DOCSLIB.ORG

German-Russian Natural Gas Relations in the Context of a Common European Energy Policy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
German-Russian Natural Gas Relations in the Context of a Common European Energy Policy Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) German-Russian natural gas relations in the context of a common European energy policy Thesis to obtain the academic title of Master of Science (MS) in the program Political Science (International Relations) Academic year 2018/2019 Date of submission: June 21st 2019 Author: Caspar M. Henke (12299804) Supervisor: Dr. Mehdi P. Amineh Second Reader: Dr. Henk W. Houweling Research Project: The Political Economy of Energy Abstract This thesis analyses the interwoven commercial and political fabric of German-Russian natural gas relations. A theoretical lens that combines liberalist interdependence theory and the critical theoretical concepts of the state-society complex and social networks against the background of selected energy security dimensions will be employed. It will be argued that in order to assess the prospects for a common European Union energy policy, it is crucial to understand the importance of social forces and external relations shaping the energy policy of EU member states vis-á-vis the Russian Federation. It will be highlighted how the different perceptions of Russian natural gas as a political tool and a commercial commodity have resulted in different actors taking the lead in the natural gas strategies of the European Commission, the Central and Eastern European member states, and Germany. Portraying the Russian state-society complex of natural gas, it will be concluded that the German commercial-led approach is not compatible with a European Union energy policy that responds to the geopolitical threats of Russian gas perceived by other member states. Key words: Natural Gas, Russia, Germany, European Union, State-society complex 2 AcKnowledgements I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my thesis supervisor Dr. Mehdi P. Amineh for his valuable guidance in the writing process of this thesis. I would also like to thank the entire research project for their comments on the research proposal and their companionship throughout the final block of the Master’s programme. Enduring the stress of writing this thesis would not have been possible without the moral support of Karolina, my family, and my friends and colleagues at the University of Amsterdam. 3 Contents MAPS 6 LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES AND MAPS 10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 12 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 14 1.1. Theoretical Framework 16 1.1.1. Interdependence Theory 16 1.1.2. The concept of the State-Society Complex and Social Networks 19 1.1.3. Energy Security and Diversification 22 1.2. Argumentation and Hypothesis 24 1.3. Data and Methods 26 1.4. Structure of the thesis 27 CHAPTER 2: THE ENERGY SITUATIONS IN THE EU WITH A FOCUS ON RUSSIAN NATURAL GAS IMPORTS 29 2.1. The Energy Situation of the European Union 29 2.2. The Energy Situation of Germany 34 2.3. The Visegrád states 37 2.4. The Baltic States 45 2.5. Conclusion 51 CHAPTER 3: EUROPEAN COMMISSION AND GERMAN ENERGY POLICY AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF RUSSIAN NATURAL GAS SUPPLY DEPENDENCY 52 3.1. Development of EC energy policy 53 3.1.1. From the European Coal and Steel Community to the Treaty of Lisbon 53 3.1.2. From the Russian-Ukrainian Gas Disputes to the Energy Union 56 3.2. The policy dimensions of the Energy Union 60 3.3. Projects of Common Interest for the diversification of Natural Gas imports 64 4 3.4. Regulations for Natural Gas and Market Competition 70 3.5. The paradox of German energy policy in the EU 73 3.6. Conclusion 79 CHAPTER 4: ACTORS IN THE NEXUS OF NATURAL GAS BETWEEN GERMANY AND RUSSIA 83 4.1. The origins of German-Russian natural gas relations and OstpolitiK 83 4.2. German-Russian natural gas relations after the Cold War 91 4.3. Political Pragmatism in the Merkel era 97 4.4. Economic Actors, Interest Groups and Social Forces in German-Russian Relations 105 4.4.1. The German gas market and Gazprom 106 