Fam山ar Strangers A History of Muslims in Northwest

JONATHAN N. LIPMAN

香港大 學出版社 H ONG K ONG UNIVERSITY P RESS Hong Kong University Press 14/F Hing Wai Centre 7 Tin Wan Praya Road Aberdeen Hong Kong

©University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1997 This edition first published 1998

ISBN 962 209 468 6

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Cover illustration: Muslim child with bone 九 late ’， inscribed with Arabic lesson. Photograph by the Ref. Claude Pickens，此， c. 1930s. Pickens Collection, Harvard-Yenching Library, Harvard University

Printed in Hong Kong by United League Graphic & Printing Co. Ltd. Conten 臼

L 電 et dkM司 PApa U a

List of illustrations x

Acknowledgments XII

Preface xv

Introduction: Pu中oses and Form of a Muslim History in China xvii

1 I The Frontier Ground and Peoples of Northwest China 3

2 I Acculturation and Accommodation: China’s Muslims to 由c Seventeenth Century 24

3 I Connections: Muslims in 由c E紅ly Qing, 1644-1781 58

VII CONTENTS

4 I Strategi臼 of Resistance: Integration by Violence 103 s I Strategi臼 of Integration: Muslims in New China 167 泣nrzdaW nF EA 叫 白

h. , G c m戶、 eot cb 紅玄KAMφELE VA Ocδ cδ 的

Bibliography 235

Index 254

Vlll Maps

1. Contemporary provinces, autonomous regions，組d municipalities of the People’s Republic of China 4-

2. The five provinc白血d autonomous regions of northwest China

IO

3. Area of the mid-nineteen出－centu叮 Muslim rebellions II6

4. Center of the 1895-96 Muslim rebellions 139

ix illustrations

Except when noted otherwise, these photographs were taken by the Rev. Claude Picker詣，紅， during two trips to northwest China in the 1930s. He traveled on horseback all over 由c Hezhou, Xunhua, Xining, and Ningxia regions and took thousands of photographs. The entire collection is deposited with the Harvard-Yenching Library, Harvard University.

folWwing page 92

I. Eroded, dry eastern hill co凹的

2. The Bayanrong valley in Huangzhong

3. Tangwangchuan

+. Elderly Muslim

5. Muslim grw也no由er and child

6. Poor Muslim working man

7. Muslim family of Amdo

8. A view from the Muslim suburb (Bafang）的出c Hezhou wall

9.Aho吻 of a mosque at Gu扭曲， Gansu

10. Muslim schoolboys wi由 books and bone “slates’,

n. Agongbei (Sufi saint’s tomb) at Pingliang, G紅lSU

x ILLUSTRATIONS

12. Liu Zhi's gravestone

I3- Sal紅 man

14. Mingxin's memorial marker at his go吻bei in Banqiao

15. A large hilltop fort (zhaizi) ne紅 Xunhua

16. Dong Fuxiang

訊 h arch (pai伽）， in honor of Ma Anliang

18. Gatehouse of a Sino-Arabic school ne紅 Ningxia

19. A Yunnan Muslim on pilgrimage to Gansu

20. A Jahriya Sufi

21. Eastern Gansu town gate

22. Grave of Ma Yuanzhang and his son at Xuanhuagang

23. Young men selling “Muslim’, flatbreads and crocheting white caps

24. Students at an Ikhwan school in Xining

Xl 1 I The Frontier Ground and Peoples of Northwest China

Well, I at least find myself reflecting on 出 is point. A geographical area keeps a cert也nfiavouηwhich manifests in all its happenings, its events .... I sometimes wonder if this 出ought may not be usefully taught to children at 出c Sta民 of 出eir “geography lessons.” Or would one call it history? Doris Lessing, Shik晶rta

Muslims live almost eveηrwhere in China. A few small clusters are lo­ cated in the south, more m 出c northeast, and hundreds of 出ousandson the north China pl徊， wi曲曲c densest concentrations at and Tianjin，出ough 出ey constitute only a tiny miriority among 出c non­ Muslim Chinese. 1 Tens of 出ousands of Muslims live in Yunnan’s cities and market towns, and smaller numbers may be found along 出E trade rout臼 leading to Burma and Tibet from 出c southwest. But Muslims in contempora可 China st血 live most densely along the ancient Silk Ro；唔， which conneαed Central Asia wi出 north China. Eastern Turkestan (now the Uygur Autonomous Region) has had an indigenous pop叫ation 出at is almost entirely Muslim and non-Chinese-speaking for centuries, joined only during 出c past b此y years by millions of non­ Muslim Chinese. Between north China and Turkestan are two wnes of dense Muslim habitation: the Ningxia region of the middle valley (now 出c Ningxia H山 Autonomous Region) and a crescent of territ＇。可 m southwestern Gansu and northeastern Provinces. These wnes, one on either side of the regional core at , are the ground ofmost

1. A map including o叫y the Muslims classified as Hui by the People’s Republic of China may be found on 出c flyleaf of Gladn句， Muslim Chinese (table of distribution, p. 28). The Hui Muslims 紅E largely Chinese-speaking, which se臼 them off from Muslims who speak T叮kic, Mongolic, or Persian language乳白ough the government has included some non-Chinese-s伊拉ing Muslims among 出c Hui.

3 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES of 出is book-a frontier of four c叫tures, a region known in China for little except pove旬， ma喀inality, archeological riches, and bellicose in­ habitants. Though I must begin wi出 a general history of Islam’s arrival and development in China, since no such narrative exists in Engli品，出c lion’s share of this work focuses on the northwest. Therefore 出is book is not about China, but about a particular part of China, a frontier ve可 distant from 出c core areas of Chinese culture and ve叮 S甘ange to most Chinese. That does not, of co凹se, reduce its importance in Chinese history. The distance of the northwestern fron­ tier from “China proper'’(which northwestemers call neidi, the inte­ rior) enhances its value as a lens on 出c range and diversity of Chinese life. Iρcal history, not in the mode of case studies in search of the typical but as an understanding of the particular for its own sake, deepens and subtly di血泊臼 our comprehension of what it is to be Chinese. The generalization and homogenization of Chinese society by scholars, both Chinese and foreign, distorts the real and compe山ng variety created by distinct environments and their partic叫ar histories. The aαs recorded by chroniclers of northwest China have tended to be violent and antisocial, construed as immoral by the Confucian judges of history. In a narration of 出is rowdy past, we must ask why people, often neighbors for years or for generations, take up weapons to kill one ano由er at particular historical moments. What begins what Barbara Tuchman has called “the march of foll~叭” leading to bloodshed on a small or large scale? It will not do to say, as many have，出at Muslims are naturally violent and fanatical people because of their doctrine. Nor can we aver 出 at Chinese people do not care about human life because there are so many of 出em. Or that frontiers are just violent places. Historians of the particular cannot ignore or devalue the often peaceful Muslims, 也c often life-a血rming Chinese, the often calm fronters. In order to discover patterns and clues in the specific time and place, we must patiently explore what people actually did. In the civil, avowedly antimilita可 and culturally homogeneous China of the dominant mythology, violence may properly serve only the holder of the mandate ofHeaven. 2 Yet in folk tradition, from the early legends to 出c ba吋臼 of Cao Cao to the heroes of the Shuihu zhuan and 出c Luding Bridge, warfare and martial heroism have vaulted men and women into exalted memo可， andmanyp紅包 of China have dramatic, explosive local traditions of violence going back to 出c Han dynasty (206 B.C.E-C.E.

2. For a more comprehensive trearment of 出c problem of violence in the srudy of China, see H缸rell，“Introduction."

5 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

220) or even before. A local historian of tells me 出 at there 紅C areas ofcentral China where collective or large-scale violence plays almost no part in history. But to call such places “typically Chinese" ignores not only stereotypically violent frontiers such as the northwest but also coun­ ties in ZheFang, , and even Jiangsu itself that have rich and 甘OU­ bled traditions of violence. To understand China in its particul帥， we must assimilate 出at violence into our imagery. Thus we can build on Hsiao Kung-ch’u血，s farno凶 metaphor­ China as a vast mosaic of environments and histories. In this book I focus on a small part to discover the colors and textures of its many frag­ ments, their brightness and sharp comers, their diverse shapes. As local history becomes more popular and more viable, a clear vision of the parts must, in our history of scholarship, clarify 出c complex h山nan effort that created the whole.

FRONTIER GROUND

October 1938. Gu Jiegang was tired and worried. His fa出er was dying back home in Suzhou, but the forty-five year old professor of ancient history knew he could not travel east to do his filial duty. He had been on the road for over a year, having left Beiping just ahead of the invad­ ing Japanese, and had arrived in only in September, after an c油austing fact-finding tour of the northwest. Not yet ready to report to 出c Sino-British Cultural and Educational Endowment Fund, which had sponsored his excursion in the hope of learning more about edu­ cation among the northwestern Muslims, he nonetheless agreed when an old 企iend asked him to give a lecture. He had to speak to his audience一出c faculty and students of the Mongolian-Tibetan School of the Central Political College-in a makeshift hall, for Chongqing’s universities, like its sewers and housing market, had been flooded by refugees fleeing 出e Japanese:

When Demchukdon~rub ﹝ Ch. De Wang ﹞ started 出c autonomy movement in in 1933, I met w1出 him and his associates at Bailingmiao. Only after that did I re叫自由c gravity of frontier issues’ 的 I changed my direction and began to study frontier problems .... [On my recent trip] most of the places I visited were inhabited by Hui and Fan [Tibetans].... Banditry is a really serious problem 出ere.... Though we met wi出 some local desperadoes, fortunately 出ey didn、 rob 山． The most severe and most pressing problem in the northwest is

6 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

transportation .... If you haven’t been there, you co叫血，t imagine 祉， but between neighboring counties, even townships, people rarely com­ municate.... If the northwest法 transportation problem is not solved, 也ere's no sense even talking about the others. Of the places I visited, many were districts with complex racial [Ch. zhongzu] and religious intermingling.... The Muslims have Old Teaching, New Teaching, and New-New Teaching, while the lamaists have Red, Black, Yellow, and Flowery sects. Among the races there 紅C Han [Chinese], Manchus, Mongols, Hui M凶 lims, Qiang and F血， Salar Muslims, and Turen [Monguors, a Mongolic­ speaking people]. • • • Because northwesterners have all these fac­ tions, all these mental barriers, they know only that there 紅c seα紅－ ian divisions, and they don’t know that they all are citizens of the Republic of China! . people from the rest of China rarely go to the northwest, and those who do are all merchants, low-class salesmen, with small minds and love for high pro郎， who often jack up prices and cheat ignorant Tibetans and Mongols. The places we went on this trip 位c actually in the middle of our coun甘y's territory; when people say we got to the frontier, it makes 凶 feel really ash也ned.... So our responsibility in “frontier work" must be gradually to shrink the frontier, while enlarging the center, so 出at sooner or later 出c “frontier” will just be the border.l

We have no record of the audience’s reaction to Gu's lecture, but he remained convinced 出at the northwest held one of the keys to China’s future, so he spent much of his c紅eer investigating its history. His fa出er died 出at winter without ever seeing his son ag也n.4

The Frontier Ground of Gansu Gu Jiegang was right about the northwest’s physical position inside China’s border一出c provine 口 he visited are only slightly north and west of the country's ~eogra~hical center, if the vast 紅eas conquered by 出c Qing 紅c included in “China.’, But he was cert也nly ingenuous about culture. Despite its proximity to 出c “center’， of China, what he called the northwest constitutes the meeting ground of four topographical

3. Gu Jiegang，“Kβocha xibei," 12-16. 4. For Gu Jiegang’s interest in China’s Muslim乳白pecially 出eir internecine conflicts, see Naka釘， Kaikai minzoku’”一77.

7 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES and cultural worlds: the Tibetan highlan也，出e Mongolian steppe，出c Central Asian desert, and the loess of agric叫rural north China.s This frontier zone encompass自由c perimeters of cultures 出at have been in evolving contact on 出is same ground for centuries. We might have a comparable area in the United States if large numbers of Navajo f訂m” 的， Sioux hunters, Anglophone ranchers, and Spanish叩eaking herders all had been packed for a long period of time into a three-hundred-mile­ square, ecologically diverse region of New Mexico. The comparison between northwest China and the American west did not escape a contempora可 Chinese urbanite sent to work in Qinghai during the Cultural Revolution:

The road passed 出rough hills and valleys 也at were at times bleak and empty, reminding me of what I had imagined the American wild w臼t would look like, based on a movie I had once seen in Shanghai. “Where we自由c cowboys and the Indians ?’, I asked mysel£ and later of course it turned out 由此 I would be one of the cowboys and the Tibetans would be 出c Indians.6

In physical space eastern Gansu forms the transitional zone between steppe/highlands and arable lowlands, its climate dry and severe, its topographical contrasts sharp and sudden.7 Both of the historically cru­ cial roads m 出c region-between Central Asia and the cultural cores of China (west-east), and between Tibet (Xiz且g) and Mongolia (sou出－ n。他）－pass through the Gansu corridor, the narrow gap between the northern Tibetan mountains and the Mongolian desert. The complex topography has contributed to equally complex human geography. In historical time, most of Gansu has been numerically and politically dominated by Chinese people and 出c states ruling 出em, both 出c conquest dynasties and the domestic. As Gu noted, sharing or com­ peting wi出 them for 出c productive and strategic r口ources of Gansu have been diverse non-Chinese peopL口， among them Tibetans sedentary and nomadic (including a few M山lims ), Turkic-speakers (Muslim and

s. Fletch缸，“A Brief History.” 6. Frolic, Mao's Prop缸， I柏． 7. ‘明。吋1west China" usually refers to the contemporary provincαof Sha缸凹， Gansu, and Qingh缸， pl山出E “autonomo凶呵ions’， of Ningxia and 氾njiang. Before the late 1920s, however, no吋1eastem Qinghai and the Muslim areas of Ningxia were included in Gansu Province. Since most of the region of concern here H臼 within pre-1928 Gansu, I shall 凶E 由at provin仗，s n且ne except when referring speci且cally to placαthat lay in Shaanxi or Xinjiang under 由c Qing.

