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The Oslo Accords and Hamas Response
www.ijcrt.org © 2020 IJCRT | Volume 8, Issue 9 September 2020 | ISSN: 2320-2882 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND HAMAS RESPONSE DR. BALAL ALI (ASSISTANT PROFESSOR) DEPARTMENT OF CIVICS AND ETHICAL STUDIES ADIGRAT UNIVERSITY, TIGRAY, ETHIOPIA) ABSTRACT The signing of Oslo Accords between Israel and PLO was a historic event. There were several factors and events which played vital role but the intifada that started in December 1987 was the milestone event which led to the Oslo Accords. Hamas which was founded during intifada in a very short time became the face and voice of Palestinian liberation movement but it was the Oslo Accords which gave impetus to the movement. Throughout the entire Oslo Peace Period Hamas adopted a very calculative strategy. On the one hand it continued to criticize PLO and its leadership for selling out Palestinian cause in exchange of millions of dollars and on the other hand remain committed to Jihad including revenge killings against Israel. Thus, Hamas was able to preserve its identity and legitimacy as well as its revenge killings were widely accepted because it was presumed as the best means to redress Israeli assassinations. All these factors along with other gradually made Hamas what it is today. KEY WORDS: Israel, Hamas, PLO, Intifada, Islam, Zionism, Palestine BACKGROUND OF THE OSLO ACCORDS The Oslo Accords and process need to be explained in thoroughly structural terms, with an eye to the long- term projects, strategies, policies, and powers of the Israeli state and the PLO.1 The road to Oslo was a long one for both Israelis and Palestinians. -
The Prevention of Unjust Wars
The Prevention of Unjust Wars 1 The Doctrine of the Permissibility of Participation War is a great moral evil. … The first great moral challenge of war, then, is: prevention. For most possible wars the best response is prevention. Occasionally, a war may be the least available evil among a bad lot of choices. Since war always involves the commission of so much wrongful killing and injuring, making war itself a supreme evil, a particular war can be the least available evil only if it prevents, or anyhow is likely to prevent, an alternative evil that is very great indeed.1 This passage from a recent paper by Henry Shue and Janina Dill articulates a view of war that is hard to challenge, even for those who are antipathetic to pacifism. It is echoed in the succinct claim of Michael Walzer and Avishai Margalit that “the point of just war theory is to regulate warfare, to limit its occasions.”2 These are, I take it, claims about war understood as a phenomenon comprising the belligerent acts of all the parties to a conflict. The Second World War was a war in this sense, one that was clearly a great evil, though if the only alternative to its occurrence was the unopposed conquest of Europe by the Nazis, it was an evil that Shue and Dill would presumably concede to have been the “least available evil” in the circumstances. Notice, however, that the Second World War was neither a just war nor an unjust war; rather, it comprised both just and unjust wars. -
Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 23, Issue 1 1999 Article 4 Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner∗ ∗ Copyright c 1999 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner Abstract This Comment addresses the Middle East peace process, focusing upon the relationship be- tween Israel and Palestine. Part I discusses the background of the land that today comprises the State of Israel and its territories. This Part summarizes the various accords and peace treaties signed by Israel, the Palestinians, and the other surrounding Arab Nations. Part II reviews com- mentary regarding peace in the Middle East by those who believe Israel needs to surrender more land and by those who feel that Palestine already has received too much. Part II examines the conflict over the permanent status negotiations, such as the status of the territories. Part III argues that all the parties need to abide by the conditions and goals set forth in the Oslo Accords before they can realistically begin the permanent status negotiations. Finally, this Comment concludes that in order to achieve peace, both sides will need to compromise, with Israel allowing an inde- pendent Palestinian State and Palestine amending its charter and ending the call for the destruction of Israel, though the circumstances do not bode well for peace in the Middle East. ISRAEL, PALESTINE, AND THE OSLO ACCORDS fillAllison Weiner* INTRODUCTION Israel's' history has always been marked by a juxtaposition between two peoples-the Israelis and the Palestinians 2-each believing that the land is rightfully theirs according to their reli- gion' and history.4 In 1897, Theodore Herzl5 wrote DerJeden- * J.D. -
THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland. -
CEPS Middle East & Euro-Med Project
CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY WORKING PAPER NO. 6 STUDIES JULY 2003 Searching for Solutions PALESTINIAN REFUGEES HOW CAN A DURABLE SOLUTION BE ACHIEVED? TANJA SALEM This Working Paper is published by the CEPS Middle East and Euro-Med Project. The project addresses issues of policy and strategy of the European Union in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the wider issues of EU relations with the countries of the Barcelona Process and the Arab world. Participants in the project include independent experts from the region and the European Union, as well as a core team at CEPS in Brussels led by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci. Support for the project is gratefully acknowledged from: • Compagnia di San Paolo, Torino • Department for International Development (DFID), London. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. ISBN 92-9079-429-1 CEPS Middle East & Euro-Med Project Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.be) Copyright 2003, CEPS Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1 • B-1000 Brussels • Tel: (32.2) 229.39.11 • Fax: (32.2) 219.41.41 e-mail: [email protected] • website: http://www.ceps.be CONTENTS 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Background..................................................................................................................................... -
Editors' Interview with Michael Walzer
[50] JOURNAL OF POLITICAL THOUGHT INTERVIEW [with Michael Walzer] Michael Walzer is a prominent American political theorist and public intel- lectual. A professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princ- eton, New Jersey, he is co-editor of Dissent, an intellectual magazine that he has been affiliated with since his years as an undergraduate at Brandeis University. He has written about a wide variety of topics in political theory and moral philosophy, including political obligation, just and unjust war, nationalism and ethnicity, economic justice, and the welfare state. He has played a critical role in the revival of a practical, issue-focused ethics and in the development of a pluralist approach to political and moral life. Wal- zer’s books include Just and Unjust Wars (1977), On Toleration (1997), and Spheres of Justice (1983). We sat down with him in May for a wide- ranging conversation on the interplay between personal identity and po- litical thought, the state of political theory today, and the overlapping chal- lenges posed by religion and ethnicity for the contemporary nation-state. I. Identity and the Political interested in left-issue politics. Theory License My teachers at Brandeis told me I should apply to graduate school JPT: What first drew you to the in political science, because it field of political theory? wasn’t really a field and you could do whatever you wanted. Whereas MW: When I was a history major in history you would be commit- at Brandeis, I was first interested ted to archival research, in politi- in studying the history of ideas. -
The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada
The Rise and Fall of Suicide Bombings in the Second Intifada Yoram Schweitzer The decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict has seen several rounds of violence and has claimed many casualties on both sides. The second 1 intifada occupies a particularly painful place, especially for the Jewish population, which suffered an unprecedented high casualty toll – dead and injured – in a relatively short period of time. As part of the violence perpetrated by the Palestinians during the second intifada, suicide bombings played a particularly prominent role and served as the primary effective weapon in the hands of the planners. Since the outbreak of the second intifada in late September 2000 until today, there have been a total of 146 suicide attacks, and more than 389 2 suicide attacks have been foiled. Although the relative representation in the total number of hostile activities waged by Palestinian organizations was not high, suicide attacks were without a doubt the most significant component in the death and destruction they sowed. In the decade since September 2000, 516 of the 1178 deaths (43.8 percent) were caused by suicide attacks. In addition to the attacks on Israeli civilians, which also resulted in thousands of physical and emotional casualties, suicide bombings helped the Palestinian organizations instill fear among the Israeli public and create a sense – even if temporary – of danger on the streets, on public transportation, and at places of entertainment. This essay presents a short description and analysis of the rise and fall of suicide terrorism in the decade since the second intifada erupted. It then presents the Israeli and Palestinian perspectives regarding their relative success in attaining their respective goals. -
More Process Than Peace: Legitimacy, Compliance, and the Oslo Accords
Michigan Law Review Volume 101 Issue 6 2003 More Process Than Peace: Legitimacy, Compliance, and the Oslo Accords Orde F. Kittrie Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Orde F. Kittrie, More Process Than Peace: Legitimacy, Compliance, and the Oslo Accords, 101 MICH. L. REV. 1661 (2003). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol101/iss6/14 This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MORE PROCESS THAN PEACE: LEGITIMACY, COMPLIANCE, AND THE OSLO ACCORDS Orde F. Kittrie* THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: OSLO AND THE LESSONS OF FAILURE - PERSPECTIVES, PREDICAMENTS AND PROSPECTS. Edited by Robert L. Rothstein, Moshe Ma'oz, and Khalil Shikaki. Portland: Sussex Academic Press. 2002. Pp. xvii, 174. $67.50. BREAKTHROUGH INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION: How GREAT NEGOTIATORS TRANSFORMED THE WORLD'S TOUGHEST POST-COLD WAR CONFLICTS. A PUBLICATION OF THE PROGRAM ON NEGOTIATION AT HARVARD LAW SCHOOL. By Michael Watkins and Susan Rosegrant. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. 2001. Pp. xxii, 346. $40. INTRODUCTION A. Overview The 21st century has inherited a number of bloody and long unresolved intranational conflicts,1 including those in Kashmir, * The author, Orde F. Kittrie, is a Washington, D.C. attorney. B.A. 1986, Yale; J.D. -