4.4.2. German-Russian Economy 112 4.4.3. Societal and Political Forces 117 4.5. The Russian state-society complex of natural gas under Putin 122 CHAPTER 5: THE PROSPECTS FOR A COMMON EUROPEAN ENERGY POLICY 129 Trends and further research 136 REFERENCES 138 Primary Sources 138 Secondary Sources 146 5 Maps 40° 50 ° WHITE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE SEA Arkhangel'sk (Archangel) Oulu I A Umeå N H Trondheim T FINLAND O B F O Lake F Petrozavodsk Onega L Bergen NORWAY Konosha U 60 G 60° ° Tampere Turku Lake Oslo (Åbo) Ladoga L. Beloye Helsinki Åland SWEDEN Is. Gulf of Finland Vologda Stockholm St. Petersburg Tallinn Rybinsk Reservoir Hiiumaa Lake Novgorod Göteborg ESTONIA Peipus A Saaremaa L. Il'men Yaroslavl' Tartu L. Pskov Ålborg E Jönköping Gulf of Pskov RUSSIAN FEDERATION S Riga Gotland Nizhniy DENMARK Novgorod Århus Riga Tver' Liepaja LATVIA Copenhagen C Moscow Malmö I Siauliai Daugavpils T Klaipeda Panevezys L Kalin Vicebsk Ryazan' A ing LITHUANIA B ra d Kaunas Smolensk Tula Hamburg RUSSIAN Rostock FEDERATION Vilnius Barysau Gdansk Elblag Mahilëu Bremen Szczecin Minsk Olsztyn Bryansk Hannover Berlin Bydgoszcz Torun Bialystok BELARUS Orel Poznan´ Baranavicy Babrujsk GERMANY Warsaw Homel' Voronezh Leipzig POLAND Brest Pinsk Kursk Dresden Lódz Radom Wroclaw Lublin 50° Karlovy Opole Kielce Luts'k 50° Vary Prague Rovno Kyiv Zhytomyr Nürnberg Plzen (Pilsen) Kraków Rzeszów Kharkiv CZECHIA L'viv Ceské Brno Ternopil' Poltava München Budejovice Lugansk (Munich) Zilina Ivano- UKRAINE Vinnytsya Kosice Frankivs'k Dnipropetrovs'k Shakhty Linz Vienna SLOVAKIA Donets'k Bratislava Miskolc Chernivtsi Kryvyy Rih Innsbruck AUSTRIA Nyíregyháza Balti Mariupol' Graz Budapest Rostov REP. OF na Donu Baia Mare HUNGARY Debrecen MOLDOVA Mykolayiv Ljubljana Cluj Napoca Chisinau Verona Trieste Bacau Pécs Szeged O Sea of Azov Zagreb d SLOVENIA Arad e ROMANIA s Venice a Kerch Krasnodar Rijeka CROATIA Bologna Osijek Novi Sad Timisoara Sibiu Galati Crimea Novorossiysk Banja Luka SAN Pitesti Ploiesti MARINO BOSNIA Tuzla Sevastopol' A AND Bucharest Florence Belgrade Craiova D HERZEGOVINA Constanta Perugia R Split I Sarajevo A SERBIA T Mostar BLACK SEA ITALY I Nis Pleven C MONTENEGRO Varna Pescara Dubrovnik Rome BULGARIA Podgorica Stara Burgas S Sofia Foggia E Skopje Zagora A Plovdiv Tirana THE FORMER Naples Bari YUGOSLAV REP. OF MACEDONIA ALBANIA Istanbul 40 Thessaloníki Sea of ° Marmara 40° Bursa Ankara TURKEY TYRRHENIAN SEA IONIAN GREECE AEGEAN SEA Balikesir 0 200 400 600 km SEA The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or 20 Izmir 30 0 200 400 mi acceptance by the United Nations. ° ° Map No. 3877 Rev. 8 UNITED NATIONS Department of Field Support MapAugust 2016 I: Political Map of Central and Eastern Europe Geospatial Information Section (formerly Cartographic Section) Source: United Nations Department of Field Support, Cartographic Section 6 Map II: EU member states Source: BBC, online at: https://ichef.bbci.co.uk/news/1024/media/images/70233000/gif/_70233868_eunames.gif, accessed 18.06.2019. 7 Map III: Political Map of the Federal Republic of Germany Source: Encylopædia Britannica 8 Map IV: Political Map of the Russian Federation Source: United Nations Department of Field Support, Cartographic Section 9 List of Tables, Figures and Maps Tables Table 2.6. Gross Inland Consumption and overall Import Dependency of the 37 Visegrád states and the EU28 in 2017 Table 2.8. Gross Inland Consumption and overall Import Dependency of the 45 Baltic States and the EU28 in 2017 Table 4.9. Operators and Shareholders of major gas pipelines in Germany 111 Table 4.10. Imports and Exports between Russia and Germany 2018 112 Figures Figure 2.1. EU28 Total Energy Supply 2017 30 Figure 2.2. Gross Domestic consumption of Natural Gas of EU28 in mtoe/ 31 Russian imports in percent 2006-2016 Figure 2.3. Primary energy consumption and GDP of the EU since 1995 32 Figure 2.5. Total Energy Supply of Germany 2017 34 Figure 2.7. Cross-border natural gas volumes in Central and Eastern Europe 43 2010-2015 in bcm Figure 2.9. Flow map of gas interconnections in Europe 46 Figure 2.10. Primary Energy consumption of the Baltic states 2006-2016 in 48 mtoe Figure 3.5. Architecture of targets and objectives