inarrestabile. Di Pino Rauti, romano, 62 anni, c’è un mito e c’è una realtà. Il mito è quello del diciassettenne che si arruolò volontario nella RSI e combattè fino all’ultima raffica; quello dell’allievo di Julius Evo!a, il filosofo paralizzato alle gambe che nei primi anni Cinquanta predicava il rovesciamento del sistema parlamentare; quello del fondatore di «Ordine nuovo”, il gruppo estremista da cui venne più di un protagonista del terrorismo nero. La realtà del Rauti odierno è molto di versa. Un po’ curvo dagli anni, gli occhiati spessi da miope, l’aria di chi ne ha trascorse molte e ne è cresciuto in saggezza, è tuttora l’idolo della gioventù missina. Eurodeputato scrupolosissimo, a Strasburgo si occupa di cose molto diverse da quelle cui lo ammaestrò Evola. Non più il no secco e altero al Sistema, ma questioni concrete, per esempio come utilizzare gli edifici religiosi dissacrati. A Sorrento, il dicembre scorso, Rauti venne sconfitto di misura da Gianfranco Fini nella corsa alla segreteria del MSI. Adesso, al primo appuntamento elettorale dopo la morte di Almirante il MSI ha perso voti anche in alcune delle sue roccaforti tradizionali. -
Dal Movimento Sociale Italiano Ad Alleanza Nazionale Da Almirante a Fini Pietro Blandini
1 Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Cattedra di Storia e teoria dei movimenti e dei partiti politici Dal Movimento Sociale Italiano ad Alleanza Nazionale Da Almirante a Fini Pietro Blandini Prof. Andrea Ungari RELATORE Pietro Blandini – Matricola 084562 CANDIDATO Anno Accademico 2019-2020 2 Indice Introduzione 4 1. Almirante e Fini 6 1. Giorgio Almirante 6 1.1 L’infanzia, i primi lavori come giornalista e il fascismo (1914-1945) 6 1.2 Il dopoguerra e la latitanza (1945-1946) 7 1.3 La fondazione del Movimento Sociale Italiano (1946) 8 1.4 La prima (breve) segreteria e gli anni dell’opposizione interna (1947-1969) 8 1.5 La seconda segreteria: Almirante anima del partito (1969-1984) 10 1.6 Il funerale di Berlinguer, gli ultimi anni e la morte (1984-1988) 12 2. Gianfranco Fini 14 2.1 La giovinezza a Bologna e i primi tempi a Roma (1952-1971) 14 2.2 Rivalità con Tarchi, lavoro nel Secolo d’Italia e coordinatore nel Fronte della Gioventù (1971-1986) 15 2.3 Tenere accesa la fiamma di Giorgio (1987–1991) 16 2.4 Il partito degli onesti e il progetto di Alleanza Nazionale (1991-1995) 18 2.5 L’epilogo politico (2009-2013) 21 2. Il Movimento Sociale Italiano 22 1. Le origini e la fondazione (1945-1950) 22 2. L’apertura a destra della segreteria De Marsanich (1950-1954) 25 3. Il possibile inserimento e il disastro del governo Tambroni (1954-1960) 27 4. Il fallimento della strategia dell’inserimento: la fine della segreteria Michelini (1960-1969) 29 5. -
Fascism, Liberalism and Europeanism in the Political Thought of Bertrand
5 NIOD STUDIES ON WAR, HOLOCAUST, AND GENOCIDE Knegt de Jouvenel and Alfred Fabre-Luce Alfred and Jouvenel de in the Thought Political of Bertrand Liberalism andFascism, Europeanism Daniel Knegt Fascism, Liberalism and Europeanism in the Political Thought of Bertrand de Jouvenel and Alfred Fabre-Luce Fascism, Liberalism and Europeanism in the Political Thought of Bertrand de Jouvenel and Alfred Fabre-Luce NIOD Studies on War, Holocaust, and Genocide NIOD Studies on War, Holocaust, and Genocide is an English-language series with peer-reviewed scholarly work on the impact of war, the Holocaust, and genocide on twentieth-century and contemporary societies, covering a broad range of historical approaches in a global context, and from diverse disciplinary perspectives. Series Editors Karel Berkhoff, NIOD Thijs Bouwknegt, NIOD Peter Keppy, NIOD Ingrid de Zwarte, NIOD and University of Amsterdam International Advisory Board Frank Bajohr, Center for Holocaust Studies, Munich Joan Beaumont, Australian National University Bruno De Wever, Ghent University William H. Frederick, Ohio University Susan R. Grayzel, The University of Mississippi Wendy Lower, Claremont McKenna College Fascism, Liberalism and Europeanism in the Political Thought of Bertrand de Jouvenel and Alfred Fabre-Luce Daniel Knegt Amsterdam University Press This book has been published with a financial subsidy from the European University Institute. Cover illustration: Pont de la Concorde and Palais Bourbon, seat of the French parliament, in July 1941 Source: Scherl / Bundesarchiv Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Typesetting: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. isbn 978 94 6298 333 5 e-isbn 978 90 4853 330 5 (pdf) doi 10.5117/9789462983335 nur 686 / 689 Creative Commons License CC BY NC ND (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0) The author / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2017 Some rights reserved. -
Redalyc.Democratic Corporatism – the Italian Debate During the “First
Estudos Ibero-Americanos ISSN: 0101-4064 [email protected] Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul Brasil Zaganella, Marco Zaganella Democratic Corporatism – The Italian debate during the “First Republic” (1948-1992) Estudos Ibero-Americanos, vol. 42, núm. 2, mayo-agosto, 2016, pp. 430-453 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul Porto Alegre, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=134646844005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative CORPORATIVISMO HISTÓRICO NO BRASIL E NA EUROPA http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-864X.2016.2.22505 Democratic Corporatism – The Italian debate during the “First Republic” (1948-1992)* Corporativismo Democrático – O debate italiano durante a “Primeira República” (1948-1992) Corporativismo demócrata – El debate italiano durante la “Primera República” (1948-1992) Marco Zaganella** Abstract: The paper intends to explore the Italian debate on corporatism after the fall of fascism, in the years of the so-called “First Republic” (1948-1992). Over this long time period, which spanned more than four decades, the debate on corporatism continued to interest the nostalgic political right represented by the Italian Social Movement (MSI), but rekindled also the minds of Catholics. In both cases, the aim was to harmonize the corporatist theory with democratic principles. During Sixties the debate on the launch of a planning policy in Italy was seized by some members of the MSI as an opportunity to revive the corporatism and find a concrete solution to “govern” the Italian economy.