DOCSLIB.ORG

Designing a Comprehensive Peace Process for Afghanistan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Designing a Comprehensive Peace Process for Afghanistan [PEACEW RKS [ DESIGNING A COMPREHENSIVE PEACE PROCESS FOR AFGHANISTAN Lisa Schirch, with contributions from Aziz Rafiee,N ilofar Sakhi, and Mirwais Wardak PW75_Cover_3a.indd 1 9/13/11 10:27:11 AM [PEACEW RKS [ ABOUT THE REPO R T This report, sponsored by the Center for Conflict Management at the U.S. Institute of Peace, draws on comparative research literature on peace processes to identify lessons applicable to Afghanistan and makes recommendations to the international community, the Afghan government, and Afghan civil society for ensuring a more comprehensive, successful, and sustainable peace process. Research for this paper was undertaken during five trips to Kabul, Afghanistan, and one trip to Pakistan between 2009 and 2011. Funding for the research in the report came from the Ploughshares Fund and Afghanistan: Pathways to Peace, a project of Peacebuild: The Canadian Peacebuilding Network. ABOUT THE AUTHO R Lisa Schirch is director of 3P Human Security, a partnership for peacebuilding policy. 3P Human Security connects policymakers with global civil society networks, facilitates civil-military dialogue, and provides a peacebuilding lens on current policy issues. She is also a research professor at the Center for Justice and Peacebuilding at Eastern Mennonite University and a policy adviser for the Alliance for Peacebuilding. A former Fulbright Fellow in East and West Africa, Schirch has worked in more than twenty countries in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Schirch has written four books and numerous articles on conflict prevention and strategic peacebuilding. Photo taken by members of Peace Studies Network of Department of Peace Studies (NCPR) from Psychology and Educational Sciences Faculty of Kabul University in 2009. Used with permission of the National Center for Policy Research. The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect views of the United States Institute of Peace, and do not rep- resent official positions of the United States Government. United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Ave., NW Washington, D.C. 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. 75 First published 2011 © 2011 by the United States Institute of Peace PW75_Cover_3a.indd 2 9/13/11 10:27:11 AM CONTENTS PEACEWORKS • SEPTEMBER 2011 • NO. 75 Summary ... 3 From “Peace Talks” to a “Comprehensive Peace Process” ... 5 The Case for a Comprehensive Peace Process ... 6 The “Who” of an Afghan Peace Process: Key Stakeholders ... 8 The “What” of an Afghan Peace Process: A Negotiation Framework ... 12 The “How” of an Afghan Peace Process: Mechanisms for Structuring Public Input, Technical Support, and Coordination ... 22 Conclusion and Recommendations ... 33 [ Peace processes that include a wider range of voices are more likely to lead to success, legitimacy, sustainability, and democratic governance. ] DESIGNING A COMPREHENSIVE PEACE PROCESS FOR AFGHANISTAN Summary ■ Current negotiations to end the war in Afghanistan fail to build on lessons learned from peace processes in other countries. Exclusion of key stakeholders, especially diverse sectors of civil society, and exclusion of key issues underlying the current conflict create a recipe for failure. In addition, the exclusive focus on either top-down negotiation between armed groups or bottom-up reintegration based on financial incentives is insufficient. ■ Half of all peace agreements fail in part because too few people support them. History shows a peace process is more likely to succeed if it includes a wide spectrum of armed and unarmed actors. Building a national consensus to transition from war to peace in Afghanistan requires participation by diverse stakeholders. ■ Current negotiations focus on a narrow agenda on conditions for the Taliban to lay down their arms and for the United States to leave Afghanistan. This agenda does not address significant root causes of the current conflict, such as government corruption and ethnic tensions. ■ A comprehensive Afghan peace process would orchestrate work in three areas: developing a politically negotiated settlement, increasing legitimacy for the Afghan government, and building a national public consensus on the future relations between diverse groups. ■ An Afghan peace process requires creating, coordinating, and sequencing a set of struc- tured mechanisms, forums, and negotiation tables for participatory deliberation and decision making involving diverse stakeholders, regional countries, and all levels of Afghan society. A successful peace process combines high-level negotiation with “vertical” processes that link high-level negotiations with public dialogue processes in a way that is transparent, impartial, and inclusive. ■ A comprehensive peace process in Afghanistan requires a much more deliberate design than currently exists. The hope of a quick and tight negotiation process is as illusory as the fantasy that firepower will achieve victory for either side in Afghanistan. 