8 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES non-Muslim), Mongolic-speakers ~Muslim and non-Muslim), and mix­ tu.res among the four. New ethnic identities have evolved as peoples and states advanced, contracted, and mingled along 出 is multicultural mar­ gin, strategically crucial to many states but central only to those who live there. Personal and collective identities, elusive and processual in all human societies, have proved p紅ticularly troublesome in frontier areas when modem states attempt to rigidi身 boundaries and classi身 people ﹔ Gansu is no exception. In central G姐則， at Jiayuguan, lies the symbolic end of the Chinese agriculturalist's domain, the terminus of the Great Wall. Even inside the wall, however, the Gansu topography diαates a diverse economy, wi出 livestock breeding and trade 血泊世nal produαs playing crucial roles beside cultivation of food grains and 紅tisanal production. The eastern half of the provin白， wi出 its New England-like clima仗， produces good tobacco, fruit, millet, and medicinal herbs. Both eastern Gansu 組d 出C Gansu corridor have soils and conditions well suited to 出c opium poppy, pl組ted in great abundance in the nineteenth and early twentieth cennmes. Much of Gansu, however, does not look as agrarian China should (see plate 1). The hillsides and grassl姐也， especially in the high co凹的 of the Tibetan mountains and Alash徊， provide pasture for sheep, goats, local breeds of hardy cattle, horses, deer.，組d yaks. Between the river valleys, away from water sources, much of Gansu lies barren, the loess deeply eroded into steep hills without su伍cient topsoil or water for agriculture. There the population spreads more 出血ly across 出c land­ scape，組d even the best roads wash out in the rainy season or collapse when earthquakes 甜 ike. Gu Jiegang knew from firsthand experience how many parts of Gansu, remote from regional or even local centers, remain di血cult to reach because of the infrastructural obstacles posed by topography and climate.

Ga•啪” Geogri吵叫 Regions

The Yellow River’的 tributaries，組d 出c deforestation of its watershed have carved out much of 出is harsh terrain. The rivers-very rapid as 出ey flow down from 出c high mountains-obstruct 住anspo哎， irrigate narrow flatlands along their banks, and erode the slop臼 from which the tre臼 have been removed. They also define 出c regions into which the province has traditionally been divided. Lanzhou，也c provincial capital and commercial and transportation center of the whole region, li，口 on the Yellow River’s south bank, directly between 出c twown口 of dense

9 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

Muslim habitation. Through the city runs 出c Silk Road, now a paved highway, the main land route from central China to Central Asia, as well as a north-south road connecting Gansu to Sichuan and distant Yunnan. Though nearby hills make extensive fanning difficult，出c Lanzhou region does produce g也n and fruit，自pecially large (and ve可 sweet) pears. Upriver lie the gorges of northeastern Tibet, and downriver dangerous rapids hinder irrigation of the poor farmland along the banks. Ni1矽'Xia﹒ The Yellow River finally straig_htens out northeast of Lan­ zhou、 running sedately across the loess plain east of Alashan to 出c city ofNingxia (now Yinchuan ），也c “Lower Yang回 of the steppe.” There, at the edge of the Gobi Desert, 'an ancient irrigation system supports a rich and mixed agricultural economy, including paddy rice. The irri­ gated plain east of the river stretches toward the alkaline desert of the western Ordos, a source of wealth from salt extraction but a dangerous obstacle to commerce with north China. Southeast of Ningx悶，出c ill­ favored loess co凹的 of Haicheng and Guyuan contains some of Gansu's worst land and poorest people, ending m 出c rugged Liupan Mountains, where Chinggis Khan is supposed to have died m 出c 出 ir­ teen出 centu可﹒ Longd01矽. 8 The eastern qu紅ter of the province lies at 出c upper end of the Wei River valley. The Wei, a tributary of the Yellow River at 出c great bend (Tongguan) in southeastern Shaanxi, flows through one of the earliest centers of Chinese civilization. Shaanxi Province, also called Guanzhong，出c “Area wi出Ill 出c Passes,'’ saw the flourishing of the Zhou dynasty, the rise of the Q凹， and the stable hegemony of the western Han, all before 出c beginning of the Christian era. The Sui dynasty's canals brought the produce of the south to 出is yellow-ea吋1 count可 in the sixth centu可 c. E ., and a few decades later the Tang emperors built 出eir supremely cosmopol祉an Chang'an on 出c Wei’s southern bank, at present-day Xi'an, where many former capitals had stood.9 The upper Wei valley in Gansu has su能ient water, a temperate climate, and enough flat land for reasonably well-graded roads, wi曲曲c dry, barren Liupan mountain range as its source and its no吋W臼tern

8. The traditional name for Gansu, Long, is o丘en found in geographical names such as this one, me缸ling “eastern Long.” 9. 百ie Chinese word for loess, h關物tu, literally means ‘'yellowe缸由，＂ and its in血na自 relatiori to Chinese people’s conceptions of their own history and culture held a cen虹al place in 也E recent, controversial television documentary “River Ele盼戶（He shang), which compared China’s ancient, yellow, riverine culture unfavorably to 出c new, blue, expansive, ocean cultures of Euro也nerica.

II FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES limit. Iβngdong remains more closely connected to ShaatlXi and China proper 出an d個S 出c rest of the province, its large towns almost all lying on 出c Wei River or on 出c Xi’an-Lanzhou Road. Longnan. South of the Wei watershed, east of the Tao River, where Gansu and Sichuan meet, the southern part of the province lies partly inside the Yangzi watershed across a divide m 出c Qinling Mountains. Well watered but hi阱， wi出 a short growing season, southern Gansu farmland produces barley and oa臼 as well as millet and wheat. Protected by its mountains, this part of the province attracted refugees from wars and disasters to 出c no民hand east. The large Gansu tributaries ofthe Yellow River一出c Xining (Huang), Dax血， and Tao Rivers-all rise in the Tibetan highlands. Flowing among chaotic mountain ranges，也ey subdivide southwestern Gansu into dis血m regions: Huangzhong, Taoxi, and Iρngn凹， all bordering northeastern Tibet (Tib. Amdo). w Each of these rivers travers口 a transi­ tional landscape from its so凹ce in the high mountains to steep foo出山s surrounding n誼。w valleys, then to broad valleys marking the entrance from cultural Tibet into cultural China. Divided from one another by the rapidly flowing rivers, which could be crossed with ease only in winter, these regions also contain a variety of ecological wnes, from high grass­ lands suitable for nomads to well-watered arable pl也ns,and 出us consti­ tute meeting and mixing grounds for a variety of ethnic groups and cultures. Huangzh01矽﹒ Centered on 出c Xining River watershed between the Yellow River and its m句or city, Xining, cut by rapid rivers and battered by a harsh climate, the n紅row valleys of northeastern Tibet nonetheless can yield good crops to 出eir ethnically diverse cultivators. II A local proverb says,“Gansu is 企y, but Qinghai is green’’(Ch. Gansu gan, Qi1矽hai qi吻），出c green including bo出 fields in the valley bottoms (which sometimes lie above 8,ooo ft.) and dense forests on some of the

IO. Current administrative divisions of the People’s Republic of China make Amd。 由E nonheastem part of Qinghai Province 個d 出c northwestern part of Sichu個 Pro討nee, quite distinct from the Xizang Tibetan Autonomous Region. I use 出E term 叮ibet'’ here in a cultural, linguistic sense, which wo叫d demand 出c inclusion of most of Qinghai, W臼tern Sichuan，個d w臼temYunn個（越 well as some piααof other countries) in Tibet. No political claim is intended, for theαstem and northeastern parts of Tibet have not generally been governed 企om Lhasa but rather have often maintained semi-independence under Manchu, Chinese, or o也er nominal hegemony. II. The Xining River is usually called the Hu個g I皇 River, a homophone of the Yellow (Hu個g 黃） River. I shall use 出c less common "Xining" name to avoid confusion.

12 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES slopes 戶 Bounded by Qinghai itself (lit., ＂出c blue-green lake’” Mong.,' Kokenor), the Tibetan massif; and the Qilian Mountains m 出c no巾， 出is area has often been of strategic importance as a meeting ground for Tib哎， Mongolia，組d Turkic-speaking Central Asia, as well as for China’s relations with all three. Included in Gansu by 出c Qing but made part of a separate province (Qinghai) in the late 1920s, Huan~－ zhong also demands a pastoral or semipastoral life from many of its inhabitants, for 出c steep, high hill co凹的 do口 not offer l紅geexpanses of arable land (see plate 2). T叫xi. The triangle w臼t and north of the Tao River and east of the mountains, wi曲曲c Dongxiang mountains at its apex, constitutes a core zone for 出is book. The Muslim-dominated city ofHezhou (now Linxia) and the Tibetan center at Labrang define an e也nic-cultural progression between China and Tibet. Taoxi marks the southwestern boundary of arable loess and the northeastern boundary of Tibetan pastoralism, and its ethnically mixed population reflec自由c topograph芋 Though much of Gansu has adequate rainfall in good years’ the rain often arrives suddenly in l紅ge quantities ra出er 出an spreading itself over 出c growing season. Heavy rainfall can be disastrous in loessial areas such as Tao刃， for 出at dusty soil must be watered evenly and slowly to produce good crops. Both the Yellow River and the Wei c叮叮 heavy loads of loess silt away from Gansu, leaving the northwest more leached and less arable eve可 year. Deforestation and subsequent erosion cut sharp valleys 出rough the loess plains, creating a jumble of tiny plo臼 among the steep slopes. Amdo. West of the Daxia, south of the Yellow River, northeastern Tibet is l訂gely pastoral and inhabited primarily by Tibetan and Turkic speakers. Unsuited to any but high-coun的 agriculture in which barley is the dominant grain，也c mountainous Amdo co凹的 rewards pasto­ ralis臼 more 出an farmers. Based in the market towns by the rivers, Muslims have for centuries moved between the pastoral and agric叫tural zones as middlemen, brokers, and translators. Connected to Lhasa only by long and dangerous roads, Amdo nonetheless constituted a crucial transportation link between Tibet and Mongo山，自pecially once 出c latter culture area came to be dominated by Tibetan Buddhism and its lamase可－ based political culture. Three great lamaseries一Labrang

12. Along the Yellow River the mountains east ofLantaishan still have some of their forest cover, but to the west, past G也zi 組d G扭曲，出ey stand bare and er，吋ing，出eir 叮·ees lost to forest fires or, more commo叫y, to human beings hungry for fuel, housing, 組d wood for tools.

13 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

(sou出 ofHezhou), Choni or Zhuoni (on 出e upper Tao), and Kumbum (near Xining)-and a host of smaller on口 controlled the wealth and rnilita可 power of the region well into modern times.

Muttψle Cores, M ul呻le Peripheries

In such a hodgepodge of environments, Gansu society could hardly have been a unified, geographically centered system. In G. William Skinner’s mapping of China’s regions, Gansu is 出c periphe可 of the periphe可，出c outer edge of the northwestern macroregion, which has its core at Xi’an. This book argues 出at such a single-centered view does not adequately describe Gansu. The Tibetans, Salars, Chinese-speaking Muslims, Mongols, and Mongolian叩eaking Muslims all had cores and peripheries arranged ve叮 differently. Without understanding 出eir sys­ terns, and the interactions of these conceptions of spatial relations and hierarchies, we will misconstrue both the geography and the history of 出c region’的 Gu Jiegang did and many scholars still do. For example, at 出 is distant edge of their civilization, the Chinese of Gansu did not simply display 出c language, habits, and values of their core ﹔也ey also adapted to the harsh environment and to 出c non­ Chinese cultures of their neighbors.13 Frontiers 紅c always in motion and always have two sides, so Gansu cannot be seen simply as an edge of cultural China. It also constitutes an outer edge ofTib仗， Mongolia, and Muslim Central Asia. Beginning wi曲曲eir own unique histories ， αii­ tures, and cores, the non-Chinese of the frontiers also evolved and changed 出rough 出eir contact wi出 one another and wi出 China. These mutual adaptations, ra出er 出an any one-way transmission, encompass the social and cultural processes of 出 is book, as the severe, diverse Gansu terrain forms its geographical setting.

