CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD BURGEN UND BEFESTIGUNGEN DER REFORMATIONSZEIT CASTLES OF THE NORTH III

Edited by

The Danish Castle Research Association “Magt, Borg og Landskab” and Marburger Arbeitskreis für europäische Burgenforschung e.V.

2020 2020

DR. RUDOLF HABELT GMBH • BONN DR. RUDOLF HABELT GMBH • BONN CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD BURGEN UND BEFESTIGUNGEN DER REFORMATIONSZEIT

Edited by Rainer Atzbach,

Christian Ottersbach,

Claus Sørensen,

Jan Kock, and

Dorthe Wille-Jørgensen

2020 2020

DR. RUDOLF HABELT GMBH • BONN DR. RUDOLF HABELT GMBH • BONN Funded by: Aarhus Universitets Forskningsfond

Published by: The Danish Castle Research Association “Magt, Borg og Landskab” Marburger Arbeitskreis für europäische Burgenforschung e.V.

Castles of the North III ISBN 978-3-7749-4210-3

Layout and prepress: Katrin Atzbach Printed by Druckhaus Köthen, Germany

Cover: Luther´s legendary escape from Augsburg to Hohenschwangau Castle in 1518 (Fresco by Wilhelm Lindenschmitt the Elder, 1835, in Hohenschwangau Castle, Wittelsbacher Ausgleichsfonds München, photo: Alice Arnold-Becker, detail from p. 315, fig. 1).

Board of Peer-Rewievers: Rainer Atzbach, David Bibby, Peter Dragsbo, Stefan Hoppe, Peter Huber, Carsten Selch Jensen, Gotthard Kießling, Jan Kock, Thomas Kühtreiber, Morten Larsen, Heiko Laß, Lennart Madsen, Michael Müller, Ragnar Nurk, Anders Reisnert, Claus Sørensen, Stefan Uhl.

© 2020 by Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn CONTENTS

Vorwort Preface...... 3

PART 1: THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK AND THE BALTIC

Etting, Vivian, The Castles of the Church and their Destiny in the Wake of the Reformation – With Special Focus on the Castle of Dragsholm Burgen der Kirche und ihr Schicksal zu Beginn der Reformation – Mit speziellem Fokus auf Burg Dragsholm...... 5 Hjermind, Jesper & Støttrup Jensen, Hugo, Vom Kloster Vitskøl zum Herrenhaus und Gutshof Bjørnsholm, 1536–1590 From Vitskøl Monastery to Bjørnsholm Manor, 1536–1590...... 17 Kuhl, Uta & Laß, Heiko, Sakralräume im Zeitalter von Reformation und Konfessionalisierung – landesherrliche Beispiele aus Norddeutschland und Dänemark Palace Chapels in the Reformation and Confessionalisation Period – Examples from Northern Germany and Denmark...... 39 Sørensen, Claus, Eskebjerg im nordöstlichen Fünen, Dänemark – Eine Mittelalterburg wird zu einem Renaissanceschloss Eskebjerg in Northeastern Funen, Denmark – A Medieval Castle Becomes a Renaissance Castle...... 57 Srodecki, Paul, Der Ausbau der livländischen Burgen Weißenstein und Wolmar zu frühneuzeitlichen Festungsanlagen vor dem Hintergrund der Nordischen Kriege The Development of the Livonian Castles Weißenstein and Wolmar into Post-Medieval Fortresses...... 71 Tipsmark, Kasper Steenfeldt, Fortified Manors and the Danish Reformation in 1536 – From Actual and Practical to Visual and Symbolic Befestigte Gutshäuser und die dänische Reformation von 1536 – Von effektiv und praktisch zu visuell und symbolisch...... 89

PART 2: SCHLESWIG AND HOLSTEIN

Atzbach, Rainer, Lost and Found: The Former Bishopric Castle Brink Verschwunden und wiedergefunden: Die einstige Bischofsburg Brink...... 107 Magnussen, Stefan, Reformation, Realignment and Disappearance. The Effects of Protestant Reformation on Episcopal Castles. The Case of Southern Jutland (Denmark) Reformation, Neuausrichtung und Verschwinden. Der Einfluss der Reformation auf bischöfliche Burgen am Beispiel Südjütlands (Dänemark)...... 121 Pelc, Ortwin, Die Befestigung von Adelssitzen und Städten in Holstein im 16. Jahrhundert. The Fortification of Castles and Towns in Holstein in the th16 Century ...... 139 Pohl, Per-Ole, Christianspries – Eine Festung des Dreißigjährigen Krieges im Lichte historischer Bildquellen Christianspries – A Fortress from the Thirty Years´ War Seen in the Light of Historical Pictorial Sources...... 157 Volquartz, Jens Boye, Das Verschwinden von Burgen und Befestigungen an Schleswig-Holsteins Westküste im 16. Jahrhundert The Disappearance of Castles and Fortifications on the West Coast of Schlesvig-Holstein During the 16th Century...... 175 Zangel, Frederic, Holsteinische Burgen in der Grafenfehde 1534 im Spiegel der schriftlichen Überlieferung Castles in Holstein During the Count’s Feud 1534 Mirrored by Written Sources...... 193