3 DESIGNING A COMPREHENSIVE PEACE PROCESS FOR AFGHANISTAN From “Peace Talks” to a “Comprehensive Peace Process” The transition from war to peace in Afghanistan requires much more than high-level nego- tiations and low-level reintegration efforts. The current negotiation agenda between U.S. and Taliban representatives holds potential for establishing conditions for an end to the war. Yet it does not lay a foundation for a sustainable peace. The current approach muffles other critical conflicts that are obstacles to peace in Afghanistan and the region and overlooks Afghan civil society’s capacity to support a national peace process. The June 2010 National Consultative Peace Jirga called for the creation of a National Peace Council and a redesign of reintegration efforts in the new Afghan Peace and Reconciliation Program (APRP). Noting concerns about the lack of democratic representation first in the Peace Jirga and later in the National Peace Council, civil society leaders continue to flag the exclusion of public interests in current peace talks.1 Public participation in a comprehensive peace process is an essential component for successful transition from war to a stable peace.2 Half of all peace agreements fail—and once they fail, the underlying conflicts have an even greater chance of becoming intractable. In the history of successful transitions from war to peace, one lesson is clear: go slow to go fast. Rushed peace processes that limit or exclude public participation and interests are more likely to fail than those that build a solid foundation for a sustainable peace. Too often international diplomats seem to throw all of their eggs in one basket with high-level peace negotiations to achieve a quick settlement. When these efforts fail to produce immediate outcomes, the stakeholders return to the battlefield convinced that diplomacy was tried and exhausted. Peace agreements thrown together quickly often unravel in a way that results in an even longer process, less trust among key stakeholders, more costs to the international community, and more death and destruction on the ground. The jumble of terminology in Afghanistan fogs the complicated landscape of peace ef- forts. (For purposes of this report, the definitions found in box 1 are used.) In Afghanistan, the concept of “reconciliation” often refers to high-level negotiations between the Taliban, Karzai government, and international forces.3 But in other contexts, such as in South Africa, rec- onciliation has traditionally referred to a national civil society–led process following official, political negotiations. More recently, media reports signal that there are high-level “peace talks” under way. Peace talks aim to reach a “peace agreement,” a statement that would lay out the conditions and steps for a transition from armed struggle to a politically negotiated process. The term “reintegration” refers to low-level disarmament efforts to entice foot soldiers with jobs programs and other economic incentives. And at the same time, Afghan civil society calls for a national “transitional justice process” with an agenda contrasting from that found in the formal peace talks. All of these terms and processes have a place within an Afghan comprehen- sive peace process. A “comprehensive peace process” is distinct in that it includes a much wider array of activi- ties, actors, and forums aimed at achieving peace.4 Comprehensive peace processes are mul- tilevel, dynamic efforts to build a public consensus around a shared future. A peace process may or may not lead to a peace agreement. In Afghanistan, for example, a comprehensive peace process could help address root causes of the conflict whether or not a peace agreement between the country’s armed, political, and ethnic groups ever materializes. Building a national consensus on the country’s future among civil society could aid in achieving a political settle- ment between armed groups. A comprehensive peace process requires a careful look at who participates in a peace process, what issues are on the table, and how the process is structured. In short, a comprehensive peace process requires creating structures for wide participation and 5 PEACEWORKS 75 Box 1. Definition of Terms Reintegration refers to low-level efforts to offer incentives to disarm and return armed individuals to community life. Reconciliation refers to a process between conflicting groups to understand core griev- ances and identify mutually satisfying solutions with the goal of
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 2008 Human Rights Report: Afghanistan Page 1 of 29