13. However the elitαof China may have envisioned (or st山 envision) their civ山zing project along the 台ontiers, the daily exigencies of 企ontier life made mutual adaptation nee臼sary. In realms as dose to 出c hean as language itself the frontier peopl臼 influenced one 徊。ther-the Hezhou (Linxia) dialect of Chinese utiliz自 1日urco-Mongolic case end­ m跤， possibly from the Mongolic language spoken by some Muslims in Tao泊，﹜凶t as Salar has absorbed large numbers of Chinese and Tibetan loan words while retaining Turkic grammar and Arabic-Persian religio凶 vocab叫ary (Dwy叫“Altaic Elemen俗，＇） .A Japanese m曲。pologist specializing in Chinese frontier studies proposed (just after World War II) thatαpecially rich social inv臼tigation of mutual adaptation wo叫d be possible where Muslims 組d non-Muslim Chinese lived in dose proximity. To 出at end, he recommended parallel study of Sino-Muslims living in China proper and non-Muslim Chinese living in 迫njiang (lwarnura Shino恤，“Chugoku Isurarnu shak也f 12-15).

14 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

The process of incorporation 出at Gu Jiegang recommended and so deeply desired has indeed changed the nature of China’s peripheries as China has changed. The Gansu frontier wnes, which had been shi丘ing areas of Chinese/non-Chinese interaction and syncretism, have gradu­ ally and sometimes painfully given way in modem times to 出c new and powe 品tl concept of political b仰n如ry, a demarcation within which na­ tional sovereig吻且也： er 由組 imperial virtue h。他 supreme power and demands local loyalty. As the Chinese state changed, so did 出c pres­ sures imposed on peripheral peoples, especially on leaders who chose to ally or identi 時 themselves wi曲曲c political center. The Qing sys­ tem, under which hereditary “native chieftains" (to use 出c most popu­ lar nineteenth-century English translation) were granted imperial titles to rule the frontier, had to be replaced by "national" rule or by local leaders thoroughly imbued with the values of the nation-state. Such leaders would generally be from the group who have come to call themselves Han，出c “culturally Chinese,'’ or from the elites of non­ Chinese groups who see 出c仕 advantage, and possibly 出at of their communities, in representing state power locally. 14 The great diversity of Gansu peoples made local leadership a particularly thorny problem, so 出c emergence of a new northwestern Muslim elite committed to 出c political center of China-first Qi嗯，出en Republican (1912-49)­ beginning late m 出c nineteenth centu可 forms an important part of this book’s st＇。可﹒ Gu Jiegang did not tell his audience in 1938 that China, newly self conscious and struggling to constitute itself as a nation-state, had im­ posed on its peripheries wi出 a heavy hand as it underwent its painful modern adaptations. National leaders and nationalist thinkers needed to form a new China bo出 as an idea and as an institution, a modem nation-state utterly different from what they saw in the anachronistic Qing empi時， yet covering 出C same territory and tied to 出c past wi出 the strong bonds of language and historical consciousness. Gu spoke of expanding 出c center (Ch. zhongyuan) until it includes all of China, leaving the national border as 出c frontier﹔由此 is clearly 出c goal of national integration and nation building all over the world. But even

14. As noted in the Introducti凹， I have tried to avoid terms such as Han and H山， which bear the heavy weight of contempor訂Y ethnonymic practice in the People’s Repub­ lie of China. For the Sino-Musfu恥，由E ethnonym Tong組 or Donggan referred exclu­ sively to the Sinophone Muslims of the northwest, but it has fallen into disuse in written texts ，曲。ugh it is still used by Turkic speakers m 氾njiang. I prefer to 凶E “M山山n’， and “non-Muslim," plus o由er appropriate ethnic maikers, such as language, rather than the 押iinzu terminology that dominates Chinese E也nographic discourse.

15 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES now Gansu and Qinghai people refer to their provinces as “frontier'’ (Ch. bianjiang) and 出c r臼t of China as 出c “interior’” for 出ey live among cultural Others and see themselves as living on China’s cultural edge. The first p訂t of 出 at nation-building process，出c conceptualization of a new world, took place almost entirely without reference to China’s peripheries. There were a few new-style schools (Ch. 翩翩吻） in Gansu after 1900, and small groups of young Communists had to be eliminated by 出c Lanzhou au出orities m 出c 1920s戶 But 出c modem world arrived in the northwest prim紅ily as military technology, wielded by leaders who fought their most impo民ant battles back east. The reformers, revolutionaries, cultural 臼sence (Ch. guocui) advocates, and New C叫－ ture intellectuals neither knew nor cared much about Muslims, whom 出ey knew to be violent, or about wild and woolly Tibetans, except as potential 出re泌的出c unity of the nation. Another pa民 of the modem process, the creation of a new type of state, forcibly included the periphe可 in the recasting of an imperial (and imperialized) anachronism into a uni且ed polity capable of survival in the hostile, aggressive twentieth-centwγworld system of nation­ states. New China engaged its frontiers with power ra出er 出an persua­ sion, so 出c ideologies and discussions of the 1920s touched Gansu ve可 lightly. 的 The provincial administrators, bureaucrats, and generals of Republican China used the tools and techniques of the modem world in the northwest only to enhance their control over territory. The Chris­ tian general Feng Yuxiang arrived in Gansu not wi出 programs against opiumbutra出er with campaigns ag也nst local militarists and factions of unruly Muslims. The late Qing and Republican peri。也 did see 出c transformation of 出c northw臼t, not by 出c polemi 臼 or ideals of modernization or devel­ opment but by the process of military incorporation. The “new'' local elite rose not primarily from the ranks of students or cadets, not from new political activists p紅ticipating in boycotts or strikes, not even 阱， marily from the more traditional elites who joined the provincial assem­ 凶手 Among 出c non

15. Mu Sho呵， Gan Ning Qjng, 31. 呦，但cribes 出E secret a叮叮sm, arr·剖， and imprisonment of eight young Communist women by the warlord government in 1927. Mu Shouqi's vast compendium of documentary extra恤， quotations, and opinipns w山 k r如·ed to hα咄：er “ GNQSL. 的. Yu Yao，“W叩開ndong," attemp白的 demonstrate 出E significance of 出E eastern intellectual movement in Gansu but presen臼 no con叮ncing evidence.

16 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

Qing dynasty ret也ied 出cir high status and gained Republican legiti­ ma句， while a Gansu Muslim elite evolved from 出c Qingmilita可， some­ tinies supported by 出c Muslim politico-religious groups (menhuan) 出 at had enough cash to recruit and equip 訂mi口． Wi出 elites such as 出口已 Gansu (in contrast to much of China proper) had a period of warlord domination virtually without a New C叫ture movement of urban intellectuals. The northwestern periphe可 was a symbol to be secured, a bastion to be defended, a resource to be tapped, but not a place congenial to 出c self conscious designers of New China's identity. Gu Jiegang’s intelleαual contemporaries tended to call 出c northwesterners outlandish, violent, and hostile to a civilized new order. Gu Jiegang and his companion Wang Shurnin, however, trekking between Lanzhou and Xining, visiting schools and soldiers and o伍cials ’ ”w China’s Muslims ind the whole northwest wi出現可 di丘erent eyes, describing them as potential wellsprings of virile energy for 出c building of a new nation. In 出at fateful ye紅 of 1937, Gu wrote:“In the revival of the Chinese race, the Moslems would have a large responsibility."17 He knew, if many of his compatriots did not，出at 出c Muslims of northwest China were Chinese.

FRONTIER PEOPLES

The Salars have their own independent langua詐， narurally di能rent in basic vocabulary and grammatical strucrure from 出c languages of 出C surrounding Han and Tibetan peoples. It is close to 出c languagαof the Turkmen and the Uzbeks living in Samarkand .... They all belong to 出c Yugus branch of the w臼tern Xiongnu group of the Turkic languages, which are part of the Altaic language family. The Salars' relatively tall and large physique, abundant facial hair, high-bridged noses, and deep-set eyes and other external features clearly mark 出eir di能rences from the neighboring Han and Tibetan peoples and prove 出at 出ey have a close racial resemblance to 出c peoplαof Central Asia戶

17. Schneider, Ku Chieh曲，z 279, 286-93. Gu Jiegang was not alone in this observa­ tion. Several Yαrs＇ earlier 出E Japanese observer Sakuma 忘掉的（“Shina kaik)曲。”）， 由。可h interested more in Muslim separatism 也an Chinese UI世ty, condud世出at 出E majority of Sino-Muslims 出ought of themselves as Chinese and could be dissuaded from 血 at position only by a wide-ranging Pan.Islamic movement emanating from 范njiang or further W臼t 18. Sal.晶U jianshi, 9-IO.

17 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

Many a traveler has tried to describe an出ropologically 出c Salar 可rpe-tall, aquiline no悶， etc. Such 甜 undertaking has very little value. As we have already seen, the Salars, at least in the past two hundred years’ are a great mish-mash of Turks, Mongols, Tibetans, Chinese, and Huih山﹝Chinese-spe必ing M山lims ﹞.＇ 9

People of的E Fron即行

In Gansu, agriculture, sedentary pastoralism, and various degrees of nomadism could flourish in close proximity. Frontier peoples, including the Chinese, thus evolved 出eir individual and collective identities in ex­ tended contact wi出 many cultural Others. In Gansu live a wide variety of mixed peoples, all on 出c frontiers of their linguistic cultures: Turkic­ speaking Muslims, Mongolic-speaking Muslims, Chinese-speaking Ti­ betans, Tibetan-speaking Muslims, Monguor叩eaking Muslims and non心1.uslin院 and more. These groups, most of them now carefully but inconsistently classified as “minority nationalities" by the state, have in earlier times been more fluid, flexible entities. Individual fronter folks, by conscious choice or unconscious adaptation, defended and altered 出eir identities among 出eir neighbors. 20 In Gansu a non-Muslim Chinese male might convert to Islam to improve his chances in business, his female cousin in order to mar可 a Muslim man who had accumulated substantial weal出. A Muslim mer­ chant might eat pork in order to enhance his working relationship wi出

19. Trippner.,“Die Salaren," 261. 20. As noted in the Introduction, the People’s Republic of China divides its Muslim citiz.ens into ten minzu. According to this category system, the Muslim minzu living in contemporary Gansu, Ningxia, and Qingh也 may be described as follows: (1) Hui, living throughout the region, are Muslims who predominantly use Chinese as their native language （曲。ugh some in H uan評hong speak Tibetan ）﹔但） Dongxiang, concentrated in Hezhou and its eastern district, spoke (and some still speak) a dialect of Mongoli妞， though many now 凶C Chinese, and call themselves Santa;(3) Sal缸， living mostly along the two banks of the Yellow River above and below the town ofX山ihua, now in Qinghai, speak both Chinese and Sal缸， a Turkic language, related most closely to Turkmen but now containing a vast number of Chinese and Tibetan loan words;(4) Baoan (or Bonan), a tiny group living in and south of the Salar co凹的， speak a Mongolic dialect similar t。 由此 of the Monguor people; and (5) Kaz尬， a nomadic people dispersed west of Kokenor and m 出E Gansu co叮idor, speak the same Turkic language as the Kaza.ks ofXinjiang and Kazakstan. The non-Muslim minzu of the region are classi且ed as Han (Chine仗）， Tibet­ ans, Yugu (or Q紅a Yugur), Mongols, Manchus, and Monguors. For a conventional discussion of the current conditions of 白白C peoples, as the People’s Republic o伍cially analyz自由em, see Gansu Sheng Minzu Shiwu Weiyuanhui and Gansu Sheng Minzu Yanjiusuo (eds.), Ga甜ush甜1Shu minzu.