PART 3: CENTRAL GERMANY

Großmann, G. Ulrich, Luther’s Wartburg and the “Castles of Luther” Luthers Wartburg und die “Burgen Luthers”...... 209 Kettlitz, Eberhardt, Macht, Baupolitik und Religion. Herzog und Kurfürst Moritz von Sachsens Baupolitik zwischen Tradition und Innovation bis 1553 Power, Building Politics and Religion, Duke and Elector Moritz of Saxony between Tradition and Innovation before 1553...... 221 Klöppel, Lydia, Schloss Hartenfels, Torgau – The Political Centre and Symbol of the Defence of the Reformation Schloss Hartenfels in Torgau – Das politische Zentrum und Symbol der Verteidigung der Reformation...... 239 Leibetseder, Stefanie, Spuren der Konfessionalisierung in den Städtebüchern des 16. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel sächsischer Schlösser Traces of Confessionalisation in Illustrated Urban Chronicles of the 16th Century Using the Example of Saxonian Palaces...... 253 Müller-Kissing, Johannes, The Development of Fortifications in the County Lippe and Eastern Westphalia on the Eve of the Reformation Verteidigungsanlagen in Ost-Westfalen zu Beginn der Reformation...... 269

PART 4: SOUTHERN GERMANY

Ottersbach, Christian, The Last Castles – Noble Castle Construction in Southern Germany between 1500 and 1620 Die letzten Burgen – Adeliger Burgenbau zwischen 1500 und 1620 in Süddeutschland...... 281 Ritzmann, Imke, Kastellartige Schlossanlagen der Renaissance in Süddeutschland Castles of the So-Called Kastell Type in Southern Germany During the Renaissance...... 299 Sieber, Dominik Gerd, Räume der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung? Burgen, Schlösser und Herrschaftssitze im Glaubenswandel des 16. Jahrhunderts in Oberschwaben Spaces of the Reformation and Confessionalization? Castles, Palaces and Mansions in the Change of Faith in Upper Swabia During the 16th Century...... 313 Uhl, Stefan, Bauen als Gesinnungsausdruck? Die Schwäbischen Vierflügelanlagen der Renaissance – Ein Bautyp vor dem Hintergrund reformatorischer Ereignisse Buildings as Expressions of Religious Denomination? Swabian Four-Wing Castles of the Renaissance Period. A Building Type Against the Background of the Reformation...... 329 Weschenfelder, Klaus, Veste Coburg at the Time of the Reformation. Architecture as a Reflection of Religious Conflicts Veste Coburg während der Reformation. Architektur als Reflexion der religiösen Konflikte...... 345 VORWORT

