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Identity and Policymaking: the Policy Impact of Gender Quota Laws Identity and Policymaking: The Policy Impact of Gender Quota Laws The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Weeks, Ana Catalano. 2016. Identity and Policymaking: The Policy Impact of Gender Quota Laws. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493419 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Identity and Policymaking: The Policy Impact of Gender Quota Laws A Dissertation Presented by Ana Weeks to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts February 2016 c 2016 – Ana Weeks All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Torben Iversen Ana Weeks Identity and Policymaking: The Policy Impact of Gender Quota Laws Abstract Does politician identity matter to policy outcomes? Political scientists tend to be skeptical of the idea because of the strong role of electoral incentives. Yet the argument for greater diversity in public office often relies upon exactly this claim. To make progress on this question, my dissertation examines the political impact of gender quota laws, which require all parties to include a percentage of women in their candidate lists. I argue that quotas help overcome a political market failure, whereby group interests are unlikely to be represented in politics if the group faces high barriers to entry and their interests lie off the main left-right (class-based) dimension in politics. Using survey data, I show that the largest gender gap in advanced democracies exists on maternal employment, and it cuts across partisan ties. I evaluate the argument using a mixed methods approach, combining statistical analysis of time series data with qualitative evidence from two matched pair case studies – Belgium and Austria, and Portugal and Italy. After showing that quota laws are one of the most important determinants of women’s descriptive representation, I demonstrate that they also increase both party- and national- level attention to women’s preferences. Implementing a quota law increases coverage of women’s social policy concerns in manifestos, and raises public spending on child care, which encourages maternal employment. Evidence from case studies suggests that increased numbers of women and rising issue salience after a quota are both important mechanisms linking quotas to policy change. Overall, the findings provide new insights about when and how politician identity is relevant to policies. Results point towards the importance of descriptive representation particularly when group demands are orthogonal to the left-right dimension. They highlight several ways that quotas, and increased numbers of women, can shift policies even in the context of strong parties. iii Contents Acknowledgements vi 1 Introduction 1 1.1 The Argument in Brief...................................5 1.2 Methodology........................................7 1.3 Plan of the Book...................................... 10 2 A Theory of Identity and Policy Change 13 2.1 The Under-representation of Disadvantaged Groups................... 14 2.2 Identity and Theories of Representation......................... 16 2.3 Identity and Policy Change................................ 20 2.4 Gender Differences in Policy Preferences......................... 30 2.5 Mechanisms: Identity and Policymaking Power..................... 41 2.6 Assumptions, Scope, and Contributions......................... 43 3 Why Quotas? 49 3.1 The Rise of Quotas for Women in Politics........................ 50 3.2 The Causes of Quota Adoption: Potential Confounders................. 54 3.3 Case Study Matching Procedure............................. 67 3.4 Conclusion.......................................... 72 4 Quotas and Descriptive Representation 73 iv 4.1 Theoretical Development.................................. 75 4.2 Data & Methods...................................... 80 4.3 Time Series Analysis of Quotas and Women’s Representation............. 83 4.4 Synthetic Control Methods Analysis of Quotas and Women’s Representation..... 88 4.5 Causal Mechanisms: The Cases of Belgium and Portugal................ 91 4.6 Conclusion.......................................... 101 5 Quotas and Policy Outcomes: Party Positions 104 5.1 Theoretical Development.................................. 105 5.2 Data & Methods...................................... 112 5.3 Time Series Analysis of Quotas and Political Party Positions.............. 119 5.4 Case Study: The Far Right in Belgium and Austria................... 128 5.5 Conclusion.......................................... 134 6 Quotas and Policy Outcomes: Work-Family Spending 137 6.1 Theoretical Development.................................. 139 6.2 Data & Methods...................................... 146 6.3 Time Series Analysis of Quotas and Work-Family Policy Spending.......... 151 6.4 Causal Mechanisms: A Case Study of Portugal and Italy................ 162 6.5 Conclusion.......................................... 172 7 Conclusions 174 7.1 Summarizing the Argument................................ 175 7.2 Contributions........................................ 177 7.3 Questions for Future Research............................... 179 Appendix 183 References 206 v Acknowledgements I am very grateful to the members of my committee: Torben Iversen, Jennifer Hochschild, Lisa Baldez, and Nahomi Ichino. I would like to extend special thanks to Torben, who has been extremely generous with his time. His interest in my topic and willingness to discuss the theoretical framing of my work, in particular, were essential to developing the project and moving it forward. Our conversations challenged me to think in new directions, and I feel very lucky to have had the benefit of his knowledge, incisive questions, and advice. I am also incredibly thankful to Lisa for her advice and support since my days as an undergraduate at Dartmouth College. She introduced me to the field of gender and politics, and to the concept of gender quotas. Without her encouragement and mentorship I am sure that I would not be where I am today. Her bold and clear writing style has also served as a model to aspire to throughout the dissertation process. I would like to thank Nahomi for providing some of the most intense criticism of my work, paired with advice about the appropriate methodological tools to raise the standard of my research. She taught me much of what I know about how to do scholarly research, and I appreciate her continued support and advice after she moved to Michigan. I hope that my work has, and will continue to, meet these high standards. Thank you to Jennifer for taking a keen interest in my work and contributing a different perspective, as someone who studies racial identity in the context of American politics. Her questions have a way of cutting to the core of the problem, and her comments have helped me focus on what vi matters and how to convey this more clearly. I am also grateful for her professional advice and support with the academic job market. This project has also benefited from many helpful conversations with fellow students, and from presentations at the Harvard Comparative Politics Workshop and Political Economy Workshop, among others. The project is stronger because of that excellent feedback. I would also like to thank the Center for European Studies at Harvard for financing a year of fieldwork in Europe, without which this dissertation would not have been possible, and the Harvard Graduate School of Arts and Sciences for ongoing financial support. I owe a huge thank you to my family and friends. Thank you to my mother and father for giving me the opportunity to pursue any career I wished. My mother’s experiences growing up in a different generation inspired my interest in lingering gender inequality from a very young age. My brother Marc and his partner Ali have been a constant source of friendship and support, a huge bonus of moving to the Boston area. Most importantly, thank you to my loving husband Dominic, who moved jobs and con- tinents so that I could pursue an academic career. He is my strongest supporter and best friend. This project would not have been possible with his help, including taking on the majority of care for our daughter Orla – and me – at times when I had writing deadlines. This book is for Orla. Having a child in the middle of working on this project made the topic a lot more real and intimate for me. She gives me so much joy, and I hope that we continue to make progress on questions of gender inequality for her and her generation. vii 1| Introduction A controversy that runs deep in the study of political representation, with roots as far back as the earliest philosophers of democracy, is whether the identity of those who represent us matters for policies. Political scientists tend to be skeptical of the idea that a group’s physical presence in office – descriptive representation – is necessary for the substantive representation of their interests. Perhaps the most influential theorist of representation, Hanna Pitkin, rejects the notion that there is a link between representatives’ identity and actions
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