in Germany’s energy 74 concept Figure 3.6. Power Generation from different resources in Germany in TWh 75 Figure 4.1. Development of Soviet natural gas exports to (Western) Germany 88 until reunification as supplied volume in bcm and share (%) of German natural gas imports Figure 4.2. Development of Soviet natural gas exports to Europe between 88 1973 and 1990 Figure 4.3. German Natural Gas Imports in TJ by country of origin 2000-2015 99 Figure 4.4. Natural Gas imports in TJ and average annual import price at the 100 German border in €/TJ Figure 4.5. German Natural Gas Imports and Exports in TWh 106 Figure 4.7. Gas distributors in the German market by length of pipeline 108 network in km Figure 4.11. German Exports to Russia: Six most valuable groups of goods in 114 Thousands of US$ Figure 4.12. German Imports from Russia: Five most valuable groups of goods 115 in Thousands of US$ Figure 4.13. Shareholder structure of Gazprom OAO 2019 123 10 Figure 4.14. Model of Gazprom and the Russian state in the Russian state- 127 society complex Maps Map 2.4. Major Gas infrastructure in Europe 2018 33 Map 3.1. Projects of Common Interest: BEMIP Gas 65 Map 3.2. Projects of Common Interest: NSI East Gas 67 Map 3.3. Projects of Common Interest: Southern Gas Corridor 68 Map 3.4. Pipelines in the Greek section of the Southern Gas Corridor 69 Map 4.6.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Appendix: List of Interviews
    Appendix: List of Interviews The unification of Germany 1) APELT Andreas, Berlin, 23 October 2007. 2) BERGMANN-POHL Sabine, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 3) BIEDENKOPF Kurt, Berlin, 5 December 2007. 4) BIRTHLER Marianne, Berlin, 18 December 2007. 5) CHROBOG Jürgen, Berlin, 13 November 2007. 6) EGGERT Heinz, Dresden, 14 December 2007. 7) EPPELMANN Rainer, Berlin, 21 November 2007. 8) GAUCK Joachim, Berlin, 20 December 2007. 9) GLÄSSNER Gert-Joachim, Berlin, 7 November 2007. 10) HELBIG Monika, Berlin, 5 November 2007. 11) HOFMANN Gunter, Berlin, 30 July 2007. 12) KERWIEN Antonie, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 13) KLINGST Martin, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 7 December 2006. 14) KLOSE Hans-Ulrich, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 15) KRAA Detlev, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 16) KRALINSKI Thomas, Potsdam, 16 October 2007. 17) LENGSFELD Vera, Berlin, 3 December 2007. 18) LIPPERT Barbara, Berlin, 25 July 2007. 19) MAIZIÈRE Lothar de, Berlin, 4 December 2007. 20) MAIZIÈRE Thomas de, Berlin, 20 November 2007. 21) MECKEL Markus, Berlin, 29 November 2007. 22) MERTES Michael, Boston, Massachusetts, 17 November 2006. 23) MEYER Hans Joachim, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 24) MISSELWITZ Hans, Berlin, 6 November 2007. 25) MODROW Hans, Berlin, 28 November 2007. 26) MÜLLER Hans-Peter, Berlin, 13 November 2007. 27) NOOKE Günther, Berlin, 27 November 2007. 28) PAU Petra, Berlin, 13 December 2007. 29) PLATZECK Matthias, Potsdam, 12 December 2007. 30) SABATHIL Gerhard, Berlin, 31 October 2007. 31) SARAZZIN Thilo, Berlin, 30 November 2007. 32) SCHABOWSKI Günther, Berlin, 3 December 2007. 33) SCHÄUBLE Wolfgang, Berlin, 19 December 2007. 34) SCHRÖDER Richard, Berlin, 4 December 2007. 35) SEGERT Dieter, Vienna, 18 June 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • Commemorating Communist East Germany in the Berlin Republic: Modes of Remembrance in Literature, Film, and Memorial Sites
    COMMEMORATING COMMUNIST EAST GERMANY IN THE BERLIN REPUBLIC: MODES OF REMEMBRANCE IN LITERATURE, FILM, AND MEMORIAL SITES by Katrin Mascha BA equivalent, University of Augsburg 2007 MA, University of Pittsburgh 2009 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2014 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Katrin Mascha It was defended on April 8, 2014 and approved by John Lyon, Associate Professor, Department of German Sabine von Dirke, Associate Professor, Department of German Clark Muenzer, Associate Professor, Department of German Marcia Landy, Professor, Department of English Dissertation Advisor: Randall Halle, Professor, Department of German ii Copyright © by Katrin Mascha 2014 iii COMMEMORATING COMMUNIST EAST GERMANY IN