    2008 Human Rights Report: Afghanistan Page 1 of 29 2008 Human Rights Report: Afghanistan BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices February 25, 2009 Afghanistan is an Islamic republic with a population of approximately 32 million. Under its new constitution, citizens elected Hamid Karzai president in 2004 and the following year selected a new parliament; although the elections did not fully meet international standards for free and fair elections, citizens perceived the outcomes as acceptable, and the elections established the basis for democratic development at the federal and regional levels. A continuing insurgency hindered the government's capacity to govern effectively in several areas of the country. Although civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently. The country's human rights record remained poor. Human rights problems included extrajudicial killings; torture; poor prison conditions; official impunity; prolonged pretrial detention; restrictions on freedom of the press; restrictions on freedom of religion; violence and societal discrimination against women; restrictions on religious conversions; abuses against minorities; sexual abuse of children; trafficking in persons; abuse of worker rights; and child labor. Although the government deepened its authority in provincial centers, Taliban or factions operating outside government control exercised authority in some areas. During the year more than 6,340 persons died as a result of the insurgency, including deaths by suicide attacks and roadside bombs, in contrast to 2007, when more than 6,500 persons died. The majority of the casualties were insurgent fighters killed in combat.
    [Show full text]
  • Media-Watch-English-Report-91.Pdf
    1 Preamble: Over the past ten years, media organizations and reporting associations have struggled to bring awareness to the problem of violence against journalists in Afghanistan because there has been no comprehensive study done on the problem. During the last decade, a high number of Afghan reporters have lost their liveswhile working as professional journalists, but yet none of these cases has been pursued in an impartial manner through the judicial system. With no legal pursuit of these cases of murdered or harassed journalists, criminals and enemies of freedom of speech are more likely to continue their crimes against journalism and the media. However a few years ago, six Afghan reporters received awards and appreciation letters for their courage to stand up for the country’s freedom of speech. This is proof that despite many challenges facing the media and reporters in Afghanistan the media as a whole is defending their rights in a dangerous region. The information awareness duties for the media in a community where the war and insecurity has affected the sanctity of life is crucial. Unfortunately, most of local rulers and government officials are unable to understand the value of media and the freedom of expression. Afghanistan is a country where injustice, corruption and a total lack of rule of law is considered normal life. Given these serious hazards, the work of reporters to criticize government officials and warlords can be very dangerous. Despite all these challenges, the country’s open media has the ability towin the confidence of the people and their audiences. Currently, the people in order to gain information first refer to the internal media and then to external media.
    [Show full text]
  • Unhcr Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-Seekers from Afghanistan
    UNHCR ELIGIBILITY GUIDELINES FOR ASSESSING THE INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION NEEDS OF ASYLUM-SEEKERS FROM AFGHANISTAN United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) July 2009 NOTE UNHCR Eligibility Guidelines are issued by the Office to assist decision-makers, including UNHCR staff, Governments and private practitioners, in assessing the international protection needs of asylum-seekers from a given country. They are authoritative legal interpretations of the refugee criteria in respect of specific groups on the basis of objectively assessed social, political, economic, security, human rights and humanitarian conditions in the country of origin concerned. The pertinent protection needs are analyzed in detail and recommendations made as to how the applications in question should be decided upon in line with the relevant principles and criteria of refugee law as per, notably, the 1951 Convention and its 1967 Protocol, the UNHCR Statute and relevant regional instruments such as the Cartagena Declaration, the 1969 OAU Convention and the EU Asylum Directives. The recommendations may also touch upon, as relevant, complementary or subsidiary protection regimes. UNHCR issues its Eligibility Guidelines pursuant to its responsibility to promote the accurate interpretation and application of the above-mentioned refugee criteria as envisaged by Article 8 of its Statute, Article 35 of the 1951 Convention and Article II of its 1967 Protocol and based on the expertise it has developed over several years in eligibility and refugee status determination matters. It is expected that the positions and guidance contained in the Guidelines should be weighed heavily by the relevant decision-making authorities in reaching a decision on the asylum applications concerned.