18 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES a non-Muslim or to avoid o佐nding an important host. A Tibetan nomad might make a permanent home in a village in order to pl叩t crops and avoid the seasonal disasters of herding. A Turkic-speaker might encourage his children to learn the local dialect of Chinese to better their prospects m 血紅ea dominated by the Chinese, or discour­ age them in order to preserve 由c purity of his Islamic heritage. A Mongolic-speaking Muslim might be able to earn a living only by mi­ F祖t labor in non-Muslim areas, so he and his family would travel and learn Chinese by necessity. To take a concrete example, in Tangw叩g­ chu姐， on 出c west b組lk of the Tao River south of Lanzhou, half of the W叩g clan were Muslims while the other half were not, and the s紅ne ha~pened within the Tang lineage (see plate 3). While “nship 位cs 阻lited M山幽ns 組d non enemies of kinsmen and allies of coreli♂onis臼， when religion became a divisive valence of identity. 21 In some Tibetan families 出at did business with Muslims, one son might convert to Islam, sharing the family home wi出 a brother who had become a lama. Such decisions and changes, one by one, have created the complexity of Gansu ethnic identities. According to 叩 ideological tenet held by many Chinese in premod­ em times, non-Chinese must either remain in the peripheral darkness of barbarism or 出ey must laihua) come and be transformed by 出c civiliz­ ing power of Chinese culture. In 由 is mythic construction, China exerts a stable, immobile magnetism 由at draws the susceptible （由at is，出c proximate) into sinification by its moral power. This characterization must be carefully gl。“ed by historical reality戶 Many people have ex­ isted along China’s borders for millennia, altered by China’s presence but never especially attracted to or absorbed into Chinese culture and society, as 出c case of the Tibetans most vividly shows. Though some Chinese might argue 出at 出is demonstrates their reactionary tendencies or sheer barbaric stupidi句， as observers we may conclude 出at not eve可one who knows China wants to be Chinese. Some may w叩t to

21. Ma H甜甜， Gan Qjng Zang, 3. The language spoken m 出 is little town and its hinterland represen臼 a vivid syncretism of local cultures. With Islamic religious loan­ words from Arabic and Persian，叩me Turkic as well，詛d I臼 Chin白e-c山n gr缸nm缸， T徊gw詛ghua s”nboli民s 由c entire ethnic， αi.lcural，組d religious frontier region in which it W泌的配d，岫ough it d倒 not appear to contain much Tibetan material (A. Yibulaheim也﹝ lb曲im］，“Gansu zhangnei," 33-47). The geographer Li Xud訟， investigating 出C natural resources of the Tao泊 region, also noted 出at Tangwang­ chuan was one of the few religio叫y and 抽血cally mixed towns of the r嚕。n （“泊bei kexue," 25). 22. CrossJ.句， "Thin組ng about Ethnicity," 1-3.

19 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

trade, others to raid, but 出ey certainly desire to remain themselves, however syncretically their frontier culture may have grown.

The Gansu M制：／ii關： Patchwork Socieη；

The Muslims of Gansu did not funαion as a unified comm凹世ty in any sense of the word but were divided along m組y lines, including geo­ graphic ones.23 A wide variety of Gansu urb叩 neighborhoo曲， towns, 詛d V山ages may be described as tion, size, relations with non gio凶 a血liations，詛d poli位cal alle唔gi詛ces (see plat臼 4一7). Close to 出c Shaanxi bor缸， m a loess valley, lay the enti吋 M山h market town of Zhangjiachuan. No non-M山lims lived within miles of 出c place, except a few artisans who were careful to obey the strictures of Muslim dietary purity in order to continue living there. The t缸 。伍cers from 出c county seat could visit and collect, but otherwise non­ Muslims came only for 出c periodic hide and leather market and for 出c livestock fair of nearby Maluzhen. The town was, in the late nineteenth 組d twentie出 centuries, dominated by a religious leader of the Jahrlya suborder of Naqshab叩dl Su此， and his justice was supreme m 出c valley.24 In sharp contrast, Lanzhou，也c pro叫ncial capital, contained several M山lim neighborhoo曲， but 出ey constituted no more 出an IO percent of the city’s pop叫ation. Though the Muslims did prosper in trade，出ey had no independent sphere of political action. Their communities built some l訂ge mosques, but 出ey never functioned as religious centers for Muslims from other parts of the province. Sometimes besieged by Mus­ lims from Hezhou or Xunh間，出c Lanzhou Muslims could not or would not rebel in their own right, living as 出ey did under the eyes of 由c governor and his garrison.25 Muslim political hegemony in Gansu, at least in Qing and Republi­ C血也nes, was associated with the comm凹世ty ofHezhou (Linxia), now the central city of Linxia H山 Autonomous Prefeαure, set in the valley

23. An earlier version of this 缸gument may be found in Lipm徊，“Patchwork Society.” 斗﹒ lwamura Shinobu,“Kanshuku k也min，＇’ 144 4-7- 25. See the pop叫ation statistics in Both紅n，“Isl紅n in Kansu,'’ 377-90. Chongxiu Goolan x揖n zhi (1892), I3.I2a-I泊， giv＇臼 the 1887 面，叮臼 as .+78,2”“Han” and 坪，863 Muslims, in contrast to Botham’s 50,000 Muslims. Though taken from the b呵揖（ mutual security system) records, the gaze位eer figures cannot be reg缸ded as any more accurate than the mission訂戶. The relative percentage, 5-10 percent Muslim, is more trustwo吋iy than any speci且c numbers.

20 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES of the Daxia River southwest of Lanzhou. Muslims and non-Muslims lived there in equal numbers, perhaps fo此y-five 出O山詛d of each in 出c early twentieth cen阻叮戶 The non 出c no抽，出c Muslims in the suburbs and rural hinterland (see plate 8). In economic and social power，也c Muslims dominated the entire re­ gion. Even in the realm of coercive power，也ey controlled elements of 出c garrison and had powe的d local militias of their own for much of the modern period. The Muslim community also supported many reli司 gious institutions, including the tombs of several important Sufi s也n低 Underscoring 出c city’s cen甘ality in Gansu Muslim life, most of the Muslim generals who dominated the northwest during the Republican period claimed Hezhou as their “o伍cial" home district，出ough many lived elsewhere. As a market for bo出 Chinese goods and 出c h山 coun­ t可 produce of Tibet, Hezhou prospered in peace血ne but su丘ered horribly from communal conflict in wartime. The populo山 but vulnera­ ble Muslim suburb of Bafang was sacked and burned a number of times as frontier violence escalated after the Qianlong period (1736-96). Tianshui, now an impo此ant town m 出c upper Wei valley, had a M凶lim community of about five 出ousand, wi出 eight mosques, among a population of fifty thousand. But the entire hinterland of this county seat was non-Muslim，的出c town’s small Muslim community had to maintain a conciliatory attitude, especially since a g紅rison was usually stationed there. Though the Muslims there belonged to a sup~ posedly militant revivalist organ血紅ion，也e Jahrlya (Ch. Zheherenye or Zhehelinye), headquartered nearby at Zhangjiachu血，出ey never rose up against their neighbors. 27 NearTianshui and Zhangjiachuan the town ofFujiang (now Gangu), a market town and county seat, had only a small Muslim community. To a European anthropologist working there in the early twentieth centu句，

26. lwarnu間，“Kanshuku k血泊n," 叫， cites 出c mission叮 journal Frie叫 ofMo.胸前 8:2, 31, for a 60 40 ratio of Muslims to non-Muslims. The Muslim population ofHezhou has been placed as low as 斜，ooo (Zhang Qiyun, ''Taoxi quyu’” 3) and as higl> as 112,000 (Ma Zikuo, "Musilin zai Linxia,” 15-18). Both Ma Hetian and Nishi Masao record a 50 : 50 ratio of Muslims to non-Mus仙ns, and 曲的 is confirmed without any scientific basis by most of the travel accoun臼 This figure d但S not, however, include the rural hinter­ lands, especially 出E solidly Muslim eastern subprefecture, whose inhabitan臼 may have numbered as many as one-hundred thousand m 出e early twentieth century (Ma Hetian, Gan Qi吻； Zan, 18; Nishi Masao,“Kanshuku Seikai," 8-21and41). 27. “Gansu Tianshui 泊m gaikuang" gives no indication 伽t the local Muslims we民 other 出an peaceful citizens，也ough it maligns 出E Hezhou Muslims as tufei (bandi臼） for attacking the city in the late 19ws.

21 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

出c place strongly resembled entirely Chinese towns much further east and seemed culturally very far removed from the geographically close Muslim centers. Indeed, in a lengthy c出nography Joseph Dols did not mention any Muslims at all只 But the Muslims were there and did belong to 出c Jahriya. Through their l臼ders ，出ey participated m 出c 缸uiety and planning attendant upon 出at Sufi order's tribulations and uprisings.” Wi出 the usual, substantial warnings about the inaccuracy of the late Qing and Republican population statist 悶， we may plot the modern distribution of Muslims in Gansu and find it very uneven. They gathered in Hezhou, Xunhua, Zhangjiachu血， Xini嗯， Taozhou, Ningx血， and Guyuan/Haicheng. Large sections of the province-between L紅包hou and Ningxia, in the east, and in the south-held only small Muslim communities. The Gansu sections of the Wei valley were completely dominated by non-Muslims, though Muslims lived at Tianshui, F可 iang, Pingliang, and Zhangjiachuan. As Gu Jiegang found to his p也1, Gansu roads were notoriously bad，。丘en closed by natural disaster or bandit menace, ~lacing yet another obstacle in the pa出 of Muslim networks of commumcatlon. In sum, the condition of Muslim communities in Gansu and 出eir relations with non-Muslim neighbors depended to a great extent on local factors. For example, after 1873 Muslims were excluded from living within the city walls of most towns in the province, for fear of a repeti­ tion of the violence of 1862-73. In Hezhou, Xining, and Ningxia, all of which had large Muslim communities，出ey continued to live only m 出c suburbs into the mid-twentieth century. But in Tianshui and Lanzhou Muslims lived in the city wi出 everyone else, so non出reatening were their small communities. In some districts Muslims and non-Muslims lived in the same village,3° whereas around Hezhou 出c separation be­ tween them seemed quite strict:

On one occasion we made a trip with Muslim muleteers. They were friendly and suggested 出at we stay wi出 them in their village, so for

28. Dols,“La vie chinoise." This len乎hy article emph晶也臼 repeatedly 由c quality of 由E Fujiang comm凹世ty.. 29. 四te interrogation of a Fujiang Muslim in 1781 revealed 出at 出E community had raised four-hundred tads of silver to aid Ma Min伊n in fighting the laws叫“ brought against his Jallriya Sufi suborder and during his imprisonment in L組zhou (Agl且 andLi Shiyao ﹝ Qi扭曲ng 柏抖9, June 20, 1781] memorial, in Salazu da：吻＇an shit帥， 85-88). 30. Li Xud徊，“范 bei kexue," 25, notes wn臼 of exclusively Muslim and exclusively non-Muslim settlement，叫出 mixed 叮llages and towns between.

22 FRONTIER GROUND AND PEOPLES

that night we stopped in a little Muslim world. The children were called 1-ssu-mer (Ismael), Fa－且－ mai (Fat由ia), Er-pu-tu (Abd叫）．．．． Before d紅kness fell, pious bearded men said their evening prayers in public places. We made another trip over the s位ne gene叫 route but on this occasion had Chinese [non-Muslim] muleteers .... Somehow the landscape seemed to have a much more typically Chinese complexion than before. Ag也n we stayed for 出c night in the native 前llage of our muleteers .... The smell of incense was in the air. ... pigs grunted in the courtyards, and in the streets, after d紅k, accompanied by the beating of gongs and the clashing of C}明白血， c伍gies and masks were carried around in celebration.31

We must 出us pay close attention to the local in our study of Muslims in northwest China, not relying on categorization schemes devised by national institutions, nor on ideologically informed systems of classifica­ tion ordinarily used by Chinese and Western scholars. Gansu identities were no more 句id or monovalent 由ano曲的﹒ Loc址， family，時ligious a伍liation, occupation, education, and a host of other loyalties affected the choices 出at Muslims and non-Muslims made along the frontiers of their cultures.

31. Elcvall, Cultural Relat的押s, 19-20. The au出or explicitly refers to 出c feelings of ‘'we’, and “they" that he heard expressed in bo出 v山ages and emphas血s 也e striαsegrega­ tion between 也em.