THE BERLIN REPUBLIC: MODES OF REMEMBRANCE IN LITERATURE, FILM, AND MEMORIAL SITES Katrin Mascha, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2014 This dissertation studies how the Berlin Republic commemorates Communist East Germany and investigates how this engagement is translated into cultural memory. I understand cultural memory as dynamic, multifaceted, and as a widely contestational interplay of past and present in socio-cultural contexts. The making of cultural memory involves various participants and allows us to examine the nexus between individual remembering and culturally mediated memory. Culturally mediated memory appears as a process of the representation and manifestation of the past in the present. By studying the mediality of ‘present pasts,’ we gain an understanding of how the past is remembered and how it is mediated via cultural objects in the present.
    [Show full text]
  • The SPD's Electoral Dilemmas
    AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives September 2009 The SPD’s Electoral Dilemmas By Dieter Dettke Can the SPD form a Introduction: After the State Elections in Saxony, Thuringia, and Saarland coalition that could effec - August 30, 2009 was a pivotal moment in German domestic politics. Lacking a central tively govern on the na - theme in a campaign that never got quite off the ground, the September 27 national elec - tional level, aside from tions now have their focal point: integrate or marginalize Die Linke (the Left Party). This another Grand Coali - puts the SPD in a difficult position. Now that there are red-red-green majorities in Saarland tion? and Thuringia (Saarland is the first state in the western part of Germany with such a major - How has the SPD gone ity), efforts to form coalitions with Die Linke might well lose their opprobrium gradually. From from being a leading now on, coalition-building in Germany will be more uncertain than ever in the history of the party to trailing in the Federal Republic of Germany. On the one hand, pressure will mount within the SPD to pave polls? the way for a new left majority that includes Die Linke on the federal level. On the other hand, Chancellor Angela Merkel and the CDU/CSU, as well as the FDP, will do everything to make the prevention of such a development the central theme for the remainder of the electoral campaign. The specter of a red-red-green coalition in Berlin will now dominate the political discourse until Election Day. Whether this strategy will work is an open question.
    [Show full text]
  • "Grand Coalition" Government
    Order Code RL33252 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Germany’s “Grand Coalition” Government: Prospects and Implications January 17, 2006 name redacted Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Germany’s “Grand Coalition” Government: Prospects and Implications Summary A “grand coalition” government of Germany’s two largest parties, the Christian Democrat Union/Christian Socialist Union (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) led by CDU candidate Angela Merkel took office on November 22, 2005, after the German federal election of September 18, 2005, had produced no clear winner. Some experts believe that the coalition will be fragile, short lived, and will accomplish little with each side trying to gain political advantage over the other. Such negative expectations are not shared by other analysts who believe that only such a large coalition can implement potentially painful but needed economic and social reforms, assuming that it can overcome partisan politics. The most difficult and crucial areas on which the coalition must cooperate if the government is to succeed involve social and economic policy. Government success will be important, not just for Germany, but also for Europe and global economic health. Experts believe that Angela Merkel, as Chancellor, wants to speed domestic social and economic reforms. It is not clear whether she will have broader domestic support to do so, especially among the SPD base. Many observers expect more continuity than change in German foreign policy under the “grand coalition” government. On most issues, the CDU/CSU and the SPD are not far apart.