    [Show full text]
  • Designing a Comprehensive Peace Process for Afghanistan
    [PEACEW RKS [ DESIGNING A COMPREHENSIVE PEACE PROCESS FOR AFGHANISTAN Lisa Schirch, with contributions from Aziz Rafiee,N ilofar Sakhi, and Mirwais Wardak PW75_Cover_3a.indd 1 9/13/11 10:27:11 AM [PEACEW RKS [ ABOUT THE REPO R T This report, sponsored by the Center for Conflict Management at the U.S. Institute of Peace, draws on comparative research literature on peace processes to identify lessons applicable to Afghanistan and makes recommendations to the international community, the Afghan government, and Afghan civil society for ensuring a more comprehensive, successful, and sustainable peace process. Research for this paper was undertaken during five trips to Kabul, Afghanistan, and one trip to Pakistan between 2009 and 2011. Funding for the research in the report came from the Ploughshares Fund and Afghanistan: Pathways to Peace, a project of Peacebuild: The Canadian Peacebuilding Network. ABOUT THE AUTHO R Lisa Schirch is director of 3P Human Security, a partnership for peacebuilding policy. 3P Human Security connects policymakers with global civil society networks, facilitates civil-military dialogue, and provides a peacebuilding lens on current policy issues. She is also a research professor at the Center for Justice and Peacebuilding at Eastern Mennonite University and a policy adviser for the Alliance for Peacebuilding. A former Fulbright Fellow in East and West Africa, Schirch has worked in more than twenty countries in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Schirch has written four books and numerous articles on conflict prevention and strategic peacebuilding. Photo taken by members of Peace Studies Network of Department of Peace Studies (NCPR) from Psychology and Educational Sciences Faculty of Kabul University in 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Murdered Journalists: 90% of Killers Get Away with It but Who Are the Victims?
    Murdered journalists: 90% of killers get away with it but who are the victims? With 370 dead over 10 years, governments need to do more to catch the killers, says the Committee to Protect Journalist • Nils Horner’s death highlights lack of justice for those murdered at work • Greenslade: 90% of journalists’ murderers across the world escape justice • theguardian.com, Monday 3 November 2014 21.10 AEST The 683 journalists murdered since 1992 Photograph: CPJ data A grim toll of 370 journalists have been murdered over the past 10 years in direct retaliation for doing their job. An even more alarming statistic is that 90% of their killers have not been brought to justice, according to statistics from the Committee to Protect Journalists. In its report, The road to justice: breaking the cycle of impunity in the killing of journalists, the CPJ argues that governments need to do much more to catch the killers. Journalists murdered between 2004 and 2013 with full justice: Brazil Samuel Romã, Radio Conquista FM, April 20, 2004 Luiz Carlos Barbon Filho, Jornal do Porto, JC Regional, and Rádio Porto FM, May 5, 2007 Dominican Republic Juan Emilio Andújar Matos, Radio Azua and Listín Diario, September 14, 2004 El Salvador Christian Gregorio Poveda Ruiz, freelance, September 2, 2009 Indonesia Anak Agung Prabangsa, Radar Bali, February 11, 2009 Nicaragua María José Bravo, La Prensa, November 9, 2004 Peru Miguel Pérez Julca, Radio Éxitos, March 17, 2007 USA Chauncey Bailey, Oakland Post, August 2, 2007 Venezuela Jorge Aguirre, Cadena Capriles (El Mundo), April 5, 2006 Some of the journalists murdered since 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • Losing Ground T Drug Control and War in N Afghanistan I