Proportionality in Warfare Keith Pavlischek
Proportionality in Warfare Keith Pavlischek The last two times Israel went to war, international commentators crit- icized the country’s use of force as “disproportionate.” During the Israel- Hezbollah war in 2006, officials from the United Nations, the European Union, and several countries used that word to describe Israel’s mili- tary actions in Lebanon. Coverage in the press was similar—one news- paper columnist, for example, criticized the “utterly disproportionate... carnage.” Two and a half years later, during the Gaza War of 2008-09, the same charge was leveled against Israel by some of the same institu- tions and individuals; it also appeared throughout the controversial U.N. report about the conflict (the “Goldstone Report”). This criticism reveals an important moral misunderstanding. In everyday usage, the word “proportional” implies numerical comparability, and that seems to be what most of Israel’s critics have in mind: the ethics of war, they suggest, requires something like a tit-for-tat response. So if the number of losses suffered by Hezbollah or Hamas greatly exceeds the number of casualties among the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), then Israel is morally and perhaps legally culpable for the “disproportionate” casualties. But these critics seem largely unaware that “proportionality” has a technical meaning connected to the ethics of war. The long tradition of just war theory distinguishes between the principles governing the justice of going to war (jus ad bellum) and those governing just con- duct in warfare (jus in bello). There are two main jus in bello criteria. The criterion of discrimination prohibits direct and intentional attacks on noncombatants, although neither international law nor the just war tradition that has morally informed it requires that a legitimate military target must be spared from attack simply because its destruction may unintentionally injure or kill noncombatants or damage civilian property and infrastructure. -
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 a Decade After the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea
Auditing Israeli Democracy – 2005 A Decade after the Assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Asher Arian, Shlomit Barnea, Pazit Ben-Nun, Raphael Ventura, Michal Shamir The Israel Democracy Institute is an independent body that assists the Knesset and its committees, government offices and institutions, local government bodies, and political parties, through studies and proposals designed to bring about changes and reforms in their manner of operation. In addition, the Israel Democracy Institute fulfills its public charge through the presentation of comparative information on legislative topics and the various ways in which democratic regimes function. It also strives to enrich public discourse and encourage new ways of thinking through the initiation of discussion on topics of current political, social and economic interest, both by bringing together legislators, administrators and academics and through the publication of research findings. The Guttman Center was established at The Israel Democracy Institute in 1998 with the transfer of The Guttman Institute for Applied Social Research to the IDI. Formed in 1949 by Professor Louis Guttman, The Guttman Institute was the pioneer of public opinion research and advances in social science methodology in Israel. The goal of The Guttman Center is to enrich research projects at the IDI and discussions of public policy with data-based information and analyses. Editor-in-Chief Uri Dromi Publishing Director Edna Granit Library Editor Yael Mosheiff Content and Hebrew Language Editor Carmit Gai Linguistic Editor (Hebrew) Ronit Tapiero Translator Batya Stein English Editor Asher Weill Copy Editor Naomi Shmueli Production Coordinator Nadav Shtechman Design Ron Haran Printed in Jerusalem, by Art Plus, Ltd. -
Margalit Halbertal Liberalism and the Right to Culture.Pdf
Liberalism and the Right to Culture Authors(s): AVISHAI MARGALIT and MOSHE HALBERTAL Source: Social Research, Vol. 61, No. 3, Liberalism (FALL 1994), pp. 491-510 Published by: The New School Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045 Accessed: 24-03-2016 19:06 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40971045?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The New School is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Research http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.74.76 on Thu, 24 Mar 2016 19:06:54 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Liberalism and the Right to BY AVISHAI MARGALIT Culture /. AND MOSHE HALBERTAL Setting Up the Problem JlTuman beings have a right to culture- not just any culture, but their own. The right to culture has far-reaching implications for the liberal conception of the state. A culture essentially requires a group, and the right to culture may involve giving groups a status that contradicts the status of the individual in a liberal state.