23 Index

'Abel al-'Azlz, 204 Arabic calligraphy, 181, 187 'Abel al-Wahhab, Muhanunad 缸，肘， Arabic (language) education, 49-51, 215 202-3, 209 Arabic pt.旬，in for Chinese’”- 51 Ab函，1-Futiih. See Ma Laichi Arabs, 25 acculturation: as local, 213; as ordinary, Aryanism, xx Z必； procαs of, xix. See also minzu Ashige, 75 paradigm Aubin, Franc;oise, 178 of Sino-Muslims, xviii; anxiety regard­ ing, 73; and external contact, 213一埠， Bafang, 21, 1判， 159 lin世岱 of, 213; m Ming, 39, 40,“-46, Bai Chongxi, 197 另一56 ﹔ m Tang-Song, 28-3月 m Yangzi Bai Lang, Gansu camp也F of, I旬， 191-94 region, 46; in Yuan, 34-38 Bai Y扭曲U, 129, I 鈣， 165, 225 adoption ，＇肘， Il3 Baishan (Sufi order），”。 Alaqiya (Su益。rder), 64, 70，鉤， 94, Baizhuangzi, 108 19ons6, 217 bandi 的， endemic in Gansu, 171 , no, m，的2, 179, 186, 220 bar.必修（ religious charisma), 61, 66, 185 Ahl as-Sunna (Kinsmen of the Tradition), Bayanro嗯， I抖，呦，的o 204 beg_ (hereditary lord), xxix Ahmad Fanaka位（Ahema), 31一戶， 35-36 Beizhuang (menhuan ） ，曲， 20! ahong(im卓夙 religious teacher): as distinc­ Bi Yu位l, 98再81 tive leader, 214; mGansu, 178; inade­ Bijiachang (menh帥的， 71 quacies of, 73 ﹔ lin世tation on move­ Board of Punishments, xixn4, 99-101, n9 ment of, n3; opposition to Han kitab Boluo (P叫adAqa), 32 by, 84; as profession, 48-49. See also Bosi. See Persians Islam﹔ madr且ra; mosquα﹔ religion Boxer uprising，的9, 181 Alashan, 171 brawling (dou'ou), 100 Altishah ［’”，旬， 94. See also 誼njiang Buddhism: in China, xviii; as he即吋oxy, Amdo (northeastern Tibet), 12; geography 祉， 77﹔ resemblance to Su且sm,60叫 and economy of, 13; as independent, “; studied by Liu Zhi, 81; Tibetan, 的3 ﹔ as middle ground, 159. See also 13一峙， m Yu妞， 37 Qinghai Province; Tibet Anh凶， 38 category system:“danger, 227; as dis- Arabia (Tianfang): scripturalist fundamen­ course of power.，紅耳 221; minzu para­ talism 血， 202-3 ﹔ as site of con血q di gm 訟， xxii, 216. See also c出nicity ﹔ 詛咒 as source of tru曲， 78-79﹔晶晶 minzu paradigm revivalism in, 86-87 Central Asia: Amdo as frontier of, 13; com-

25+ INDEX

mercewi曲， 53 ﹔ conn反世ons with 176-77; Han kit紡織 226 ﹔ and his­ Gansu, 9月 Gansu as frontier of, 221; tory, xxxi-xxxii; and Islam, 75-79, 臼 Mi略 frontier.，糾鈞。rigin of 82-s+, 9月 social harmony in, 101 ﹔泊c­ semu， 外， 35 ﹔ route to, 11; as site of rues of, and Islamic duties, 78. See also conflict，詛咒 as source of Sufism, 63; Han kitab; Liu Zhi Sufi rivalries in, 64-65; in Tang-Song Confucius, 79 China, 29. See also Xinjiang conversion to Islam，牛6, 113 ChangYuq凹， 38 corruption, in Gansu, 96-97 Chang’徊， 26, 29 cotton proc臼sing, 30 Changge嗯， 170, I咒， 183 Chantou Hui. See Uygur minzu Daerliuji, 171 charity, as Muslim duty,“’,66 Daoism, +s, 6on.九 77，缸，的9 Chen Decai, 120 均：rngh間， 毛主 Chen Jia戶， I抖， 145, 1+7, 166 Dashi. See Arabia; Arabs Chengda Normal College, 176 Datong，的O Chiang Kai-shek. See Jiang Ji臼趾 D位ia River, 12, 21 China:“environment for Sufism, 64; as Deng Zeng, 1+2, 1牛牛， 15+，的1, 162’的5 home for Muslims, xxxv; political dis­ db泊，（ remembrance of God): defined, 6月 integration of, 186. See also northwest as divisive issue, 65n17, 1 旬，詛咒 recita­ China tion of, 178; silent, 64--65, 87, 88, 9月 China, People’s Republic of: characteriza­ vocal ，旬， 87, 88, 90, 91. See also Su且 tion of minzu in, xxxiii;“civilizing order; Sufism projeα” of, xxii; historiography in, Didao (Lintao), 1蚱， 192汁的.8 rebellion 血， xxxii; minzu polici臼 of, xvii，盟， xx­ 5+; 1895 rebellion in, 1刊－ 5 月 foreign xxiv; Muslim minzu defined, xxiinn merchan白血， 30 ﹔ Hidayat Allah 恤， China, Republic of, 16, 172, 175-77, 183- 59. See also Mufti 86. See also Guomindang Ding Dαing, 38 China Islamic Association (Zhongguo Ding Guodong，另一路， 6+, 128, 217, 223 Huijiao Gonghui), 176 Dolon臨a, 124 Chinese calligraphy, 168, 1旬， 181, I肘， 199 Dong Fuxiang: attacks Tao泊， 151 ﹔ as com­ Chinese culture, as vehicle for Islam, 198 mander of Ma family warlords，的9 ﹔ Chinese historiography, xxx-xxxiii, 117-18 conflict wi出 Ma Yuanzhang, 181-8月 Chin臼e identity, Muslims 血， xxxv role in 1895 rebellion, 156 一”，的＋， 168; , as vehicle for Islam, “出reat to Muslims, 224 73 Donggan. See Tungan Chinese nationalism, 200 ﹔ Confuci誼I.ism Dongguan, 160 and, 176-77; and frontiers, 15-17; m Dongxiang minzu, 1刊一50, 216 historiography, xxxi; HuSongshan Dongxiang region ，旬， 201 ，悶， Z峙， 206 阻止 210; lkhwan 阻止 205, 208-11; DuHuan, 31 and minzu paradign_i, 216; Muslims Du Wenxiu, 12抑：so, 200 and, 175. See also nation building Duan Qirui, 173 Chinese people，玖姐， S Dungan. See Tung組 C恤ggis 訕徊， II Duo恤， 162, I旬， 225 Choni (Zhuoni），峙，巧 Du血nga, 125 Christian niission阻臼， I牛+ Christi缸世ty, xv祉， 37 earthquake, 1旬， 195 class stru目le, xxxi Eastern Turkestan. See Xinjiang Communists, 16 education, Islamic，抄一”， 73, I筒， 198. See Confucianism: and Chin臼E nationalism, also jii吻”，穆jia句祖

255 INDEX

Eighteen Great Battalions, 124, 129, IH government of, 183 ﹔ Su且sm in, 64- elders, +8, 214 7月 warlord period in, 172; Yuan sol­ empi 時， m history, xxviii-xxix diers in, 35. See also 企untier﹔ north­ empress dowager, 156, 157nuo, 169 west China; rebellion ethnic cleansing，呵，叫 Gansu Pro討ncial Assembl）日 171 ethnicity: defined, xxvii-xx泊ii; and minzu G位也hou, 53, 54 P位adigm, xxviii; and nation也tate, Gao WαJyuan, 117 xxivnrs, xxv. See 必o minzu paradigm Gedimu: de益led,47-49 ﹔ difference 告。m E山opean weapons, in Gansu, 126, 128, 157 non-Mus仙ns, 214 ﹔ difference 告。m Sufi orders ，旬，旬， 90 ﹔ as Ikhw缸1 tar­ F組 Shengwu, 188 E仗， 206; as part of Old Teaching, 戶”Z削 rul見 69 220; in Sha缸凹， 119, 206; as Sino- Feng Yuxiang，的， 173-75, 196 Muslim m也nstre缸n, 200; in Fengxiang,”,m Taozhou, 188. See 必o mosques Ferghana Valley，判 Gelaohui, 12且，145, 182, 194 feud, within Huasi 卿nh帥，再俐， 141 gender, xxxn2s, 31, 104n2 feuds (xie.枷1 ） ：自calation oflocal, 121; geomancy, 78 within Hu訓，時0-4月缸nongMus­ glass making, 30 lims, 100, 108; rebellions as local, 114; Gobi Desert, 11 缸nong Salars, 107, 1制﹔ at Xining, 161. Gold Star Hall, 188 See 晶。 violence g帥igbei (Sufi tombs): as cause for vio- Five P沮位s of F扭曲， 78, 198 lence, 1戶， 221 ﹔ d自甘uyed at Didao, Fletcher, Joseph, 67, 7。”'30， 旬， 87, 202n87, 15月 lkhwan opposition to, 209; of the 217 Jahriya, 185; as Sufi centers, 61, 70, foreigners' quarters （伽戶物）， 28 187; at Taozhou, 152. See also 企剖lkincense, 27-28 menh闕，i; Sufism 告。ntier: Gansu as multisided, 3-5, 16, Gongchang,”, 54 221-23; Gu Jiegang on,.6-7; as home, Grand Canal, 2屆 222; m modem nation-building, 15- Gu Jiegang, xxxv, 6-7，吼叫一時， 17，泊， 17, 198, 223; northwest China 訟， 5, 7, 108, 118, 221 坪， 18-20; as site of violence, 5, 90- Guan斜lOU，試試試 203 91, 217; study of, xviii. See 必o Gansu Guanli Ye, 113 Province; nation; northwest China Gu叫m 捌igyi (t＇間）， 75 Fujiang (G組gu), Muslims in, 21-22 GuoSho吋 ing, nn.u, 39吻。 F心ang'姐， 112一14 Guomindang，的7’的9, 175, 176, 177, 187, fundamentalism, scriprur祉i鈍， 200-209, 197, 211 223 Guyuan, 11, III

Gald姐，旬， 90, IOI Hai Furun, 98-99, 213 Gansu Province: as comp！α 告。ntier, Hai R凶， 40 xxxm, XXXVI, 3-5, 7-9, 1牛， 16, 18, 221- Haichen皂， 11, 147一祉， 154 23 ﹔ co叮upto伍cials in, 96-97; as fron­ hRla/. b泊， 4年7, 214 tier of Islam, 218; geography and Hami，判， 53, 54’”, 59, 92, 206 economy of, 9-1到 m late 18th cent.’ Han Hui (Sino-Mus尬ns), xxiii, 216. See 93; menhuan in, 70-71; as middle 鈞。 Hui minzu; Sino-Muslims ground, xxxiii; Muslim solidarity in, Han kitab (Sino-Muslim canon), 178, 200: 你 Muslim ”。”lian of, 120-21; Mus- αeation of, 72-85; defined, 73-74; in 1ims of, 3, 18-23; peoples of, 18-20; H也 Furun case’ 99; Ikhwan and, 210, Qing conquest of, 5月 self- 211; as Islamic revival, 223; impor-

256 INDEX

t叩ceo仁”， 226 ﹔ Ma Fuxiang 組d’ Hu Dengzhou, 49-51 的9, 176, 177; Ma Qixi and, l旬， 190 ﹔ HuSongsh徊， 209-ro Xidaot叩g and, 198, 199. See also Con­ Huaisheng mosque, 29 fucianism ﹔翩翩 of 叫叫叫僻的m Huang Chao, 27 Han minzu: chauvinism, xxxi ﹔ αtltural Huangzhong: complex pop叫ation of, norms of, xxxiii; culturally Chinese 的0﹔ geography and economy of, 12; people as, 15; history of, xxi-xxii; as as Joe凶。f Muslim violence, 154; Ma most advanced, xxi Zhongying 血， 174﹔ as Salar country, Hanafi (school of jurisprudence), 2旬， 209 I旬， Xining as center of, l 59. See also H叩bali (school of jurisprudence), 202-3, Xining 205, 209 Huasi （僻的帥的： 1895 rebellion 組d,1料， Hanj1旬， 145 con血Ct WI曲風 141,14月 founded by Hann Nuri, 138, l啊， 142, 144 Ma Laid祉， 90 ﹔ Ma A叫iang and, 146, Hann Si, 138 207; Ma Zhan'ao as head of, 12且， Hann Two, 109 opposition to b弘 19 日 at Hann Wenxiu, 155 ’的0 Taozhou, 188; Yi Xing Gong as com­ b句iqa, Chinese de街泊位。n of, 6on7 mercial arm of, l9I. See also Khafiya; HeBi,5丸”， 127 ”騙自 of ind說飢aJ, leaders He Jianwei, 151 Hui minzu: defined, xxiii-xxiv; origins of, hegemonic narra位ve ·of Chinese history, xxiii, xxivnrs, 216; and religion, xx祉， XXl-xxu, XXXJ XXXIII u8. See also Sino-Muslims Herat，抖 Huihui，筍， 38. See also Muslims; Sino hereditary succession in Sufi order乳白nr8, Muslims 66n21, 70, 90 Huihui tia師師枷（ Book of Muslim ’”,”, IIO as甘onomy), 39 Hezhou: 1872 surrender of, 127, 134-35; H山h山hua, as distinguishing patois, 47, 1895 rebellion m’”4-4且， 154, 158-59; 214 Chinese dialeαof, l+nr3; confliα hu但hong (deluding 血E people), 68 within Khafiya in, 14月 controlled by Zhang Guangji徊， 172﹔且rst mosque Ibn-Sa'ud family, 202-4 血， 30 ﹔ Hidayat Allah in, 59; Islamic identity, as multiple, 224 institutions in, 1 的 as Ma Anliang's Ikhwan: alliance w1也 Ma Qi, 207 8; base, 194, 206; Ma Fuxiang 血，的6﹔ as Arabian roo臼 of, 202-3; as Islamic Ma Laichi's base, 66; as Ma Zhan'ao's revival, 223; and modem education, ba鈕， 121, 126; Muslinis and non- 2IO; origins of, 204-6; as trans- Muslinis m，鈞一21, 22-23; as MuslinI regional 叩lidari句， 215. See also center，吟， 222; Qadiriya 血， 88n70; Ma W訂1fu qiankai-houkai confliαin, 68; reputa­ iman （£扭曲）， 75 tion of, 145 import products，。f Muslim merchants, Hid孟yat Allah （即10ja Aiaq): as founder 27-28 。f Bijiachang, 7月 as founder of interm 紅ria妒， xxii, 26-27’”， 41，衍， ro5 Khafiya, 64-66; as founder of Mu銜， Ish孟qiya (Su且 order), 217 ”， 89，排列 as Gald徊，s client，旬， 90 ﹔ Islam: in Central Asia, 30; in China, study journey to China, 59, 65-66, 70, 201, of, xvii-xviii; in Chineseαtlture, 198; 226 ﹔ andMakhd臼nzadakh句ias, 94. and Confucianism, 75-79, 82一鈍，”， See also Kha且ya; Ma Laichi; Sufism 169; distinctiveness of, 215; distin­ hide r過s (p抽功， IIO guished from Buddhism and Daoism, horses, 42, 43 8月 expI缸ned in Chinese, 73; lack of houkai. See qianlu白，houkaicon血α central authority in, 61 ﹔自 mark of