    [Show full text]
  • Akademietag Mit Matthias Platzeck
    Pressemitteilung acatech - Deutsche Akademie der Technikwissenschaften Ministerpräsident Platzeck spricht auf dem Akademietag Detailansicht Pressekontakt Herr Christoph Uhlhaas Leiter Presse- und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit acatech - Deutsche Akademie der Technikwissenschaften Unter den Linden 14 10117 Berlin EMail: Kontakt aufnehmen Website:www.acatech.de Telefon:030/2 06 30 96-42 Schlagworte Energiewende Brandenburg Ressourcen Braunkohle Permanentlink http://www.themenportal.de/klimapolitik/akademietag-mit-matthias-platzeck-die-energiewende- eroeffnet-neue-perspektiven-fuer-brandenburg-21785 vor 5 Stunden in Klimapolitik und Politik Akademietag mit Matthias Platzeck: Die Energiewende eröffnet neue Perspektiven für Brandenburg (ddp direct) Brandenburg ist ein wichtiger Standort der Erneuerbaren Energien und zugleich ein Braunkohlerevier. Der Akademietag von acatech − Deutsche Akademie der Technikwissenschaften beleuchtete deshalb am 11. April 2013 Perspektiven der Energiewende für das Bundesland. Unter den Rednern in Potsdam waren Ministerpräsident Matthias Platzeck, Wissenschaftsministerin Sabine Kunst, Oliver Günther, Präsident der Universität Potsdam, Klaus Töpfer, Potsdamer Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies (IASS) und Eberhard Umbach vom Karlsruher Institut für Technologie (KIT). Die Chancen der Energiewende für das Land Brandenburg waren das Thema der Rede von Ministerpräsident Matthias Platzeck und der anschließenden Podiumsdiskussion. Er betonte, die Energiewende sei auch für Brandenburg eines der wichtigsten Zukunftsthemen.
    [Show full text]
  • Wahlen Seit 1809 in Der Stadt Potsdam
    Landeshauptstadt Potsdam Der Oberbürgermeister Amt für Statistik, Stadtforschung und Wahlen Beiträge zur Statistik und Stadtforschung Heft 2/1998 Wahlen seit 1809 in der Stadt Potsdam Wahlrecht - Wahlmethoden - Wahlbeteiligung - Wahlergebnisse (Aktualisierung mit Wahlergebnissen 1998) Wahlen zur Stadtverordnetenversammlung in Potsdam und Nowawes von 1919 bis 1933 Anteil der Parteien an den abgegebenen gültigen Stimmen % 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Pot sdam Now aw es Pot sdam Now aw es Pot sdam Now aw es Pot sdam Now aw es Pot sdam Nowawes DNVP DNVP SPD SPD USPD USPD KPD KPD NSDAP NSDAP DNVP einschl. DVP und Zentrum 02.03.1919 1924 17.11.1929 12.03.1933 Beiträge zur Statistik und Stadtforschung 2/1998 Landeshauptstadt Potsdam Der Oberbürgermeister Dezernat I verantwortlich: Horst-Dieter Weyrauch, Verwaltungsleiter Amt für Statistik, Stadtforschung und Wahlen für den Inhalt verantwortlich: Dr. Matthias Förster, amt. Leiter des Amtes für Statistik, Stadtforschung und Wahlen Autor: Günter Schade Statistischer Auskunftsdienst: Tel.: (0331) 289 - 3370 Fax: (0331) 289 - 1251 Zeichenerklärung 0 = weniger als die Hälfte von 1 in der letzten besetzten Stelle, jedoch mehr als nichts - = nichts vorhanden, genau Null . = Zahlenwert unbekannt oder geheimzuhalten ... = Angabe fällt später an / = keine Angabe, da Zahlenwert nicht sicher genug ( ) = Aussagewert eingeschränkt, da der Zahlenwert statistisch relativ unsicher ist X = Tabellenfach gesperrt, weil Aussage nicht sinnvoll ist p = vorläufige Zahl r = berichtigte Zahl s = geschätzte Zahl davon = vollständige Aufgliederung einer Summe darunter= teilweise Ausgliederung einer Summe Redaktionsschluß: 29. Juli 1998 Aktualisierung mit Wahlergebnissen von 1998, 5. November 1998 Postbezug: Stadtverwaltung Potsdam Amt für Statistik, Stadtforschung und Wahlen 14461 Potsdam Nachdruck, auch auszugsweise, nur mit Quellenangabe gestattet.