    DEB ATE PAPERS DECEMBER 2006 no15 Losing Ground T Drug Control and War in N Afghanistan I Drugs and Democracy Programme TRANSNATIONAL TNI Briefing Series No 2006/5 C O N T E N T S Authors • Editorial 3 Martin Jelsma Tom Kramer • Sending Warning Shots. Opium Bans Cristian Rivier and Eradication in Afghanistan 4 Editor - The Afghan National Drug Control Strategy 15 Oscar Reyes - Afghan Counter-narcotics Law 19 Design Jan Abrahim Vos • NATO Forces and Counter-narcotics 20 Printing - The Regional Context: A New Great Game? 25 Drukkerij Raddraaier - Afghanistan in the Global Opiates Market 26 Amsterdam Financial Contributions • Conclusion: Changing Course 30 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Netherlands) • Reference Texts 35 T Contact: This publication makes use of the many informal talks TNI has had Transnational Institute with officials involved in policy making around Afghanistan and drug N De Wittenstraat 25 control. Given the highly politicised nature of the issues, we chose open 1052 AK Amsterdam conversations over formal interviews in the interests of gaining a deeper I Netherlands understanding of the policy dilemmas at stake. We do not publically Tel: 31-20-6626608 credit by name, therefore, many of those officials cited in this briefing. Fax: 31-20-6757176 [email protected] www.tni.org/drugs No. 1 Europe and Plan Colombia, April 2001 No. 2 In the Heat of the Debate. Fumigation and Conflict in Colombia, September 2001 No. 3 Merging Wars. Afghanistan. Drugs and Terrorism, December The contents of this 2001 document can be quoted or No. 4 A Failed Balance. Alternative Development and Eradication, March 2002 reproduced as long as the No.
    [Show full text]
  • UNESCO Condemns Killing of Journalists Assassinated Journalists in 2008
    UNESCO Condemns Killing of Journalists Assassinated Journalists in 2008 Summary Total condemnations: 46 cases Local journalists killed: 44 Foreign journalists killed: 2 Female journalists killed: 2 Male journalists killed: 44 Journalists killed in Africa: 4 Journalists killed in Arab Region: 12 Journalists killed in Asia and the Pacific: 17 Journalists killed in Central and Eastern Europe: 9 Journalists killed in LAC: 4 Journalists killed in Western Europe and North America: 0 Vikas Ranjan (Indian) Correspondent for daily newspaper Hindustan Killed on 26 November 2008 in India [UNESCO Statement] Jagajit Saikia (Indian) Correspondent for Amar Asom Killed on 22 November 2008 in India [UNESCO Statement] Didace Namujimbo (Congolese) Journalist for Radio Okapi Killed on 21 November 2008 in Democratic Republic of Congo [UNESCO Statement] Aresio Padrigao (Filipino) dxRS Radyo Natin (Our Radio) journalist Killed on 17 November 2008 in Philippines [UNESCO Statement] | [Response from Member State] 1 UNESCO Condemns Killing of Journalists Assassinated Journalists in 2008 Armando Rodríguez (José Armando Rodriguez Carreón) (Mexican) Crime reporter for El Diario Killed on 13 November 2008 in Mexico [UNESCO Statement] [Member State's Response 2015] [Member State's Response 2016] Qari Mohammad Shoaib (Pakistani) Journalist for Azadi and Khabar Kar newspapers Killed on 8 November 2008 in Pakistan [UNESCO Statement] Abdul Razzak Johra (Pakistani) Journalist for Royal TV network Killed on 3 November 2008 in Pakistan [UNESCO Statement] Ivo Pukanic (Croatian)
    [Show full text]
  • ATTACKS O N T H E Press in 2009