1517 begann nach allgemeiner Lesart die mation zur Zeitenwende vom Mittelalter zu Reformation mit Luthers 95 Thesen, die er Neuzeit. einem Brief an Albrecht von Brandenburg, 500 Jahre nach diesem Epochenwechsel Erzbischof von Mainz und Brandenburg, luden die dänische Forening Magt, Borg og beifügte und die kurz darauf im Druck er- Landskab und der Marburger Arbeitskreis schienen. Ursprünglich als Auftakt zu ei- für Europäische Burgenforschung zu einer ner gelehrten Disputation gedacht, wuchs internationalen Konferenz nach Flensburg, sich die theologische Kontroverse bald zu die vom 9. bis zum 11. Oktober 2017 abge- einem großen europäischen Konflikt aus, halten wurde. Die Ausgangsfragestellung der der vordergründig von der weitverbreite- Tagung „Burgen und Befestigungen im Zeit- ten Unzufriedenheit mit dem Zustand der alter der Reformation und Konfessionalisie- spätmittelalterlichen Kirche getragen wur- rung. Das Heilige Römische Reich und die de. Im Unterschied zu den immer wieder Staaten West- und Nordeuropas 1500-1620“ aufflackernden hoch- und spätmittelalterli- war, welche Auswirkungen die Reformation chen Reformbewegungen, die entweder in auf die Ausformung von Wehranlagen hat- die Kirche integriert werden konnten, wie te. Den Einführungsvortrag hielt G. Ulrich z.B. die Franziskaner oder Beginen, oder als Großmann zu “Luthers Burgen”. Ketzerei erfolgreich ausgetilgt wurden, wie Die Epoche der Konfessionalisierung z.B. die Katharer oder Wiedertäufer, entfal- zwischen 1500 und 1620 hatte das mittelal- tete Luthers Reformation eine beispiellose terliche Europa innerhalb von etwas mehr Wucht in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. Dies lag als einem Jahrhundert grundlegend ver- zunächst an der Nutzung der neuen Me- ändert und ist als Zeit eines Transformati- dien: gedruckte Flugschriften und Bücher onsprozesses zwischen mittelalterlicher und erzeugten eine nie zuvor dagewesene Öf- frühneuzeitlicher Welt zu sehen. In dieser fentlichkeit über Standes- und Herrschafts- Ära wurden nicht nur alte Burgen ausgebaut, grenzen hinweg. Mindestens ebenso wichtig sondern es entstanden auch Neubauten in war jedoch die machtpolitische Dimension: allen Zwischenstufen vom unbefestigten Der Konflikt wurde auch von den teilwei- Herrensitz über burgähnliche Anwesen bis se jahrhundertealten Spannungen zwischen zur landesherrlichen Festung. Die Tagung kaiserlicher Zentralgewalt und landesherr- konzentrierte sich auf die Entwicklungen schaftlichen Partikularkräften befeuert. Die im Wehr- und Wohnbau und fragte nach den Abwendung vom römisch-kaiserlich-katho- politischen und architekturgeschichtlichen lischen Zentrum öffnete den fürstlichen Bedingungen in Mittel- und Nordeuropa zur Anhängern der Reformation auch eine ganz Zeit der Reformation. Der Schwerpunkt lag anders verstandene „Freiheit eines Chris- auf dem Nord- und Ostseeraum, besonders tenmenschen“: als autonomer Landesherr den skandinavischen Ländern. Die Vorträge – erst durch diese Lesart wurde die Refor- stellten aktuelle Forschungen aus dem Bal- tikum, Dänemark, Deutschland und Schwe- Der vierte Teil „Süddeutschland“ wirft ei- den zur Diskussion. Die Beiträge des vorlie- nen Blick auf die durch eine besonders aus- genden Bandes wurden einem vom Verlag geprägte konfessionelle Gemengelage ge­ unabhängigen, offenen wissenschaftlichen kennzeichneten Regionen Schwaben, Bayern Peer-Review-Verfahren unterzogen. und Franken, das durch die „Lutherburg“ Coburg vertreten ist. Die Beiträge wurden vier regionalen Teilen zu- Demnach folgt zwar die Architektur des geordnet: Der erste Teil „Das Königreich Dä- Burgenbaus weniger konfessionellen Bin- nemark und das Baltikum“ spannt den Bogen dungen als der übergeordneten Entwicklung vom Schicksal der spätmittelalterlichen Bur- der Kriegstechnik. Aber die Zughörigkeit zu gen in geistlicher Hand über die Umgestaltung politisch-religiösen Allianzen spielte dennoch des ehemaligen Klosters Vitskøl zum Gutshof eine Rolle. Diese Netzwerke orchestrierten Bjørnsholm bis hin zu den vielen Facetten des den Austausch von Baumeistern und erlaub- Übergangs von spätmittelalterlichen Burgen ten wechselseitige Besuche, die direkt zur zu neuzeitlichen „Herrenburgen“, Gutshö- Ausformung von Burgen und Befestigungen fen oder im Fall von Eskebjerg/Schelenborg und ihrer Nutzungsweise beitrugen. Die vor- zu einem Renaissanceschloss. Regional weiter liegenden Studien zeigen, dass sich gerade ausgreifend ist die Betrachtung der reforma- aus der überregionalen Betrachtung landes- torischen Sakralräume auf norddeutschen und geschichtlicher Phänomene neue Erkenntnis- dänischen Anlagen sowie der Blick in das von se gewinnen lassen. vielen Seiten umkämpfte Livland. Der zweite Teil „Schleswig und Holstein“ Abschließend sei an erster Stelle den Auto- beleuchtet den Wehrbau dieser Übergangs- rinnen und Autoren sowie dem Beirat der landschaft zwischen Mittel- und Nordeuropa. Peer-Reviewer herzlich gedankt, auf deren Neben die Einzelbeispiele der abgegangenen Forschungsarbeit und Einsatz dieser Band bischöflichen Burg Brink in Ballum und der beruht. Wir danken darüber hinaus dem Festung Christianspries in Kiel treten hier re- Forschungsprogramm „Materials, Culture gionale Studien zu Schleswig, Holstein und and Heritage“ der Aarhus University und zur nordfriesischen Küste. der Dansk Centralbibliotek Sydslesvig für Das Kernland der lutherischen Reforma- die Unterstützung der Tagung in Flensburg tion behandelt der dritte Teil „Mitteldeutsch- sowie dem Wittelsbacher Ausgleichsfond für land“, der die Befestigungen von Burgen und die Überlassung des Umschlagmotivs. Die Städten in Sachsen und Thüringen, aber auch Drucklegung des Bandes wurde dankenswer- in Westfalen versammelt. Hier dürfen auch ter Weise durch einen Druckkostenzuschuss der Reformator selbst, Luthers Burgen und des „Aarhus Universitets Forskningsfond“ die Wartburg nicht fehlen. ermöglicht.