    [Show full text]
  • Matthias Platzeck Ministerpräsident Des Landes Brandenburg Im Gespräch Mit Dr
    BR-ONLINE | Das Online-Angebot des Bayerischen Rundfunks Sendung vom 03.09.1999 Matthias Platzeck Ministerpräsident des Landes Brandenburg im Gespräch mit Dr. Dieter Lehner Lehner: Willkommen bei Alpha-Forum, verehrte Zuschauer. Zu Gast heute ist Matthias Platzeck. In der ehemaligen DDR war er Bürgerrechtler und Umweltaktivist, nach der Wende Umweltminister von Brandenburg und heute Oberbürgermeister von Potsdam. Ich begrüße Sie recht herzlich, Herr Platzeck. Viele Menschen in den neuen Bundesländern verspüren nach der Wende so eine Art biographischen Bruch; manche sind sogar bis heute im vereinten Deutschland nicht angekommen. Sie hingegen haben eine rasante Karriere hinter sich. Woran liegt es, dass es solche Unterschiede gibt? Sind Sie wendiger, anpassungsfähiger als andere? Platzeck: Anpassungsfähig bin ich bestimmt. Ich glaube aber nicht, dass mich das so gravierend von anderen unterscheidet. Ich verspüre auch einen biographischen Bruch, aber einen in die Richtung, wie ich ihn mir gewünscht habe. Ich war schon in den Jahren vorher relativ kribbelig, weil ich jemand bin, der schnell unruhig wird, weil er irgendetwas mitmachen, mitgestalten will. Das ging in der DDR nur um den Preis von erheblichen Kompromissen, die nicht in meiner Bandbreite lagen und deshalb war ich sehr froh, als sich 1988/89 eine Veränderung abzeichnete und man mehr mitgestalten konnte. Das habe ich auch getan. Dazu gesellten sich einige Zufälle, wie es in den damaligen Zeiten so war, und so ist das alles gekommen, wie Sie es eben skizziert haben. Lehner: Haben Sie das Gefühl, seit 1989 ein neues, ein zweites Leben zu führen im Gegensatz zum früheren Leben in der DDR? Platzeck: Teils, teils.
    [Show full text]
  • Mr. Adigun Ade Abiodun Space Applications Section Office for Outer
    Mr. Adigun Ade Abiodun Mr. Monowar Hussain Akhand Space Applications Section Ministry of the Establishment Office for Outer Space Affairs 19 Dhalka Nagar Lane United Nations Office P.O. Gandaria P.O. Box 500 Dhaka Vienna 1204 1400 Bangladesh Austria Tel: 00880-31-621005 Tel: 0043-1213-454-270 Fax: 00880-2-956-8735 Fax: 0043-1213-455-830 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Ms. Kerry Albright Dr. Ziyadin Abouziarov Natural Resources Institute Hydrometeorological Centre of Russia Central Avenue 9-13 Bolshoi Predtechensky Per. Chatham Maritime Moscow Kent 123242 ME4 4TB Russia United Kingdom Tel: 007-095-255-1246 Tel: 0044-1634-88-3038 Fax: 007-095-255-1582 Fax: 0044-1634-88-3706 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Ms. Teresa Abrantes Prof. Dr. William J. R. Alexander Institutu de Meteorologia STC Sub-Committee on Early Warning Rua C ao Aeroporto Dept. of Civil Engineering Lisbon University of Pretoria 1700 Pretoria Portugal South Africa Tel: 003511-848-3961 Tel: 0027-12-348-1795 Fax: 003511-840-2370 Fax: 0027-12-348-8980 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Mr. Abdel Wahab Ahmed Dr. Alexander L. Alusa Humanitarian Aid Commission (HAC) United Nations Environment Programme New Extension Street, 53 P.O. Box 47074 Khartoum Nairobi Sudan Kenya Tel: 00249-11-471-845 Tel: 00254-2-623-455 Fax: 00249-11-471-340 Fax: 00254-2-623-410 Email: undp_khartoum Email: [email protected] Dr. Wilfried Ahrens Mr. Brahim Ambar Uzhydromet of the Republic of Uzbekistan Office National de la Meteorologie Observatorskaya 72 O.N.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Frostpolitik'? Merkel, Putin and German Foreign Policy Towards Russia