257 INDEX

Islam (continued) 的 distinctive practice, 200, 214; need foreignn帥， 27; in Ming accoun院 for, 49; origins of, 49 51. See abo 44; mminzu p紅adigrn, xxii-xxiii; pu­ Hu Dengzhou nitive limitations on, 113; underQing Jinjipu, 121, 125-26, 131, 180 hegemony, 95; mQing law, 98-99; as Jishi Pass, 1 抖， 144，肘，呦， 168 religion, xxvi; role in rebellions, 118; Judaism, xv祉，”， 4mss, 213 scripturalist fundamentalism in, 200- Jurched, 30 209; as unciv山zed in Chinese ey口， 213; uniformity in, xviii ；山1restriαed Ka'aba, 44 by Ming,4月的 valence of identity, Kaifeng, 26 xxvi ﹔ m 氾daotang, 198. See abo Kang Lang, 40 religion; Sufism Kangxi emperor, 80 Islamic tex白， 89 Kargang, Muslim Tibetans of, 67n23 Israeli, Raphael, 118 Kashg缸，”，旬， 64 Kazakl芯， 94 jade’ 94 Khafiya (Sufi order): adheren臼 killed by Jahriya (Sufi order): in 1860s rebellion, Bai Lang, 194 ﹔ andAfaqi抖， 94’ 131 33; anti-Qing aαion b犯 J07 ﹔ ”ons6; associated wi出 sectarianism, Banqiao branch of, 185; blamed for 69; conflict with Jalui抖， 89-93, J03, violence, 99, 136-37 ﹔ con血αwith J09; conflict within, 121, 140; heredi­ Khafiya’”一”， m3; as divisive inno­ tary succession in, 90, 179; Hezhou vation, 218; and Dong Fuxiang, 182; (Bafang) as headquarters of, 121, 闕， at F吋 iang, 22; headquarters at and Huasi menhuan, 126; as Old Jinji阱， 121, 125一泊， as menhu冊， 179- Teaching,”, 220; origins of, 64-70; 80, 184, 185; militance of,”, 136; as pro-Qing position of,”, I07, III, 113, NewTeachi嗯，”， 220 ﹔ origins of, 178, 219, 223; resistance to Qing by, 86-89; proscription of, m-13; re- 131; in Taozhou, 1鉤， 189. See abo venge by, 111, 219; revival of, 147, 177一 HidayatAll孟h ﹔ Huasi; Jaliriya; Ma 鉤，喲， 226 ﹔ Shagou branch of, 185; Lai chi; Ma Zhan'ao; menhua’s source for study of, 86; spread be- Khitan’” yond Gansu of, n3-1叫“ Tianshui, 訕句a 'AbdAll泊， 88n70， 旬， Z必. See 功。 21; as transregional solidarity, 113 －峙， Qadinya 215; at Zhangjiachuan, 20，恥，血， Khoja Aiaq (Ap孟q). See Hidayat All孟h 184. See abo Khafiya; Ma Hualong; Khware詛咒 34 MaMingxin; Ma Yu姐姐姐g﹔ Kokand, xix耐， 63 men.加an; Sufism Kokenor (Qinghai Lake), 13 Jal孟l ad-Din Rfuni, 64 Koran, 24，巧， 50, 66, 77, 138, 168, 177, I缸， Jamal ad-Din, 33, 39 18-;:, 205 Japanese nativism, xx Kuhn, Ph山p, 122n39, 161 Jiang Jies凶， 175, 197 Kumb山吭 峙， 164 Jiang Xiang,” al-Kurai啞， Ibr油加 ibn Hasan，“一份， 90 j揖甜hi (simple 恤tory), xxi j叫＇ai (solidarity), xxvii. See abo Ge曲nu ﹔ Labr個g, 13, 164 Ikhwan﹔氾daotang lamaseri白， I旬， 164 jiaazhu. See sha必b L個 Yu，” Jiayi喀uan, 9, 128 language, as valence of identity, 224 j:的甜， 53, 107, I 戶， I抖， 219 L剖izhou, 3, 9, 20’”, 59, 110 Jingnin即u’的I law: cases invol吭ng Sino-Muslims, xi.xi鷗 1：吻”，ig jiaoyu (mosque education), 73; 68, 91, JOO, 142, 189-90; status of

258 IND BX

Musi前is in Ming， 帆，∞﹔ S'Clrus of power, 172-'73, 183; coalition 啥叫W Mus祉nsinQi嗯， 會7-101 fengYuxia嗯， 1 74﹔ Confucian kan­ Lei Zbcngguan、 Z衍， 148, rss, 158 in~ of, 168, 169; death of, m ; early Li Pciying，的Z military career o f, 的8 ; economic ac­ Li Shijia. 161 rivitios, of, 必然 cduca位on of. 的8; Li Shiyao, 112、 11+ and Guomindang, 173-76、 1\17 ﹔ and Li Y甜ishcng, 28nr.s I岫W蚓、 2o8; and modem education、 Li Z側， 40 176, 210; and modern integration of Li Zichcn!.?,”, 53, 222. Gansu, 185-86、 a肘， 199 、 u3, i.-25; as Linxia. Hui Autonomous Prcfeιrurc. Qiog mil'u.ry o伍cial , 149、 178 ﹔ as See Hαhou threat to Musi即執 168, z.24. See Rlso lucra句， Ul nonhwo: OtiN, u主 Guc>mindmg; Han kit®; M;i familv ’ 9卜” warlords Liu Bang, 191 MaG凶”1悶，』 l l, u.8, 135 Liu Eocin，的I Ma Guobao, 10, 179, 200 Liu Jintang, u8, 1s7 MaGuolian皂， 148、呦， 168 Liu Yufen, 173 Ma Hongb訟， 1 7主， 1 77、 208 Liu Zt泊， 226: in 20thαm., 176; career o(, Ma Hoo跌叫 1月 1 7s， 抑、 叫 82-8φ； education of, 81-b; in Hai Ma Hualong: as ami-Qing rcbd, 12.s - 2晶， Furuncase、 99 ; sour間凶吋 by.、 巾， E外， 178 , 182、 z.oo ; bas<.'d ar 82n13; in thought of Ma Qixi ，呦， Jinjipu, 121; negotiation with Qing 198-99; works of, 82-84. See nJsa Con­ 旬， 125、 131-3z, ::.w~ religion as motiva­ fuci虹的m; Hm1 細心 rion for, 118會 uo ; as Sufi leader， 阱， Liupan Mountains, 11 1+0; surrender and c.xccurion of, 126; Longdong, II ~urviving dcsccndanrs of, 180, 18.s. Longnnn’ ,z Su 泌的 Jahriya; Zuo Zongcang Lu Guohl泊， 97-98 MaHuan，抖 Lu Hongrao, 173 Ma Huisan, 202, 204 Ma Jiaj 間， “ Ma Anliang: 1872 surrender of Hczhou by, Ma fmcheng, 180 12.7; death of, 172; as Ma family w釘， Ma Jinxi , 1 徊， 182, I 旬， ’的 lord, 171, 20吼叫i named by Zuo Ma Laichi ( A恤，I-Fu 訟h﹜： birth of, 66; Zongtang，也7ns:r; opposition to C訂ecr of, 66- 71; compliance with lkhw訓， z咽， m﹔ op戶sirion to re. Qing、 95 ; d慨。cndams of, 140; cduca­ publican revolution、 170 , 183; opposi· rion o~ 峨 as rounder of Khafiya, tion to Xidaotan皂， I肘， 191 、 194-9.S ﹔ 。＋； pilgrimage of， 紙旬，也i practice p心sivc resistance to Bai Lan皂， I”－ of hereditary success ion by, 90; as 19+; as Qing military official, E。6、 sha.ik/J, 89; as srudc.nr of Ma Taibaba, 149、 156-57, 16φ、 16曲， 186, 200, 223; 你臨 transmitter of Sulism, 201; ttav­ as ruler of Hezhou, 159; as threat to els in Middle East, 87. See Rlso Hu:“ u Muslims, 168, 2z+. Su a/so Hezhou; Khafiya; me1咖馴， Huasi; Khafiya; Ma family warlords; Ma Lin, 19s MaZh鉤，甜 Ma Mingreo, 197 Ma Congshan, 66 Ma Mingxin ('Aziz） ，的i anti-Qing stance Ma family warlords ( M甸甸 ju 吶）、帥，科 of, 95、 200 ; blamed for violc:nc丸”﹔ I+9、 166, 171, i.23, us『 26 “ rcer of, 86-90; criticism of MaFulu可 148, 155, 157, 168、 169 Khafiya, 闕， 1 79; execution of, uo; Ma Fushou, 168 imprisoned in Lanzhou‘ 107, 109; as Ma Fuxiang: “ candidate for pmvinc1 叫 Jahriya leader, 103, ro8- 9; Jnhnya

259 I NDBX

M.JMin伊n ﹛伽肉”“’的 s" a的 Khd自ya; Ma Anliang; revenge tor, 112; Ma Hualong a.~ Ma Fuxiang descendant of, 1z.s; mMaQixls Ma Yongrui、 I仙， M 址，∞阱 t, I”﹔ M ~ Yuanzhang as de­ Ma Yuanchao, 17+ scc:ndant of, 179, 18s; pilgrimage of, Ma Yuanzhang: on Chinese nation封信m 87-88 ﹔ tha山naru吟y of, 113; as trans· ’的﹔ de扭曲 of, 18+; on 吋ucatlon, 21 0、 mim前 of Sufism‘ 2.01, 2.26. See RI.so as bead of的c Jahriy;i, 178, 187, 199; ﹞祉lriy~ mmhwlUI; Sufism 凶b 0(1r『86 ﹔ and Muslim solidarity. MaQi.,1狗， 174、 182, UY!寸， u3. See al.so llj ﹔ r叫stance to Bai Lang by, 194; as lkhwan; Moi furuly warlorc尬 叮ustWOrtby Rhon9, 180; in Y凶man. Ma Qianling, 167 ’79; in Zhangjiachuan ， 船， 1 82.. See Ma Qiici: amcked by Ma Anlia嗯， 19φ： 以fO D樹，g F以iang﹔ Jahriya and BeizhlWlg mmh制”， rss-90、 Ma Zhan’ao: and I.slain, 137; as Khafiya 2.01; death of, 19s; economic ideas of. lead« at Hc:zhou、自』， 126, IJJ, I啊， 190; education of, 188-89; cduca. 167; as Ma Anliang’s f泊位. l帆 170; tion訕地位so丸，佩 198 -99 , 210; asQing m凶 tary official, IJS, 17百﹔ as 自3叩dsXJd約組嗯， t”； life of, 18• 間bcJ. t拼﹔ surrender to Qing of, 117、 99; and Muslim solidarity, :us; n:li· 吟s .....闕， 157, 219. See 叫m Hezhou; gious life of，咽. See 酬 HR” 峭的﹔ H uasi; Khaflya; Ma Anlinng; Ma Taozhou, >Gdaotang Fuxiang Ma Rubi鉤， 1+0, 1+1 Ma Zhcnwu, 177 Ma Shilin, 179 , 1 肉， 19<> -97. 主25 Ma Shouying (Lao Huihui), si, H. ”、 Ma Zhu: in 20th ccnL 、 176 ﹔ career of. 7i (text), 6舟、的 Ma Wcnshmg, 4-0 Matteo Ricci、 81 MaWu叭”， Mee阻料， W2-3 . Su RI.so pilgnmage Ma Yidc, 179 medicine,αdwtgcof, )O Ma Yinghuan, 68-69、 218 Meng Q臼ofan.g, j軒”， 92、 128, 2:z.:t Ma Yonglin: m 189s rebellion, 1抖， 1料， men ht帥”， :avii, zoo; as cause o1'violem:c, •+8- <”, ISS, 156, 158, 166、 186 ﹔ acα.1$ed 1s1, 16s; as divi~ivc’”， 自的， ...... ; evolu· before Yang Changjun ， 則﹔ as dcsccn· tion of, 166; as instrument of elite danr of Ma Lai酬， 140 ; cxerurion of、 conrrol, 10， 峙。﹔ Jah.riya 阻， 184; 159 ﹔品 local intermediary，峙7﹔ op­ Kha』'iya a.s, 70; opposed by 凶lWID . 戶從d co Ma Rubiao's 促如何n, 141. 2甸、 x泊、叫， Z冊， orgaruzation of會

