Learning to Be Refugees: the Bhutanese in Nepal and Australia
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Learning to be Refugees: The Bhutanese in Nepal and Australia Alice Marie Neikirk December 2015 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. ii I hereby certify that this is a piece of original work, produced solely by the author. Alice Marie Neikirk 21 December 2015 iii iv Acknowledgements In memory of Cynthia Jane Neikirk This thesis would not have been possible without Dr Patrick Guinness’s steadfast guidance. His faith, not only that this thesis would be completed but his insistence that it could be improved, strengthened, and honed saw me through many dark days. He consistently challenged me to critically analyse many things that I would have been overlooked in my exuberance for fieldwork. Further, he patiently allowed a toddler to run wild in his office when I needed to meet but could not arrange childcare. Thank you for guiding me through the ethnographic process. The two members of my panel, Dr Francesca Merlan and Dr Sverre Molland, provided guidance at crucial junctures of the thesis. Francesca provided key feedback early in the writing process, reminding me that description is only one part of ethnographic writing. Sverre recommended a text that proved invaluable and fundamentally changed the direction of the thesis. Christina Alexander, Professor Emeritus, also deserves a special mention for introducing me to what would become my life’s passion: anthropology. Dr. Fiona McCormack further challenged me to focus that passion by critically engaging with anthropological theory. The people that shared their time, stories, and experiences with me both in Nepal and Australia are too numerous to list. I am forever indebted to you. My family in the United States: Craig and Janet for steadfast belief that I would complete and that studying overseas was a wise decision. This manifested itself through the perpetual repairs of my crumbling cabin, tasty meals while visiting, and an untold number of hours spent on Skype. To Sandra and Fred, for instilling the value of education, the dream of visiting far off places, and some much appreciated care packages along those journeys. Thank you to my numerous brothers, sisters, and ‘bonus’ siblings—for their honesty, laughter, and love. Bridgit and Annie in particular have provided sympathetic ears and reassuring murmurings at every stage of this process. To my family in Australia: Roger, Sue, Louise, and James. Thank you for keeping my lamb quota up, providing me a space to rest on numerous occasions, and (most importantly) accepting me as a member of your clan. Your generous and kind spirits helped me in so many ways on this journey. This thesis could not have been completed without you. Dr. Micheal Savvas’s careful reading and thoughtful feedback was greatly appreciated. My friends and colleagues at the Australian National University and the University of New England provided a stimulating environment and many, much needed coffee breaks. The silent workhorse of the thesis—the trusty Breville—saw me through what has certainly tallied over a thousand cups of coffee. My husband Ray is undoubted my most devoted supporter. Thank you for your love, patience, and willingness to listen to my wandering thoughts. You have managed to muster enthusiasm for my research even when it kept us geographically apart. I cannot imagine enjoying the adventures (and misadventures) of the last five years with anyone else. This thesis is dedicated to our darling daughter, Cynthia Sue Nickson. Your life profoundly changed my fieldwork, this thesis, and my life—thank you. I hope this work contributes by a small measure to you inheriting a more equitable world. v vi Abstract The deployment of moral sentiments—humanitarian governance—both at an international and domestic level is a defining aspect of our times. Despite lofty aspirations, this ideology results in a global system of governance where domination and assistance are explicitly linked. Far from benign benevolence, humanitarian ideals are employed by international organisations to manage refugees while maintaining the legitimacy of the nation-based, global order. In an era punctuated by rhetoric and practice regarding the securing of national borders, the Bhutanese are an elite group of among refugees who represent a global community’s humanitarian heart. After two decades living in camps run by the UNHCR, the Bhutanese refugees are being resettled. Following 18 months of multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork, in South Australia and in Nepal, it became evident this group had an insightful understanding of the expected behaviour of a refugee. Such expectations included mourning a lost nation; constituting a community; and requiring social reform. The Bhutanese actively cultivated an image of domesticated (controlled) subjects eligible for ongoing care and support. This performance required the Bhutanese to transform or mask their existing values and social norms. These performances provided a veneer of compliance that masked action. It is through these various junctures of expectation, performance, and contestation that their dynamic experiences are fruitfully examined. The well-meaning discourse of humanitarianism absolves the conscience of the global community in the face of ever increasing evidence of injustices caused by nation building. Though the Bhutanese are a specific group, their experiences are reflective of the mores, values, and assumptions of our world. This ethnography illustrates how humanitarian ideals actively contour refugee identity to maintain the global order. Refugees must reinvent themselves to mirror the expectations of the governing institutions. It underscores that in accepting the role of humanitarian subject, refugees must abandon their role as contributors to the nation state and become satisfied with the position of guests. As supplicants in global reconstitutions, refugees articulate both the grand aspirations and the desperate shortcomings of a new, humanitarian system of global relationships. vii viii List of Maps, Charts, and Table Map 1: Bhutan with International and Neighbouring Indian States……………………24 Map 2: Bhutan with historic Duar (Dooar) Region Identified…………………………29 Map 3: UNHCR Camps in Nepal………………………………………………………50 Map 4: Adelaide, South Australia with Northern Suburb Detail……………………..118 Chart 1: UNHCR Budget by Year…………………………………………………….. 46 Chart 2: Bhutanese Humanitarian Entrants by Year …………………………….…...116 Chart 3: Protective Visas Granted by Country………………………………………..117 Table 1: Caste, Purity and Hierarchy in Bhutanese Refugee Camps………………......87 ix x Table of Contents Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………….…………………………………….v Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………….…………………………………..vii List of Maps, Charts, and Tables…………………….…………………………………….…………………………..ix Chapter 1 Introduction: Learning to be Refugees ........................................................................ 1 A Changing Approach to Refugees ............................................................................................. 3 Humanitarianism Revealed ........................................................................................................ 8 Experiencing Humanitarianism ................................................................................................13 Camps ..................................................................................................................................13 Resettlement .......................................................................................................................16 Follow the People ....................................................................................................................20 Chapter 2 On the Fringe of Empires............................................................................................23 Contextualizing Bhutan Geographically and Demographically ................................................23 Bhutan and the British .............................................................................................................26 From Theocracy to Monarchy/From Feudalism to Cash Cropping ..........................................30 After the British: Regional Instability .......................................................................................33 Building Bhutan ........................................................................................................................34 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................38 Chapter 3 From Humanitarian Emergency to Developing Humanity ........................................41 State Power Plays .....................................................................................................................42 Managing States of Exclusion ..................................................................................................45 Camp Demographics .......................................................................................................51 Camp Logistics .................................................................................................................52 Micro-Politics ...........................................................................................................................56 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................57 Chapter 4 Learning to be Humanitarian