The Abolition of Monarchy and Constitution Making in Nepal
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Civil Society in Uncivil Places: Soft State and Regime Change in Nepal
48 About this Issue Recent Series Publications: Policy Studies 48 Policy Studies Policy This monograph analyzes the role of civil Policy Studies 47 society in the massive political mobilization Supporting Peace in Aceh: Development and upheavals of 2006 in Nepal that swept Agencies and International Involvement away King Gyanendra’s direct rule and dra- Patrick Barron, World Bank Indonesia matically altered the structure and character Adam Burke, London University of the Nepali state and politics. Although the opposition had become successful due to a Policy Studies 46 strategic alliance between the seven parlia- Peace Accords in Northeast India: mentary parties and the Maoist rebels, civil Journey over Milestones Places in Uncivil Society Civil society was catapulted into prominence dur- Swarna Rajagopalan, Political Analyst, ing the historic protests as a result of nation- Chennai, India al and international activities in opposition to the king’s government. This process offers Policy Studies 45 new insights into the role of civil society in The Karen Revolution in Burma: Civil Society in the developing world. Diverse Voices, Uncertain Ends By focusing on the momentous events of Ardeth Maung Thawnghmung, University of the nineteen-day general strike from April Massachusetts, Lowell 6–24, 2006, that brought down the 400- Uncivil Places: year-old Nepali royal dynasty, the study high- Policy Studies 44 lights the implications of civil society action Economy of the Conflict Region within the larger political arena involving con- in Sri Lanka: From Embargo to Repression ventional actors such as political parties, trade Soft State and Regime Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, Point Pedro unions, armed rebels, and foreign actors. -
All Change at Rasuwa Garhi Sam Cowan [email protected]
Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 33 | Number 1 Article 14 Fall 2013 All Change at Rasuwa Garhi Sam Cowan [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Cowan, Sam (2013) "All Change at Rasuwa Garhi," Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 33: No. 1, Article 14. Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol33/iss1/14 This Research Report is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Himalaya, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Research Report | All Change at Rasuwa Garhi Sam Cowan From time immemorial, pilgrims, traders, artisans, and Kyirong to aid the transshipment of goods and to carry religious teachers going to Lhasa from Kathmandu had to out major trading on their own account. Jest records that decide between two main routes. One roughly followed as late as 1959 there were forty five Newar households in the line of the present road to Kodari, crossed the border Kyirong and forty in Kuti (Jest 1993). where Friendship Bridge is built and followed a steep trail The two routes were used for the invasion of Tibet in 1788 to Kuti (Tib. Nyalam). Loads were carried by porters up to and 1791 by the forces of the recently formed Gorkha this point but pack animals were used for the rest of the state under the direction of Bahadur Shah, which led to journey. -
Mise En Page 1
ASIA PACIFIC NEPAL FEDERAL COUNTRY BASIC SOCIO-ECONOMIC INDICATORS INCOME GROUP: LOW INCOME LOCAL CURRENCY: NEPALESE RUPEE (NPR) POPULATION AND GEOGRAPHY ECONOMIC DATA Area: 147 180 km 2 GDP: 79 billion (current PPP international dollars), 2 697 dollars per inhabitant (2017) Population: 29.305 million inhabitants (2017), an increase of 1.2% Real GDP growth: 7.5 % (2017 vs 2016) per year (2010-2015) Unemployment rate: 2.7 % (2017) Density: 199 inhabitants / km 2 Foreign direct investment, net inflows (FDI): 196 (BoP, current USD millions, 2017) Urban population: 19.3 % of national population Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF): 34% of GDP (2017) Urban population growth: 3.2 % (2017 vs 2016) HDI: 0.574 (medium), ranking 149 (2017) Capital city: Kathmandu (4.5 % of national population) Poverty rate: 15% (2010) MAIN FEATURES OF THE MULTI-LEVEL GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK Following the end in 2006 of a decade-long civil war, Nepal’s governance framework is currently in the transition from being a Monarchy to a multiparty democratic republic. With the promulgation of the new Constitution in 2015, Nepal moved from a unitary form of government to a federal one with a strong focus on decentralization based on “cooperative federalism”. The new federation has three tiers of government, namely federal, state and local, whereby powers shall be exercised pursuant to the Constitution and the state laws. The Constitution has assigned both exclusive and concurrent powers, to be jointly exercised by the federal and the state levels or jointly by all three tiers of government. The jurisdiction of the local governments is outlined under Schedule 8 of the Constitution, which establishes that local governments are responsible for development activities and for mobilizing the necessary resources to carry out such activities. -
REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University
REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University The Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute of Columbia University were inaugu rated in 1962 to bring to a wider public the results of significant new research on modern and contemporary East Asia. REVOLUTION GOES EAST Imperial Japan and Soviet Communism Tatiana Linkhoeva CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to TOME (Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem)—a collaboration of the Association of American Universities, the Association of University Presses, and the Association of Research Libraries—and the generous support of New York University. Learn more at the TOME website, which can be found at the following web address: openmono graphs.org. The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International: https://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. Visit our website at cornellpress. cornell.edu. Copyright © 2020 by Cornell University First published 2020 by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Linkhoeva, Tatiana, 1979– author. Title: Revolution goes east : imperial Japan and Soviet communism / Tatiana Linkhoeva. Description: Ithaca [New York] : Cornell University Press, 2020. | Series: Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019020874 (print) | LCCN 2019980700 (ebook) | ISBN 9781501748080 (pbk) | ISBN 9781501748097 (epub) | ISBN 9781501748103 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Communism—Japan—History—20th century. -
Chapter - Viii
CHAPTER - VIII CONCLUSION There are two major points about a r.evolution. Revolutions, as Stalin said, can not be exported in a suitacase. At the same time,no revolution can grow within a shell. There has to be external contacts while the revolution must be made by the people themselves. For Nepal India has been the most important catalyst. Her sheer size, their mutual geographical accessibility, their cultural similarities, their long historical contacts and economic interdependence have bound the two countries together. But there was one political difference. Whereas India was colonised by the British for nearly two centuries, Nepal was not a colony as such. India, in the British days, was dtvided into two parts. (I) British India under the sovereign authority of the British Government and (II) Native India under the paramountcy of the British Government and consisting of 562 states of different sizes and powers. The British regarded Nepal, loosely, as a part of their "Indian Empire". But Nepal actually was more than a princely state. It was a vassal state. Indian influence over Nepal covered a very wide area including economy, culture and politics. Nepal got one of the most reactionary feudal governments of the world under 218 the blessings of the British empire. on the other hand, the Indian renaissance had its delayed but sure impact on the Nepalese society. The year of Anglo-Gorkha war was also the year when Raja Rammohan Roy settled in Calcutta. The Nepalese were shocked by the defeat in the war. The revival was sought not through the enlightenment of the Bengal Renainsance but through the folk tradition of the Ramayana. -
The English Republic
72 The English Republic DOROTHY THOMPSON By the second half of the eighteenth century, England must have seemed the European country most likely to dispense with monarchical and aristo- cratic government. English kings had been by-passed, dethroned, even decapitated for the protection of the protestant faith and the sanctity of parliamentary government. Legitmacy in English monarchs came second to adhesion to acceptable political and religious views. The ruling house of Hanover was unpopular with many sections of the populace, a populace notorious for its and unruly and levelling behaviour. A cheap and expanding press fed a sophisticated and organised public opinion among the lower orders. In 1779 increasing concern with political and clerical authority errupted into major riots against catholic relief and against the refusal of parliament to modify the relief bill in response to mass petitioning. The riots, which took the name of the instigator of the petitions, Lord George Gordon, also took in attacks on poll booths and prisons, the symbols of state power. Two hundred people perished in the military confrontation by which the rioters were brought to heel, and other European states, particularly France, where central control and policing were more powerful, looked on in horror. By the opening of the twentieth century, however, the death of a monarch brought hundreds of thousands of mourners into the streets in England, and by the close of that century Britain was one among a group of north European countries in which a stable democracy existed under a monarchical system. It is one of the curious aspects of British history that there has not been in England, at least since the seventeenth century, a republican party. -