    From Ostpolitik to ‘frostpolitik’? Merkel, Putin and German foreign policy towards Russia TUOMAS FORSBERG* Germany’s relationship with Russia is widely considered to be of fundamental importance to European security and the whole constitution of the West since the Second World War. Whereas some tend to judge Germany’s reliability as a partner to the United States—and its so-called Westbindung in general—against its dealings with Russia, others focus on Germany’s leadership of European foreign policy, while still others see the Russo-German relationship as an overall barometer of conflict and cooperation in Europe.1 How Germany chooses to approach Russia and how it deals with the crisis in Ukraine, in particular, are questions that lie at the crux of several possible visions for the future European order. Ostpolitik is a term that was coined to describe West Germany’s cooperative approach to the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries, initiated by Chan- cellor Willy Brandt in 1969. As formulated by Brandt’s political secretary, Egon Bahr, the key idea of the ‘new eastern policy’ was to achieve positive ‘change through rapprochement’ (Wandel durch Annäherung). In the Cold War context, the primary example of Ostpolitik was West Germany’s willingness to engage with the Soviet Union through energy cooperation including gas supply, but also pipeline and nuclear projects.2 Yet at the same time West Germany participated in the western sanctions regime concerning technology transfer to the Soviet Union and its allies, and accepted the deployment of American nuclear missiles on its soil as a response * This work was partly supported by the Academy of Finland Centre of Excellence for Choices of Russian Modernisation (grant number 250691).
    [Show full text]
  • The Effects of Reunification in Former East Germany
    WIEDERVEREINIGUNG ODER ANSCHLUSS? The Effects of Reunifi cation in Former East Germany Th is paper examines the structural changes in East German institutions that occurred in the former German Demo- cratic Republic (GDR) in the years following German Reunifi cation and how they represented a western “takeover” rather than a honest East-West integration. We delve into the long-term impacts of these changes. Finally, we con- clude that such West German policies had a detrimental eff ect on eastern Germany today. By Wenhao (Winston) Du ‘19 Vanderbilt University word for annexation, Anschluss, also translates to “telephone connection.”) For the states of the GDR, reunifi cation under Article 23 of West Germany’s Basic Law meant immediately adopting the entirety of West Germany’s constitution and legal system, abandoning all East German legal theory and precedent.3 Such a method of reunifi cation was somewhat alarming, especially in light of the more amiable alternative allowed by Article 146 (which would have allowed the reuni- fi cation process to draft a new, integrated constitution for all of Germany).4 Fearing the impending takeover that Article 23 represented, the PDS promised, if elected, to block any such attempt. On a deeper level however, the PDS’s campaign slogan also represented a critique of the dynamics of the election itself. Fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) Most of the campaigning during the election was done not Source: Raphaël Th iémard (Flickr Creative Commons) by East German candidates, but rather by West German in- terlopers.