26。 INDEX

120; origins of, 70; Qadiriya 訟， bition on building of, 113; role and 89再加j rel a位on to Chinese lineage, structure of, 48-49; among Sal眠 70-72, 140; tuanlian of, 120. See also !OS Jahriya; Khafiya; Sufi order; Su且srn; Mosuo minzu, xxi 翩翩圳的甜甜Im叫削n Mu Shenghua, 1317164 middle ground, xxxiii, xxxvi Mu Ying’”, 188 Milayin，另一路，餌，”， 217, 222 Mufti (menh帥的，咒， I村，珊， 218 militarization of society﹜ I吟， 224 Muhammad (prophet), 25, 178; biography militias. See t關nlian of, 82; as Ma Zhu's ancestor, 80; ori­ millet, as minzu, 216’,8 阱。f Sino-Muslims 叫， M﹔ tomb min (non-M凶Jim common people),”, of,44; as Western sage, 79 99 Muhammad Yfuuf’”，軒”“ Min Fuyi 嗯， 14昌、； 4g Mus尬n Educational Progressive Associa­ Ming d戶asty, xxiii, 38 一”，戶，”， JOO, tion, 177 1317164 Muslims: acculturation under Yuan, 34- Mingshah山（ Bright Sand Societies), 68 38 ﹔ b組d臼， 40; in China, xvii; defini­ Miψ： hale (text ），的 tion of, xxvi; economic roles in Song rninori~ nationalities (shooshu minzu), China, 30 ﹔ elit白，的6﹔ as foreign XVII 的＇joumers, 26-27; as generals, 21; as Minzhou’”丸”4 g凹的， ofTaozhou，肘， 188 ﹔ n世ita- ’,1inzu conflict, 220 risrn of, 16-17, 200; in Ming law.﹜ 38一 minzu paradigm: anti-Qing llility in, 117; 點 4月 orgai也ations of, natio祉，珊， as category system, xxii, xxvi, 216; 212; rebellion of, 219; as scientists, 33, 組d consciousn帥， XXY﹔ creation of, 39-40; scripturalist fundamentalism xx﹔ d組gers of, z可－ 16; definition of, of, 202-3; as semu 8帥”，到的崗位＇ ity xx-xxi, xxviii ；組d definition ofH凶， of, asMa Yu組姐姐g's go祉， 181; llility 40﹔組d ethnicity, xxviii; evolution of, of, perceived, 215; valence of identity xxi ；組d gender, xxiii; as hegemonic of, xxvi ；組d violence，詛咒 m Yuan narrative, xxi-xxii; hi區的riography bureaucra:句， 32-34, 36-37; under wi白血， xxxi﹔ and history, xxxii; irnpo­ Zhu Yuanzh組1g, 38. See also Islam; sition of, xxiv﹔ M組ch凶 in, II7﹔組d Mus恤ns ﹔ Sino-Muslims M凶Jim solidari句， xxvii ﹔ Muslim cornrnllili位白 of: authority 血， 68 ﹔ con­ unity 血， 130﹔ Muslirns in, xxii-xxiii; 血ctWJ由 in, 88; connected by reli- northwestern Muslims 血， 18n20; and gion, 2叫 distinctiveness of, 松， 21啊 race ，器， 216n8; religion in, xxii; valid­ 。fG妞”，鈞一23 ﹔ isolated from one ity of, xxiv. See also αtegory system; ano由.er.’”， 215 ﹔ local nature of, 22; as 位知iicity; China, People’s Republic rninoriti白， 45 ﹔ m T組合Song China, of 28-31. See also Gedirnt月 Ikhwan ﹔ Mirsad d必＇ad (text), 74 menh帥，’， mosques﹔ Xidaotang al-M句句，＇Abd al-Khaliq b. az-Zayn, 87 as rnerchan臼： imports into China 旬， • Mongke, 32 刃， 3月 m Tang-Song China, 26-29; Mongol (minzu), xxi in tribute missions, 26 ，的 Mongolia, xxxiii-xxxi咒 13, 221 Mutush姐，間， 132 Mongolic-speakers, 9，吟， 149-50, 201, 216 Nakada Yoshinobu, 134 Mongols, 30’”, no, 171 Naqshabandiya, 201; in I的.8 rebellion, 54; Morg妞， Lewis, xxi in Central Asian society, 63; centrality mosques: as distinc甘ve community cen- of tombs in, 145; mChina, 86-89; m ters, 47, 214; large central, 211; prohi. Gansu, 64-72; Hidayat Allah as mis-

261 、

INDEX

Naqshabandiya (amtinued) paci且cation: after 1781, m ; after 1784, 112; sionary of, 64-65; Ma Laichi's iniria­ after 1872, 140; after 1873, 128; at 口。n into, 67妞， politics as focus for, Jinjipu, 126﹔ at 犯ning, 164 87; mtajdid movement, 86; in People’s Republic of China. See China, Zhangjiachuan, 20. See also Sufi People’s Republic of order ﹔ Su且sm Persia, travel to China 企om,29 nauon, XXXI Persian language ，訝， 3'串， 49－戶， 215 nation building, as modern proc臼丸 15-17, Persians, 25 185-90, 223 Pickens, Claude L., Jr., x, 85 nation-state, 205 ﹔ distinguished 企om em­ pilgrimage (h. 物〕，抖， 73, 78; of Be凶mang pire, xxviii-xxix; and c也nici句，治x, sh.ai紗，， 20日 as connection to West 政ivn15, xxv; and history，玖姐 Asia, 222; of Hu Dengzhou, 49; of national sovereign句， as concept, 15 HuSongsh徊， 209; of Ma Laichi, nationalism. See Chinese nationalism 66-67; of Ma Min伊凡 87-88;ofMa Nationalist Party. See Guomindang Qixi, 190; of Ma Rubiao, 140-41; of Nayancheng，血肉 Ma Wan缸， 202 3 Neo-Confucianism, 77, 79, 84 pious endowment (w咐，祉，， 89 New Culture movement, 16 17 political bound呵， as concept, 15 New Teaching: as cause of violence, 1旬， Prophetic descent, 59, 62, 7on30, 8。一缸， 89, as contextual term, 220; distinguished 214 from Old, 91; JahriJ月訟，”﹔ as Qing Pu Luoxin, 27 term, xxvii. See also I岫wan ﹔ Jahriya ﹔ Xidaotang qadi (Muslim judge ），泊， 107 Nian rebellion, 120, 122 Qadiriya (Su且 order), 67n22, 88n70, 226 Ninghepu, 155 Qalandariya (Su且 order), 81 Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, xxxiii Qarakhanid dynas句， 30 Ningxia Province; creation of, 175; geogra- Qian Mu, xx phy and economy of, n ; Ma F服iang qiankai －伽ukai conflict, 68 一旬，”， I的， 218 in, 171-72; as Muslim center, 222. Qiai甘ong emperor: on 1784 rebellion, n4- See also Gansu; northwest China; 15, 219 ﹔ conquαt ofXinjiang under, Qinghai 94 ﹔ disrinc世on from officials, 99; and Niu Shih徊， 164 Gan.su coπuption scandal,”, on H也 Northern Song dynas句， 26 Furun case’ 99; policy toward Mus­ northwest China: defined, 7; as fronti仗， 5, lims of，”，”，可以 andSiku q關蚵b純 7一吼叫 modern 甘甜.sformation of, 83. See also 的一 17﹔ Muslim minzu of, 18n20; Mus­ Qilian Mountai恥， 13 limron臼 of,J ﹔ violence in, 5. See also Qing dynasty: as anachronism, 15 ﹔ co叮up­ frontier; Gansu Pro叩ce; Ningxia tion m’ 93, 95 97, 218; as empi時， xix, Province; Qinghai Province xxvin-xxix, 15; as invasive aαor, 218; legitimacy oflaw courts of，喊叫 bgooei, 32 le間l au由ori句， xxix; m山E呵， 17 ﹔ mod-. Old T臼ching: as contextual term, 220; dis­ em 住an.sformation of, xxviii; and 世nguished from New Teaching, 91; Mus幽n internecine conflict，”， E的﹔ Khafiya 訟， 91 ﹔ as Qing term, xxvii. o伍ci必 as rational, 130; regulation of See also Gedimu; Khafiya; New northwest China trade, 53; rule over Teaching Muslims, xxix; subordinate lords of, opium, 9, 173, 195 xix ﹔血犯njiang’ 94-95. See also Ord凹， II, 171 Chinese nationalism; Manchus; WτIUJ, 34 nauon-state

262 INDEX

Qinghai Province, xxxiii, 3 ，時， 175 science, as Muslim spec凶句， 33-34, 39 Qin zhen zhinan (text), 80-81 scripturalist fundamentalism, 200-209, Qinling Mount刮風 12 223 Qintianjian (Bureau of As叮onomy), 39 sect, in Isl詛咒 xxvii Qipcha幣， 38 seαarianism, Daoist and Buddl咀泣， 69 Quanzhou,”, 40 self－ α.tltivation (xiushen ),”, 188 Qubilai，戶，”， 37 S白帽u, 32 弱， 38 semug關n (officials of various categories), race, and minz缸， xx, 216n8 33 Ramadan ，血泊， 68, 198, 198, 203 Shaanxi Provin仗， n, 49; in 1911 revolu­ Rashid al- Din、 32n26, 36 tion, 170; Ikhwan failure 血， 208; as rebellion: of1648，另一56 ﹔ of17缸， !08-11 ﹔ i仗us for rebe血ons, 119-25; flight of of1784, 111-13; of 1860s, 115-38; of Ma Wai由 to, 206; Qing viαory in, 1895, 138-66; historiography of 吟出－ 124. See also Bai Yanhu; Eighteen cent., 117; as legal category, m8; as Great Battalions; Xi’an local feuds, 114; local nature of, 150; Muslims of:“cause of violen仗， 130 ﹔ as state-created categ。可； IO且， 122, 219. decimation of, 124; Bight of, 129; and See also violence Islam, 137; as refugees in Gansu, 1 坪， reform oflslamic practice, 49，旬， 8且， 91, 悶，閉， 133, 220; resenlement of, 128, 136, 140-41, 203-6 134, 180; in Suzhou, 128; in Xining, religion: as community conneαor，衍， 214﹔ 128, 135 in minzu paradigm, xxii, xxvi; as va­ Shadhiliya (Sufi order), 140 lence of identity, xviii, xxvi, 137; and Shah Wali Allah, 87 violence, 137. See also Buddhism; Shahrukh Bahad眩， 42 Christianity; Daoism ; Islam; Judaism sha.勛： as distinctive leader, 214; as head of renewal. See Z句idid met仿制院 71; in Hezhou, 145; as local reven 詐， as motivation for violen伐， au血ority, 223; obedience to, 136; m 111-12, 146, 219, 221, 225 Sufism, 61一旬， 178. See 助。 menhuan; Revolution of 1911, 170 Sufi order; Sufism 作”『poche (incarnation), 164, 196, 223 Shandong,40’”, JOO, 119

Ronglu, 156, 157’,:120 shan~a (Muslim law): as cen訂al to Mus恤n onhopraxy, 88; charity 血， 45; Chi­ Sa’ad Waqqas，坪， 25 ’” nese definition of, 6on7; legitimacy Sa’id Baba (s叫tan of1i前fan), 54, 92 for Muslims, 6且， Ma Zhuon,81. Sala Hui. See Salars See also Islam Sal訂 minzu, xxiii Shengbao, 123 Sal訂s: in 1781 rebellion, m8; in 1895 law Shengyun, 170, 17恥 的3 case, 1”,m 1895 rebellion, 143, 144, Shi Dakai, 120 147, 154-55, 161, 164; connecnon to Shuangche嗯， ambush at, 呦，的S Central Asia, m5; conversion to Su­ Sichuan, n, 54 fism of, ”, 69-70; as crucial actors, S伽 quanshu （當xt), 83 218; feuds among, 14日 origins of, Silk Road, 11, 25, 29 104-5 ﹔ pop叫ation of, 104呵呵puta­ si/Jila (Sufi genealogy), 61-62’的， II3 tion of, 104-7; two d閉目ptions of, Sima Qian, xxxi 你妝品。 Bayanrong ﹔ Qingh位 as-Sin逝， Muhammad Hay丸 87 Pro叮nce ﹔ Xunhua as-Sinkili, 'Abd ar- Ra＇剖， 87 S位n訂kand, 34, 42, 190 Sino-Arabic Middle School, 2m as-Samman, M叫iammad, 87 Sino-Muslims: aca.tlturation under Ming, Sayyid Ajall Sh甜1S ad-Din，詞， 80 34-40, 41, 45-46, 56; mAmdo, 13;