Republicanism in Nineteenth Century England
NORBERT J. GOSSMAN REPUBLICANISM IN NINETEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND To one familiar with the attitude of "near devotion" accorded the monarchy by the majority of Englishmen today, it may come as a shock to discover a lack of this devotion in mid-Victorian England. A sampling of comments from the radical press is a striking example. Trie-regular arrival of Victoria's progeny evoked this impious sug gestion in the Northern Star: That, rather than reciting national prayers of thanksgiving, congregations should sing "hymns of despair for their misfortune in being saddled with another addition to the brood of royal Cormorants." 1 The National Reformer referred to "our good kind, and dear Queen, who... could easily dispense with the allowance which her loyal subjects make her... unless she desires to be the last of England's monarchs..." 2 Yet criticism of Victoria was mild in comparison with the criticism directed toward her immediate predecessors. Upon the death of George IV in June 1830, the Times had the following comment: "The truth is... that there never was an individual less regretted by his fellow- creatures than this deceased King... If George IV ever had a friend, a devoted friend - in any rank of life - we protest that the name of him or her has not yet reached us." 3 This attitude toward the monarchy can be explained partly by the personalities of some of the Hanoverians - George IV, for example, 4 partly by objections to the growing expense of monarchy, but it might also be explained by the feeling in some radical circles that the institution of monarchy was incompatible with the growth of demo cracy. -
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No. 43 Working Papers Working Negotiating Between Unequal Neighbours: India‘s Role in Nepal‘s Recent Constitution-Making Process Prakash Bhattarai December 2018 1 Negotiating Between Unequal Neighbours: India’s Role in Nepal’s Recent Constitution-Making Process1 Prakash Bhattarai ABSTRACT Nepal’s post-conflict constitution-making process has seen the involvement of many international actors. While studies on democracy promotion, to this day, mainly focus on Western “donors” and international organizations, this paper looks at the role played by India in the complicated process of moving from a peace agreement to the establishment of an inclusive, democratic constitution in Nepal. More specifically, it is analysed how a powerful neighbouring democracy (India) participated in what is essentially a domestic negotiation process (constitution-making) with a view to influencing the emerging demo- cratic regime. In terms of the issues on the negotiation table, the analysis shows that India, in pushing for an inclusive constitution, pursued the specific agenda of supporting the inclusion of the Madheshis, an ethnic group mostly living in Nepal’s Terai region. In terms of negotiation strategies, the paper identifies four different ways in which India tried to influence the constitution: high-level dialogue; economic blockade; international coalition building; and targeted support of domestic oppositional forces in Nepal. Com- prehensive as this negotiation strategy was, it only met with partial success. Parameters that limited India’s influence included the domestic strength and legitimacy of the official Nepali position (elite alignment; popular support) as well as scepticism concerning In- dia’s role in Nepal, which was reinforced by India’s overly partisan agenda. -
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NEPAL’S NEW ALLIANCE: THE MAINSTREAM PARTIES AND THE MAOISTS Asia Report N°106 – 28 November 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE PARTIES................................................................................................................ 3 A. OUTLOOK .............................................................................................................................3 B. IMPERATIVES ........................................................................................................................4 C. INTERNAL TENSIONS AND CONSTRAINTS ..............................................................................5 D. PREPARATION FOR TALKS .....................................................................................................7 III. THE MAOISTS .............................................................................................................. 8 A. OUTLOOK .............................................................................................................................8 B. IMPERATIVES ........................................................................................................................9 C. INTERNAL TENSIONS AND CONSTRAINTS ............................................................................10 D. PREPARATION FOR TALKS -