    A Worldwide Survey by the Committee to Protect Journalists ATTACKS o n t h e press in 2009 Preface by fareed zakaria Founded in 1981, the Committee to Protect Journalists responds to attacks THE COMMITTEE TO PROTECT JOURNALISTS on the press worldwide. CPJ documents hundreds of cases every year and takes action on behalf of journalists and news organizations without board of directors regard to political ideology. To maintain its independence, CPJ accepts no government funding. CPJ is funded entirely by private contributions from Chairman Honorary Co-Chairmen executive director individuals, foundations, and corporations. Paul E. Steiger Walter Cronkite (1916-2009) Joel Simon Terry Anderson The Associated Press, Thomson Reuters, and Agence France-Presse provided news and photo services for Attacks on the Press in 2009. directors Andrew Alexander Michael Massing Associated Press Franz Allina Geraldine Fabrikant Metz Christiane Amanpour Victor Navasky Editorial Director: Bill Sweeney Dean Baquet Andres Oppenheimer Deputy Editor: Lauren Wolfe Kathleen Carroll Burl Osborne Designer: Justin Goldberg Rajiv Chandrasekaran Clarence Page Chief Copy Editor: Lew Serviss Sheila Coronel Norman Pearlstine Copy Editor and Proofreader: Shazdeh Omari Josh Friedman Ahmed Rashid Anne Garrels Dan Rather Photo credits James C. Goodale Gene Roberts Cover: Reuters/Oswaldo Rivas—Honduran police surround AP photographer Cheryl Gould María Teresa Ronderos Dario Lopez-Mills as he covers protests that followed the June presidential coup. Charlayne Hunter-Gault Sandra Mims Rowe Back cover: AP/Bullit Marquez—Protesters in Manila call for justice in the mass killings of journalists and others in Maguindanao province, Philippines. Gwen Ifill Diane Sawyer Jane Kramer David Schlesinger David Laventhol Paul C.
    [Show full text]
  • Não a Verdade
    não a verdade Destaques do Relatório de 2018 da Diretora-Geral da UNESCO sobre a Segurança dos Jornalistas e o Perigo da Impunidade PROGRAMA INTERNACIONAL PARA O DESENVOLVIMENTO DA COMUNICAÇÃO © UNESCO 2019 Esta publicação está disponível em acesso livre ao abrigo da licença Atribuição-Partilha 3.0 IGO (CC-BY-SA 3.0 IGO) (http://creativecommons. org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/igo/). Ao utilizar o conteúdo da presente publicação, os usuários aceitam os termos de uso do Repositório UNESCO de acesso livre (http://unesco.org/open-access/terms-use-ccbysa-en). Título original: Punish the crime, not the truth: highlights from the 2018 UNESCO Director-General’s report on the safety of journalists and the danger of impunity, publicado pela UNESCO em 2018. Coordenação técnica da Representação da UNESCO no Brasil: Marlova Jovchelovitch Noleto, Diretora e Representante Adauto Cândido Soares, Coordenador de Comunicação e Informação Revisão técnica: Setor de Comunicação e Informação da Representação da UNESCO no Brasil Tradução: Marina Mendes Revisão editorial e Diagramação: Unidade de Comunicação, Informação Pública e Publicações Esclarecimento: a UNESCO mantém, no cerne de suas prioridades, a promoção da igualdade de gênero, em todas as suas atividades e ações. Devido à especificidade da língua portuguesa, adotam- se, nesta publicação, os termos no gênero masculino, para facilitar a leitura, considerando as inúmeras menções ao longo do texto. Assim, embora alguns termos sejam escritos no masculino, eles referem-se igualmente ao gênero feminino. CI-2018/SANS COTE 1.RESUMO EXECUTIVO Em 2016-2017, um jornalista foi morto a cada quatro dias. Uma testemunha foi silenciada a cada quatro dias.