263 INDEX

Sino-Mus仙ns (amtinued) 59-60; in G缸”， 178﹔ m Han kitab, becoming Chinese, 21到 bicultural 79; hospices of，旬， 178-79 ﹔ as Ikhwan quality of, xxxiii, xxxvi, 17n11; on bo出 target, 205; impact on Chin臼C society sides in rebellions, 111, 130-3月 m Chi­ of, 200; networks of loyalty in, 6月 nese identi旬， xxxv; Chinese national­ obedience to shaikh in, 136; range of ism of, 175; as citizens of China, 177; me缸也igs of, 87間早＇； revivalism in, connections to Cen甘al 組d West Asia, 86-88; s剖nts in, 21; among Sino- 斜， 56 ﹔ decisions 旬， 146 ﹔ defined，政iv; Mus尬恥， 112; spread of, 92 ﹔ Su益， 62, distinguished in Qing law, 99 101; 84; mXinjiang, 63一的﹔ m Yunnan, 81. distribution in China, 3 ﹔ di叮.sions See also gongbei; menh帥”﹔ 5仿他h; among,7,1月， I呦， Z巧， 219-20; in ea.st­ ”，句“ em Gansu, 112; education of, 柏－ 5 月 as Suhrawardiya (Su且 order), 67n22 fan a ti白， 130; identity of, 55-56; integra­ S山yuan Province, 171 tion of, 177; as m口chant刊 Xinjiang’ Suzhou, Gansu, 54, 閏八泊， 134 94; as middlem凹， 13, 43, I 旬，詛咒 m Suzhou, Jiangsu, 6，坊， 75 minzu p紅adigm，政i ，泣iv-xxv, 213; origin myths of, M一勾﹔ place in , I吟， 120, 122 modem China, 187; under Qing rule, T也zisi, battle of, 127, 170 xxviii-xxix; segregation of, 5月 so叮C臼 tajdid (renewal), 86-87, 90一”， 95 for study of, 玖玖 at Taozhou, 152. Tamerlane,“ See also Islam; Muslims Tangdynas句， 25 Sinophone Muslims. See Sino-Muslims Tang T也wng,24 S仰:n JIU!仰（， text), 75 Tang Yanhe, 141 一的， I衍， I祉，呦， 168, 219, Sirhindi, Alunad, 6onfi, 86, 87 224 Skinne~， G. W山iam，坪， 222 Tangwangchuan，”，啊， 150 so 且也ri句， as generic term, xxvii Tao River, 12, no, 126-27, 142, 1戶， 157-59, Southern Ming dynasty, 54 194 Southern Song dynasty, 29 Tao Zon阱， 36 Soviet Union, nationality policies of, xx Taoxi: Bai Lang 甘apped in, 19月 m de- statute law, 99-1m fense of Hezhou, 126; as distinct re­ stereotypes, xxx, xxxiv gion,12; geography and economy of, Su Forty－血ree (Su Sishisan), 178, 1沛， 186, 13; as loαIS of Mus仙n violence, 154; 219; ballad of, !08-9; .Khafiya op­ MaZh缸，ao's victory in, 127; Ma po個d to, 220; as military leader, 102, Zhon昂ring in, 174; Taozhou in, 152. rn7-11. See also Jahriya; Ma Mingxin See also Hezhou; Taozhou Su且 order ：“ cause of violence, 221; Chi­ Taozhou (New City), 1 鉤， 192 nese definition of, 6on7﹔ comp紅edto Taozhou (Old City): 1895 rebellion in, Han kitab, 74 ﹔ con血αamong, 61, 152-54; defense ag剖nst Bai Lang, 19月 89-93, !03 ﹔ difference 仕omGedimu, occupied by Ma Zhongying, 196-97; 49，旬， 69 ﹔ distinctiveness of, 21到 dis­ sack of, 193; as site of communal ten­ tinguished from Sufi ide尬， 9w73; in sion，詛咒 situation of, 188; and Gansu, 178 ﹔ initia位。n into, 61; as inno­ Xidaotang, 187-88, 190-91, 196. vation, 200, 218; as local solidari句， See also Ma Qixi; Xidaotang Z坪， 225 ﹔ militia of, 219; as re叮valist ta＇句a. See Sufi order moveme吼叫， structure of, 61-63. taxation, of Muslim merchants, 27-28 See also menh帥”， shaikh; Sufism; Taylor, F. W. M., 85 names ofindi ：四dual Sufi o，由1 t詞， traded for horses ，判， 53 Su且sm, 113 ﹔ I穴h-18出 cent. changes in, 86; 出aumaturgy （如rii.mat), 62，旬， 113 in China, 58-72, 140, 2m; defined, Tian Shengong, 27

26+ INDEX

Tian Wu, n1-12, n4, 186, 219 characteristic of Muslims, xxx-xx芯， Tian Xing Long, 191 148; in Chinese society, 101; mde- Tianfang. See Arabia fense of home, 225; on frontiers, 5; in Tianfa咚!J dianli (text ），的－ 84, 213 Gansuafter I楠，軾的 gendered aαiv­ Tia吶吻 xi：旬li (text ），的 i旬， IO~Z﹔ internecine Muslim, m ; as Tiansh凶， 21, 183 JocaJ, 114, I包， Z時， 220; motivation to, Tibet: cultural continuum of China and, 225; among Muslims，芷缸， 100, 111, 13; Gansu as frontier of, xxxiii-xxxiv; I的， 161, 215; between Muslims and Ti­ Qing policy tow紅d,94 ﹔ Taozhou betans, 16月的 rebellion, 123; relation and, 188 to state, 5, 219; role of religion in, 137; Tibetan language, 198 in Shaat凹， 120; social roots of, 悶， Tibetan minzu, xxiiinrz, 8 between Sufi orders, 103. See also Tibetanαtlture: in Chinese ey，軾的3﹔ rebellion at Taozhou, 153; at Xining, 160 Tibetans: allied with Qing, no; in anti­ Wang Dagui, 1 扭， 200, 219 Muslim coalition, 16月的 converts to Wang Dai叭屯的： m 20th cent., 176; as au­ Islam, 67nz3; divisions among, 7; as 出or ofHan kit.執行 79 ﹔ m thought 企ontier people, 19, 221; in G缸lSU, of Ma Qi刃， 189 16月 m Gansu military, 163; mTao 刃， W組g D組war啥， 96-97 152-54; Xidaotang and, 197 Wang Lun, 101 Tongg組. SeeTungan Wang N剖ibi, 209 tribute system, 26, 42’的 Wang Shumin, 17, 108 tuanlian (militias):“ anti-Muslim forces, Wang Zhu, 32 肘， n9; at Haiche唔， 148 ﹔ as reaction “wash away 出c Muslims" (xi Hu力，旬， to threat’ 91, 219; in Sha缸凹， I鉤， 122, 142-43, 146, 219 130; in siege of Xi’甜， 124﹔ at Xining, Wei Guangtao, 164 135’的0-61. See also Shaanxi Province; Wei River val』ey, II, I吟， 122, 130 violence wenhua (literaryαtlture), 37 Tungan: in Russia, 12叭的 term for Sino- Western (xiya:物） writings, 81 Muslims，泊xn有 59 旭先 216 , 101, 137n73, 152n107 Turfan, 42’的， 53, 54, 59 Woshiken詐，肘，恥 Turkic-s伊拉.ers, 8’”, 70, 105, I 戶， 150 Wu Sangui, 80 Turumtay, 54 WuSunq缸， 74-75, 79 Z甜he吻Janke (native-born foreign 田•journ﹒ Wuchang incident, 170 ers), 29 wushi Janke (fifth-generation foreign 伽si (loαl hereditary chieftains): of Choni, sojo叮ners), 29 勾引 defined, xxix; as local au出ori句， 223; replacement by nation-state, 186; Xi妞， II, 123-24, 170, 180 among Salars, 70, 138n74; system, 15; xia句句（Arabicp仰的，判， 50-51 among Tibet組s, 163. See also beg; Xidaotang: adaptation to modern China, Sal缸E﹔ Tibetans 226; alliance with Guomindang, 197; called “Chinαc studies faction," 199; dm - H 酬 ：mmmmEMWN Mb恤 noMh ” 心叭叭叭叫… commerce of, 197; as economic collα－ 6時，”。－ 91 ﹔ education in, 198 as Is- UU ; VJVJ s m larnic so!idari旬， 198-99﹔ origins and 己叫 M 叫戶 … evolution of, 186-99; resistance to Bai Lang, 194. See also Ma Anliang; violence: 19也 cent. increase 血， 101, n8, Ma Qixi; Taozhou Il9; ca us臼 of, 5, n4, 1”, 217-20;“ 均間（hete叫。河）， 68一旬， 103

265 INDEX

站feng Mountain, 192, 194 yangqi (cultiva血ig the viral essence), 75 Xining: 186os rebellion in, 121; 1895 rebel­ Yangzhou，泊，”， 75 lion in, 154, 159一句，的6, 221; as center Yangzi River, watershed, 12 of Huangzhong, 12; complex pop叫k Yellow River, 9 13, I06, 144 tion of, 160 ﹔ Hid孟yac Allah 血，”， Yemen, 86 65-66; local feuds 紅ound, 135; Ma Yi Xing Gong, 191 Fuxiang m，的9﹔ Ma Guiyuan as Mus­ Yingqi, 123 lim leader 血， m; as Ma Qi's b品e, Yongle emperor, 42’的 207; as Muslim center, 222; as Song ’ 97 encrepot, 30; Zuo Zongcang's cam- Yu Your＇凹， 182 p也gn against, 128 Yuan dynasty, 31-38 Xining (Huang) River, 12 , 170 一咒， 183 Xinjiang Uygur Auconomous Region: Bai Yunnan, 11, 33, 40，帥， 129n56, 179 Y扭曲的 flight co, 129; and Be血hu組g menh闕，i, 201; Gansu as frontier of, Zamzam well, 44 xxxiii-xxxiv; jihiid 血， 13月 Ma An- Zang minzu. See Tibetan minzu Jiang 血， E牛肉 Ma Fuxiang in? 169; Ma Zhang Fei, 122, 2吟， z﹔坪 War由 in, 206 ﹔ M凶lim survivors sec­ Zhang Fenghui, 170 tled in, I旬， Muslims in, 3; Qingcon­ Zh組g Guangji甜， m’的，吻，珊， 206 quest of, xx血， 57’”－ 95, 186, 218, 223; Zhang Wenqing, 112 rebellions in, 1m; Sufism in, 63-64; Zhang Xi位izhong, 53 as Zuo Zongcang's obje也ve, 1 必. See Zhang Zhong (Shizhong), 75, 79 also Hidayac All訟， Kashg叫 Yang Zhang Zuolin，的， 174 Zengxin Zh組.gjiachu詛， 20, 21, 180 83 Xinzhu, 107, m8, no, 219, 224 Zh詛.gjiakou，吵 Xixia kingdom, xxxivn2此 30 z}ieng He (Ma He），的 Xunhua: 1781 rebellion 血， !07-9, 218; 1895 Zheng Suon血， 36 rebellion 血， 138, 140, 142一抖， 154, Zhe物＂iao zhenq帥”（ cexc), 75-78, 80 I “; conflicc within Huasi menhuan Zhou Mi, 36 at, 14月 as M凶lim center, 222; Zhou Shixiang (Qishi), 1抖， 159 qianltai-houkai con血C( in, 68; as Sal缸 Zhu Ch凹， 99 center, m5-6 Zhu Di. See Yongle emperor Zhu Shichuan, 53 －”，的 YakUb B旬， 129n58, I 31n63 Zhu Yuarizhang (Ming T刮到），”，妙， 76 Yang Char Zungharia, 94-95 峨 on Dong F閻組g's sue咱s，巧 Zuo Zongcang, 164, 18月 acceptance of Ma as governor-general of Sha詛－G組， Zhan'ao's surrender by，月4, 140, 219; 吶 Muslim lawsuit bro唔ic before, attack on Jinjipu b犯 125-26; blames 142 ﹔ pl缸l co relieve Hezhou, 155 ; New Teaching for violence, 138; as bu­ prαJamation， of, 1衍， 147; report on reaucratic Confucian, 13月 defeated by Haicheng incident 旬， 148; as threat Ma Zhan'ao, 126-27; as Qingcom­ (0 M山區ns, 224. See 晶。 rebellion of mander, 124-29 ﹔ reconqu叫 of north­ 1895 west and Xinjiang b其 186, 223, 226; Yang Jiqing, 1卵， 196 resettlement of Garisu Muslims by, Yang Shiji, E切， 1o8 127, 129, 180. See 晶。 rebellion, of Yang Shij凹， 89n7D 1860s Yang Zengxin，以)(i Zwemer, Samuel，的

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