Volume 5 Issue 1 April 2017 Kathmandu School of Law Review
Volume 5 Issue 1 April 2017 Kathmandu School of Law Review 1 Volume 5 Issue 1 April 2017 Kathmandu School of Law Review China South Asia Connectivity: Reflections on Benefits of OBOR in Nepal from International Law Perspective Prof. (Dr.) Yubaraj Sangroula The Idiosyncratic History of Friendliness and Cultural Proximity in Sino- Nepal Relation An abundance of records from antiquity show that Nepal existed as a southern Himalayan state with a long an uninterrupted history of independence. The Pashupati area, with its numerous temples including the main temple dedicated to Lord Shiva, is one of the ancient locations identified with the ancient history of the nation of Nepal. As described by Dilli Raman Regmi, a noted historian of ancient Nepal, the present site of Pashupati was divided into two locations, the main temple and the surrounding area where a number of other temples surrounded the main temple. The latter location was called Deopatan, literally meaning as the city of Gods.1An adjacent location, known as Cha-bahil, which is currently known as Chabel, is of significant importance in understanding the antiquity of Nepal as a nation. Mr Regmi refers to a chronicle that describes Deopatan as a site where Magadha Emperor Ashoka, on his visit to Kathmandu, met with Nepal's King.2A legend from the Chronicle mentions that King Ashoka founded a monastery close to the north of Deopatan and left it in the care of his daughter Charumati, who married the king of Nepal.3King Ashoka ruled Maghada before 300 BCE. This historical description is evidence of two important facts about Nepal. -
Nepal's Constitution (I): Evolution Not Revolution
NEPAL’S CONSTITUTION (I): EVOLUTION NOT REVOLUTION Asia Report N°233 – 27 August 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. STEPPING OFF THE EDGE .......................................................................................... 3 A. FRUSTRATED IN FEDERALISM ...................................................................................................... 3 1. The sticking points ....................................................................................................................... 3 2. Bogeymen .................................................................................................................................... 5 3. Missing all the signs ..................................................................................................................... 6 4. The final weeks of the assembly .................................................................................................. 8 5. The mood outside Kathmandu ................................................................................................... 10 B. WHAT HAPPENED ON 27 MAY ................................................................................................... 12 1. Talks ........................................................................................................................................... 12 -
European Bulletin of Himalayan Research (EBHR)
73 Utopia and Ideology among the Magars: Lakhan Thapa versus Mao Dzedong? Marie Lecomte-Tilouine The Magars form the largest minority in Nepal, with one and a half million indi- viduals recorded in the 1991 census. They are scattered throughout the country, but are more concentrated in their original territory, the Magarant, located in west- central Nepal. The majority of Magars are peasants, but Magar men are numerous in the Indian and the Nepalese armies and often emigrate temporarily to India to earn money. Since the 1990s the Magars have been closely linked with Maobadi activism, both as victims and actors, especially in the districts of Rolpa, Rukum, and Pyuthan.1 Despite the great number of articles that have been published in newspapers, information on this secret war is scarce and difficult to analyse, because it often originates from biased sources such as the police, journalists who have not done fieldwork, leaders of the movement, or villagers talking from hear- say. According to the latter, who are perhaps the best source for an understanding of the sociological origin of the guerrillas, the majority of the Maobadis are young men, comparatively educated, who have no hope of finding salaried work and are unwilling to work as farmers like their fathers. They live in groups in the forests, where they hide during the day. Villagers often say, “During the day the policemen walk, during the night the Maobadis walk.” Maobadi armed groups mainly attack police stations and their aim, according to the people, is to get rid of the police as well as the wealthy men.2 Many wealthy families in the hills owned lands both in the Tarai and around their houses, but they usually preferred to spend most of 1 On this subject, see de Sales (this issue), and on the Nepalese Maoist ideology in general, see Ramirez (1997).