Rainer Atzbach, Christian Ottersbach, Claus Frederic Sørensen, Jan Kock und Dorthe Wille-Jørgensen

4 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD PART 2: SCHLESWIG AND HOLSTEIN LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK

Verschwunden und wiedergefunden: Die einstige Bischofsburg Brink

Rainer Atzbach LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK

Rainer Atzbach, Denmark

ABSTRACT

Die heute nicht mehr erkennbare Burgstelle nahe Brink Møllegård im Kirchspiel Ballum, 30 km südlich des Bistumssitzes von Ribe, war Standort einer bis zur Reformation bischöflichen Anlage. Die exponierte Lage und die während der Ausgrabungen zwischen 1992 und 2017 erkannte hochwertige Ausführung der Bauten und Befestigung, die sich durchaus mit Königsburgen messen kann, zeigt die große Bedeutung der auch in Schriftquellen bezeugten Burg Brink. Ihre erhaltenen Rechnungsbücher des Jahres 1388/89 erlauben zusätz­ liche Einblicke in das Alltagsleben dieses bischöflichen Verwaltungssitzes, der spätestens in der Krisenzeit des 14. Jahrhunderts errichtet worden ist. Das Fundmaterial reicht bis in das 13. Jahrhundert zurück, möglicher­ weise entstand die große und in dominanter Position errichtete Burg auch schon früher im Kontext der Bur­ genbaupolitik des Riber Bischofs Elias (1142–62) oder seiner meist königsnahen Nachfolger zur Sicherung des südlichen Stiftsteils. Im späten Mittelalter war die Burg ein Zentrum der bischöflichen Pferdezucht, die ihr ökonomisches Rückgrat bildete, während im 16. Jahrhundert die Rinderzucht für den Fleischexport größere Bedeutung gewann. Die nun dezentrale Organisation hatte keinen Bedarf mehr für einen Verwaltungssitz vor Ort, die Burg wurde deshalb 1562 aufgegeben und völlig geschleift.

1. INTRODUCTION Brink Castle was situated in the parish of Ballum, in today’s Tønder municipality and The Middle Ages are usually characterised as in the historical shires of Tønder, Højer and the age of castles and chivalry, in contrast to Lø. It was close by the site of the still ex- the post-medieval period, which is regard- isting Brink Møllegård farmstead, located on ed as a period of baronial fortresses on the the road from Ballum to Randerup, about one side and more or less unfortified manor 30 km south of Ribe and 20 km northwest houses in the hands of noblemen on the oth- of Tønder (Fig. 1, cf. map p. 126). The lost er, while mercenary troops wage war for cash. castle is an important site for research in Brink Castle, which disappeared from view in Danish Late Medieval history, because the Previous page: Brink the sixteenth century, will be explored as a estate accounts for the year 1388/89 are pre- during the excavation in 2017 (photo: case study for the transition from medieval served. The castle site has been excavated by K. Atzbach 2017). stronghold to post-medieval farmstead. several campaigns between 1992 and 2017.

108 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD Fig. 1 Site of Brink Castle close to Ballum–Østerende (source: Preußische Generalkarte Schleswig 1877/78, Styrelsen for Dataforsyning og Effektivisering).

The present study takes into consideration bishopric was founded in the tenth century the political and economic background to the by one of the first bishops in Ribe, Odinkar castle, reflected in both written sources and junior or Adaldag, from his personal fortune: archaeological contexts. The aim is to find et ipse nobilis de semine regio Danorum, dives agri, an explanation for why a castle disappeared adeo ut ex eius patrimonio narrent episcopatum Rip­ without trace in the Reformation period. ensuem fundatum (Adam of Bremen, II, 36, p. 272). According to the Ribe Chronicle, written shortly after 1230 (Kaae 1977, 489 et seq.), it 2. THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND: was Bishop Elias (1142–62) who played an THE BISHOPRIC OF RIBE important role in forming the constitution and secular lordship of the bishopric. Born Ribe was one of the oldest and perhaps even in Flanders, he had been compelled to leave the largest bishoprics in Denmark. It ex- his country after an uproar, in which he was tended from the Limfjord down to Tønder prosecuted by his brothers. Elias took refuge shire, and from the North Sea coast across to in Denmark, where he worked as a verger the Kattegat at Vejle and Kolding. The first in Ribe, or perhaps as a provost in Zealand known bishop of Ribe, “Liopdago Ripuniensis (Kaae 1977, 515). Supported by the local ecclesiae episcopo,” is mentioned beside “Oredo magnates (stormænd), in 1142 he became Slesvicensis episcopo” and “Reginbrando Arusuensis bishop. In 1145, Elias instituted a chapter at episcopo” (MGH LL 2 1837, 25) as participants Ribe Cathedral, directed by an archdeacon. In in the Synod of Ingelheim in 948. Accord- the late Middle Ages, this comprised twen- ing to King Valdemar’s Danish Census Book ty-one canons. It was probably Bishop Elias (Valdemars Jordebog), recorded in 1231/41, who organised the administration of the Ribe the royal possessions were concentrated in bishopric into units of syssels: The whole of the eastern part of the Duchy of Schleswig the bishopric south of the River Ribe was around eponymous Schleswig town and lay governed by the archdeacon, who supervised only in scattered form in the bishopric of the provosts and the parish churches (Dahl- Ribe (Poulsen 2012a, 404). If the Ribe bish- erup 1968, 92–103). opric was based on a royal donation, it must Elias’s rule was characterised by conflict. have taken place long before 1231. Adam of In the mid-twelfth century, during the civil Bremen gives a hint in his Chronicle that the war, he took the side of Sven Grathe (1125-

LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK 109 lum Parish. Besides Lustrup, Møgeltønder is known to have been the second administra- tive basis in the southern bishopric. However, the secular power of the Bishop was limited: although the northwestern part of the Duchy of Schleswig belonged to the bishopric, the Bishop’s part of the tithe could not be raised, in contrast to the bishopric of Schleswig. A last attempt failed around the year 1200, when the peasants threatened to stone the Bishop’s men trying to raise his share (Pouls- en 2012a, 414–417). A study of the early bishops’ careers has revealed that the majority of them had a close relationship to the Danish king. Bishop Omer (1178–1204) was said to have been the king’s Fig. 2 Lustrupholm, 57) against the magnates of Jutland, who chaplain before his consecration as bishop in basement of the backed V­ aldemar I (1131–82). 1178. His successor Oluf (1204–14) was the bishop’s tower, before 1300 AD “Qui propter æmulos multo tempore supra cho­ chaplain of Duke Valdemar, who later be- (Fevejle 2003). rum ecclesiæ suæ latitavit. Deinde fecit in defensionem came King Valdemar II (1202-41). That king sui multas urbes, quarum vestigia in mansionibus was accompanied on his crusades against the episcopalibus adhuc durant.” (He hid from his Baltic heathens by Ribe’s archdeacon Tue, contenders upon his church’s choir for a long who became the next Bishop of Ribe in time. Hereon, he made many castles for his 1214. After Tue’s death in 1230, King Valde- defence, whose traces have persisted on the mar’s counsellor magister Gunner held the seat bishopric estates until today. Jørgensen 1933, in Ribe until 1245. Under the rule of Bishop 27; in Danish: Søgaard 1972, 267). Tyge (1274–88), the bishopric received the After the death of Sven Grathe, Elias exclusive right to mint and issue coins, a priv- supported Valdemar I, who was victorious in ilege that previously had been shared with the the civil war. Elias’s fortified estates belong king (Gregersen 2000, 54). to the earliest group of medieval castles in It would be quite astonishing if the bish- Denmark, erected by Danish magnates in the op had not owned a castle in his own city. twelfth century (Etting/Engberg 2004, 132– Around 1200, Ribe acquired a surrounding 134). One of these fortified estates has been moat: a city wall in brick was never erected. identified by Kaae (1977, 515) with Hen- The city was regarded as “unsafe,” and was negård, where Elias decreed the above-men- therefore deemed an inappropriate venue for tioned establishment of the Ribe chapter a meeting between the Danish King Erik V on 13 June 1145. Another has been identi- and the papal legate Cardinal Guido in 1266, fied at Lustrupholm, known in the written quod civitas Ripensis murata non erat (DD 2.2 nr. sources as Lustrup as early as 1233 and, ac- 39 p. 35). This was probably only an excuse cording to the archaeological evidence, exist- to avoid an unpleasing meeting during the ing in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The King’s conflict with the Pope, because there moated site at Lustrup comprised a square is evidence for an older moated site from the stone tower of 8 × 8 metres and a group twelfth century on the north bank of the of large two-storey buildings for storing the​ River Ribe. Cultural layers from the twelfth levies of its dominion (Fevejle 2003; Sørensen century have been excavated beneath the roy- 2012, 454) (Fig. 2). Lustrup is regarded as al Riberhus Castle, but current research sug- the administrative centre for the bishopric’s gests that the Riberhus did not precede the possessions in Møgeltønder, Daler and Bal- rule of King Eric VI Menved (1274-1319) in