    [Show full text]
  • Algerije Weer Eerbetoon Yannick Hiwat
    Speciale uitgave 20 jaar BKB / Vrijdag 6 september 2019 / Amsterdam UITDAGERS VAN DE MACHT! De Chinese conceptueel kunstenaar, politiek activist en filosoof; Ai Weiwei. Foto: Ai Weiwei Studio CC DOOR MAARTEN VAN HEEMS, BKB In 2008 organiseerde BKB met be- de deur tonen, ze moeten er zelf door- genoeg om zelf actie te voeren, je moet te kijken. Trouwens ook naar de navel vriende activisten een groot festival heen gaan. ook andere mensen aanzetten tot ac- van de buurman en wat daar dan niet voor de Tibetaanse zaak op de NDSM- tie. In de vragen die BKB krijgt wordt aan deugt. werf in Amsterdam. Met 10.000 man Niet iedereen stond te applaudisseren. dit olievlekwerking genoemd. Dit soort grepen we de Olympische Spelen in Ik herinner me een telefoontje naar olievlekken zijn wel populair. Deze krant is een pamflet. Met één Beijing aan om aandacht te vragen kantoor waarom we geen festival orga- Niet veel later werden Twitter en Fa- boodschap: haal je neus uit die navel en voor de boodschap van de Dalai Lama niseerden om aandacht te vragen voor cebook geboren en nam het Do It Your- verander de wereld. (Her)ontdek jezelf van geweldloos verzet tegen onder- Myanmar. Daar was het allemaal nog self principe, uit de punkbeweging, een als activist. Er is nog genoeg te doen. drukking. Een jaar later werd hij uit- veel erger. Wij vroegen: waarom doe jij grote vlucht. Er ontstonden eindeloos genodigd in de Tweede Kamer. Die er het zelf niet? Daarop bleef het stil. Aan veel eenmanslegers voor evenzoveel daarna weinig mee deed, maar dat de andere kant van de lijn, maar ook doelen.
    [Show full text]
  • Director-General Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger
    CI-20/COUNCIL.32/4 Paris, 27 October 2020 Original: English Distribution limited Thirty-second session of the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication 25-26 November 2020 Room X, Fontenoy Building 9.30 a.m. - 12.30 p.m. and 2.30 p.m.- 5.30 p.m. Item 11 of the provisional agenda Director-General Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Executive summary 2. Background and context 3. Journalists’ killings in 2018 and 2019 4. States’ responses: status of the judicial enquiries on cases of journalists killed from 2006 to end 2019 5. Other monitoring & reporting mechanisms on safety of journalists 6. Conclusion Annexes Annex A: Methodology for the analysis of Member States’ responses on the status of judicial investigations Annex B: Status of judicial enquiries of journalists killed in 2006-2019 Annex C: List of killings of journalists condemned by the Director-General in 2018 and 2019 Annex D: Regional groupings 1. Executive Summary In 2018-2019, UNESCO recorded a total of 156 killings of journalists worldwide, a 14% drop from the previous two-year period, when UNESCO recorded a total of 182 killings. The year 2019 in particular shows the lowest annual death toll in 10 years with 57 deaths. However, closer analysis of these numbers shows some worrying trends. Within this overall decline, a total of 89 of the killings recorded in 2018-2019 occurred in countries not experiencing armed conflict, compared to 67 in conflict contexts.1 This is the continuation of a long-term trend whereby casualties in countries experiencing armed conflict have significantly declined, but this has been less the case in countries with no armed conflict where fatal attacks continue against journalists covering stories related to corruption, human rights violations, environmental crimes, trafficking, and political wrongdoing.
    [Show full text]
  • World Report 2009 Book
    HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH WORLD REPORT 2009 EVENTS OF 2008 Copyright © 2009 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN-13: 978-1-58322-858-6 Front cover photo: A young man enters South Africa on the Zimbabwe-South Africa border. © 2007 Dirk-Jan Visser Cover and book design by Rafael Jiménez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor Avenue des Gaulois, 7 New York, NY 10118-3299 USA 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +1 212 290 4700 Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009 Fax: +1 212 736 1300 Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., 64-66 Rue de Lausanne Suite 500 1201 Geneva, Switzerland Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +41 22 738 0481 Tel: +1 202 612 4321 Fax: +41 22 738 1791 Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor 10178 Berlin, Germany London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10 Tel: +44 20 7713 1995 Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (0) 1 43 59 55 35 Fax: +33 (0) 1 43 59 55 22 [email protected] www.hrw.org Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice.
    [Show full text]