    [Show full text]
  • Neuanfang in Brandenburg.Pdf
    Andrea von Gersdorff Astrid Lorenz Neuanfang in Brandenburg Copyright 2010 Herausgeber: Brandenburgische Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Eine Publikation der Brandenburgischen Landeszentrale für politische Bildung. Mit freundlicher Unterstützung von Ungewöhnlicher Ort für eine Kabinettsitzung – unterwegs im Zug durch das Land Brandenburg. ISBN 3-932502-57-4 Fotografien: Simone Diestel Gestaltung und Realisierung: Bauersfeld Werbeagentur Druck: Druckerei Arnold, Großbeeren Diese Veröffentlichung stellt keine Meinungsäußerung der Brandenburgischen Landeszentrale für politische Bildung dar. Für inhaltliche Aussagen tragen die Autorinnen die Verantwortung. Inhalt Vom Parteineuling zum Landtagsvizepräsidenten 93 Martin Habermann Auf Distanz zur eigenen Fraktion 99 An einem Wochenende im Sommer 1989… 6 Herbert Knoblich Andrea von Gersdorff und Astrid Lorenz REINGERATEN SUCHEN Kinderärztin mit neuen Aufgaben 108 Werte leben und konsequent sein 11 Hannelore Birkholz Beate Blechinger Von New York nach Potsdam – Ein Diplomat wird Landespolitiker 115 Ein Mann der offenen Worte 17 Hans Otto Bräutigam Günter Nooke Zum obersten Finanzexperten in neuem Umfeld 123 Endlich Ideen verwirklichen 24 Klaus-Dieter Kühbacher Matthias Platzeck In die Pflicht genommen 129 Rücksichtsvoller Idealist 31 Manfred Stolpe Alwin Ziel TREU BLEIBEN MACHEN Ein Pragmatiker als Fraktionschef 138 Ein Freigeist – kein Parteisoldat 41 Wolfgang Birthler Peter-Michael Diestel Standpunkte bewahren 145 Fürsorge und Verantwortung als Leitmotiv 47 Stefan Körber Jörg Hildebrandt über seine Frau Regine Hildebrandt Der Anfang vom Ende in der alten Partei 152 Mit Entschlossenheit am Werk 54 Karl-Heinz Kretschmer Steffen Reiche Enttäuschungen mit der Partei 159 Beseelt von der Freiheit 62 Alfred Pracht Britta Stark (damals Schellin) Konstruktiver Kritiker 165 Flucht nach vorn 69 Marco Schumann über seinen Vater Michael Schumann Heinz Vietze Aufstieg, Ausstieg, Umstieg.
    [Show full text]
  • Im Reich Der Riesen
    Deutschland OSTDEUTSCHLAND Im Reich der Riesen Bei den Landtagswahlen in Thüringen, Sachsen und Brandenburg wollen Dieter Althaus, Georg Milbradt und Matthias Platzeck die Macht sichern, die sie ihren Vorgängern verdanken – doch alle drei müssen noch aus dem Schatten der Alten treten. (CDU), 45, vorvergangene Woche verge- bens sein Glück. Im roten Dress läuft der einstige Abwehrstratege von Motor Heili- genstadt im „Team Thüringen“ im Volks- parkstadion auf – im Schlepptau frühere Größen des DDR-Fußballs. Althaus’ Geg- ner kommen aus dem Westen: Im Tradi- tionsteam von Schalke 04 spielen Fußball- Legenden wie der Torjäger Klaus Fischer. Unsicher zwinkert Althaus ins weite Oval, das sein Vorgänger Bernhard Vogel allen- falls als Zuschauer betreten hätte. Redlich müht sich der Premier auf der rechten Ab- wehrseite um den Ball, dann steht es 3:1 für den Gegner, und der Politiker hat es eilig, wieder aus dem Stadion zu kommen – wichtige Termine. Am 13. Juni wird in Thüringen gewählt, am 19. September in Brandenburg und Sachsen. Doch Althaus, Platzeck und Mil- bradt führen keinen gewöhnlichen Wahl- kampf. Diesmal geht es nicht nur darum, den politischen Konkurrenten zu bezwin- JENS MEYER / AP gen. Althaus, Platzeck und Milbradt müs- CDU-Wahlwerbung für Althaus: Von der Blockflöte zum Populisten sen auch ihre populären Vorgänger über- winden. ohin soll er nur mit seinen Hän- Georg Milbradt (CDU) hat es da in Sach- Noch haben die drei Jüngeren ihre den? Soll er sich hinstellen wie sen leichter – theoretisch zumindest. Kein Macht den alten Vorleuten zu verdan- Wein Fußballer in der Abwehr- Kanzler, auf den er Rücksicht nehmen ken, die während der zu Ende gehenden mauer beim Freistoß? muss, kein Vorgänger, der dauernd Nega- Legislaturperiode zurücktraten.
    [Show full text]