110 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD the early fourteenth century (Fevejle 2006, During the civil war Count’s Feud (1534–36), 54–56 Fig. 34; Sovsø 2010, 78; Etting 2010a, Bishop Iver Munk took the Duke’s side, 84–85). Nevertheless, it is not impossible that whose election as King Christian III was there was a second castle here, as there was supported by Iver’s nephew in Viborg. The in Kalundborg. This older Riberhus might citizens of Ribe continued their support for have belonged to the king, the second to the the old king, but stayed neutral in the conflict. bishop. From the fourteenth century, the After opening its gates to Christian III in royal administration at Riberhus directed not 1534, the bishopric survived the Reformation only the castle itself and the city, but also two as a clerical institution, but its secular power shires, Gørding Herred and Skast Herred, and all its possessions were ceded to the king. both situated north of the River Ribe. The Its former southern secular possessions were southern part of the bishopric was ruled by transferred as a fiefdom under the royal reeve the archdeacon (Netterstrøm 2010a, 164). at Riberhus Castle, while the older bishopric During the late Middle Ages, Ribe kept its fiefs of Trøjborg Castle and Møgeltønder role as the most important urban settlement Castle became separate fiefs given to noble- in Jutland, although the silting up of the har- men. Heavy storm floods in 1532, 1549 and bour became an increasing problem. Both the on a further forty-three occasions (!) between bishopric and the city benefited from a new 1570 and 1661 destroyed major parts of the economic role as a node in the land-based cat- fertile marshlands (Christensen 2010b; Net- tle export from Denmark to the Late Medie- terstrøm 2010b); moreover, the shires around val metropolises in the north-western regions Ribe were hit by the Count’s Feud war of suc- of the Holy Roman Empire. Both the citizens cession and especially by the Nordic Seven and the bishop strove for a close relationship Years War. to the king in the late Middle Ages. With the disappearance of central power in the kingdom after the death of King Eric VI Menved, a series of uproars and minor wars 3. BRINK CASTLE IN WRITTEN convulsed the Duchy of Schleswig in the con- SOURCES flict between the local magnates and Counts Gerhard and John of Holstein. One conse- The first mention of Brink Castle in the writ- quence was the erection of castles, frequently ten sources is only indirect. On 20 August in combination with a mill that was a source of 1379, Henneke Limbæk, knight of Trøjborg, income, because the peasants had to pay when acknowledges his debt to Løgum Monastery using it. In terms of power, rich noblemen of 150 marks in Lübeck currency. This rec- from Holstein moved to the Duchy of Schle- ognition is testified …cum sigillis, dilecti patris swig and established a new class of magnates mei domini Lydderi Limbech, Nicholai Kudi, Goth­ there (Poulsen 2012b, 510–512, 523–524). The schalci Skyærw, militum, Harqui Støtt, advocati in Bishop of Ribe tried to protect his bishopric Brincke, Andree Trugelsson, domini Andree, recto­ with castles (cf. Stefan Magnussen’s contribu- ris ecclesiæ Balgum, ac etiam predilecti germani [i.e. tion to this volume). In Duchy of Schleswig, he gemini, RA] mei Blixe Limbeck (DD 4,1. 1984, owned Lustrupholm, Møgeltønder Castle (just 486 et seq. nr. 524). The witness Harrike Støt as a counter-pole to the ducal Tønderhus Cas- is here explicitly called reeve at Brink. The tle) and Brink Castle, surrounded by a group of background to this recognition is probably a private aristocratic fortifications (Tullestenen, peace accord between Jens Mikkelsen, Bishop Tranhøj, Kogsbøl and Kobbervold, Poulsen of Ribe (1369–1388), who was protector of 2012b, 510). The Bishop also benefited from Løgum Monastery, and the knights Henneke Queen Margarethe I’s policy of revindication Limbæk, his brother Blixe and their kinsman when she pawned Trøjborg Castle to him in Klaus Kudi, who had unjustifiably raised tax- 1409 (DD 2019, nr. 14070922001). es in some monasterial dependent­ villages

LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK 111 and taken prisoners from them against pay- Tagonis poledrum griseum in Brynck, a grey foal ment (Poulsen 2012b, 507). We have no fur- to his servant Iver Tagesen in 1409 (Erslev­ ther information about Harrike Støt or An- 1901, 183 nr. 78). Its reeve, Oluf Staverskov, ders Troelsen (alias Andree Trugelsson), who is mentioned as judge of the birketing court is listed between the reeve and the local Bal- at Ballum in 1484/85 and called himself “at lum priest. Anders may therefore have been Brink” in 1409. His successor until 1515 was also one of the Bishop of Ribe’s men. squire Jesper Pedersen, then Hans Jul, broth- A direct reference to Brink Castle is giv- er of Bishop Hartvig Jul (1483–1498). Jul’s en in Jens Mikkelsen’s testament, written on son, Jørgen Hansen, was reeve until the Ref- 2 December 1388: Item Johanni Skram ij poli­ ormation, when he was assigned Brink as a dros, quorum unus est grisii coloris, alter vero eo­ royal tenant. In 1562, Hansen’s widow Bege rum est coloris skymelith, prope castrum Brynkke was ordered to hand Brink over to the royal ammubulantes [i.e. ambulantes, RA] [.. ]. Item vassal on Riberhus, Niels Lange. The goods Cristerno Jacobi cornu. Item Johanni Nanneß [gap belonging to Brink were given to the peas- left in the original]. Item Petro Nicholai ij boves ants for agricultural use (Poulsen 1990, 30– et marcham annone, quos sibi Cristiernus Jacobi 32). They were allowed to break down all the assignabit.[...] Item Johanni Friis ij polidros, unus houses on Brinkgård, except for the mill and est nigri coloris, alter vero est coloris blacchith; isti its belongings and the stone house, which the polidri sunt apud castrum Brincchæ (Erslev 1901, King had ordered Niels Lange to break down 155–157 nr. 68). Brink Castle is mentioned for his own benefit (Kancelliets brevbøger. twice in the text. Evidently, the Bishop was 1893–1895. 11.11.1562, 184). familiar with this centre of horse-breeding The estate accounts for 1388/89 give de- and its horses: He bequeaths precisely a grey, tailed information about the householding at a white, a black and a dun foal to his squires, Brink (Poulsen 1990, 32–49; Poulsen/Peder- Jens Skram and Jens Fris. Christian Jakobsen sen 1993). Evidently, Brink had a birketing inherits a drinking-horn in this testament. It court: eight shillings’ worth of fines made is he, who is responsible for handing over the up 4.5 per cent of the cash earnings. Sales two cows and the mark of grain bequeathed of hides and rye made up the major cash to Peter Nielssen. Christian Jakobsen is also income. The sale of two anchors and three the author of the estate accounts for Brink ropes suggests that a part of the beach at Bal- Castle from June 1388 to July 1389. The usual lum may have been the reeve’s responsibility, period of accounting was four years (Poul­ providing an income from wreckage. sen 1990, 30), so this probably indicates that The most important expenditures were Christian succeeded Harrike Støt as reeve at those on food, especially fish, salt and beer Brink, who had served since 1385. from Lübeck. Bricks – possibly roof tiles – Bjørn Poulsen (1990, 30) estimates the were bought for a barn; the salary paid to erection of Brink Castle at shortly before a carpenter, “Jens Tymmerman,” may have 1379 because all older charters were only Da­ been for its repair. The most interesting part tum Balghum in 1330 and 1350 (DD 2,10.1948, is the payroll, which lists twenty-four em- Nr. 261; DD 3,3.1963, nr. 255). This might ployees including two bowmen, a gunman be regarded as a weak argument, because no “Hermet fyreskyth” and three guards as the charter was ever given at Brink Castle. How- armed guard of the castle in 1388/89. Such ever, in general the state of research concern- an apparently small guard is quite usual in the ing writing, dispatching and testifying char- Middle Ages: Drachenfels Castle in Rhine- ters in Denmark is too poor for an evaluation land-Palatinate, jointly owned by twenty-four of specific practices yet. noblemen, had a permanent armed guard The breeding of horses continued to be numbering only four men in 1510. Even the one of Brink Castle’s functions. Bishop Es- royal castle at Copenhagen was protected kil of Ribe (1389–1409) bequeaths Item Iwaro by fewer than forty armed men in 1447. Of

112 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD course, this was only the permanent guard in in Bishop Jens Mikkelsen’s and Eskil’s testa- time of peace, increased in case of need: the ments, horse-breeding is remarkably invisible well-documented siege and conquest of the in the estate accounts. One notice, Item de small Tannenberg Castle, near Darmstadt in Ottone xvii sol. st. pro una equa, is crossed out Hesse, documents a staff of more than fif- in the register of intakes (Poulsen/Pedersen ty defenders in 1349. This guard withstood 1993, 319). Poulsen suggests that this correc- a siege by the joint forces and artillery of the tion may hint at a second register used for Holy Roman Empire and the cities of Frank- horse-breeding (1990, 33). The accounts also furt and Mayence for three weeks (Atzbach mention the price for a cow as three shillings 2010a and 2013; Etting 2010b). At Brink Cas- (Poulsen/Pedersen 1993, 321); consequently, tle, the guard were the best paid group on the a mare priced at seventeen shillings repre- staff. Surprisingly, the miller is in the group sents a value six times that of a cow. with the smallest salary; his share of flour During the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- was probably the major part of his income. tury, the west-coast economy was notable At any rate, this proves the existence of a mill for horse-breeding, among other activities at Brink as early as 1388. – perhaps supported by the military demand Apart from cash, the guard were paid in for warhorses. But from the fifteenth centu- board – and probably bed – at the castle. ry, cattle became more and more important, Bjørn Poulsen reconstructs a weekly con- feeding the rapidly growing urban settle- sumption of about three ørtug of rye bread, ments of northern Germany and the Neth- one-eighth of a barrel of butter, three sheep erlands (Poulsen 2012c, 679–683; 686–688). or four lambs, three to four cows, three sides Horse-breeding is much more complex than of bacon, one-eighth of a barrel of herring, cattle-breeding. Horses have special needs: and beer brewed from four ørtug of malt. oats during the winter, flock holding, and last The share of pork is remarkably small in but not least, protected space for exercising. comparison with the consumption pattern at This requires trained and experienced staff Zug Castle or the city of Basle (Wiese 2010), and adequate stable facilities, which evident- where pork made up a quarter of meat con- ly were present at the late medieval Brink sumed. At Brink, the need for protein was Castle with its nearby paddocks, including covered by fish – not surprising for a site heavy work in the fields when necessary. The close to the sea. change from a late medieval centralised man- The backbone of Brink’s economy was or economy run with horse-drawn agricul- excise levied on the farms around the castle. ture to decentralised but dependent peasant In 1388/89, these included one larger farm farms was connected with the change from that could be regarded as an older estate/ horse-breeding to cattle-breeding. Each de- storgård. Later, in the sixteenth century, the pendent peasant was able to keep one to three structure of the local economy was to un- cows, contributing to his lord’s economy and dergo deep change, with the peasant farms to the growing importance of the cattle trade. and the Brink estate paying their taxes direct- ly to the bishop (and later to the royal ten- ant) in Ribe. The economy of the castle as a self-supporting administrative and military 4. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE unit was replaced by a centralised administra- tion that levied the same excise from all for- Since 1992, the Haderslev Museum team, ty-eight peasants. In this later period, Brink today a part of Museum Sønderjylland, has lost its position as a reeve’s seat and its status been engaged in archaeological research at declined to that of a large farmstead (Poulsen the Brink site (Kristensen 2003 and 2004). In 1990, 44–49). Back in the fourteenth centu- 1992, Lennart Madsen succeeded in locating ry, however, apart from the foals mentioned the castle, whose position had passed into

LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK 113 Fig. 3 Viewshed of Brink Castle (Digital Terrain Model Denmark, Styrelsen for Dataforsyning og Effektivisering, offshed 2 m, viewpoint 10 m, radius 2.5 km).

oblivion four hundred years ago. Between Ice Age moraine, with an excellent panorama 1999 and 2004, a series of excavations direc­ view including the church tower of Ballum ted by Tenna Kristensen revealed parts of the and the North Sea (Fig. 3). Its viewshed is castle’s ground plan. The last campaign was the largest of all the southern Jutland castles, conducted in 2017 in cooperation with Kiel covering about 75 per cent of the surround- University and Aarhus University: in January ing area (Atzbach/Hansen 2019, Abb. 13). of that year, a non-invasive prospection of The chosen radius is 2.5 km, matching the the whole site was made as preparation for resolution of the unassisted human eye, at a a training excavation in summer 2017 (An- height of 10 m above ground, presupposing dresen et al. 2017; Rinne/Magnussen 2017; a tower (discussion of the method: Atzbach/ Atzbach/Hansen 2019). On the basis of Fenger/Høgsberg 2018). In the geomagnetic these excavations, it is possible to gain an im- prospection plan (Fig. 4), the castle moat is pression of the lost castle. visible as a dark shadow to the south-east in The site is situated on the ridge of the the shape of a letter “D” lying on its back.

Fig. 4 Geomagnetic prospection of Brink Castle site. The rectangular structure surrounding the site is a recent barbed wire fence. Black boxes mark the excavation areas of 2003 (southern field, cf. fig. 7) and 2017 (northern fields) (Rinne/Magnussen 2017 in Atzbach/ Hansen 2019).

114 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD The enclosed area is about 2,700 m2. Brink is therefore one of the largest castles in Den- mark, comparable with the royal castles of Nyborg, Kalø, Dronningholm and Copen- hagen, and even with Kalundborg, Vording- borg, Hammershus and Helsingborg, if their outer baileys are excluded (Fig. 5). This is quite a surprising fact as the site was original- ly regarded as only a small fortified bishopric manor. Excavations of the northern part revealed in 2017 that its moat was wider than 5.60 m, and more than 1.70 m below today’s surface level. The northern side of the moat has been documented, but the southern side and deep- est point have not yet been reached (Fig. 6). Between 1999 and 2002, the excavation in the southern area spotted several traces of build- ings constructed in two phases within a dis- tance of 5 m of the inner side of the moat, X62 (Fig. 7). The latest building measured about 16 m in length, its basement consisting of two vaulted rooms, X104 and X106. The eastern room housed the kitchen with a bak- ing oven and a hearth. A square foundation X310 was later built onto the southern wall. This may have supported a stair tower, as Kristensen suggests (2004, 28 et seq.). Taking into consideration that this was the vulner- able field side, a latrine seems more proba- ble than access to the upper storey; a similar situation is known from Spøttrup Castle in northern Jutland (Fig. 8), where latrine bays were built above the castle moat. Fragments of glazed tiles and stained glass reflect a high Fig. 5 Comparison of the walled area of Brink Castle (a) with the inner parts standard of living in this building. The find of the castles of (b) Copenhagen, (c) Helsingborg, (d) Kalø, (e) Kalundborg, (f) material dates back to the last third of the Hammershus, (g) Nyborg, (h)Vordingborg, and (i) Dronningholm (K. Atzbach). thirteenth and as far as the sixteenth century (Kristensen 2003 and 2004; Linaa 2014, 5–9). In 2017, the training excavation on the northern part of the site revealed a massive destruction layer of brick rubble from the sixteenth century. A west-east oriented wall limited the northern rim of the castle. This wall was founded at a depth of about 2 m be- low the current surface. It had been complete- ly plundered of bricks, down to the deepest Fig. 6 Cross-section through the northern moat. The north side has been reached, course. On the one hand, the Ballum region but the south side and the bottom have not, which makes a width of more is extremely poor in stone, which certainly than 5.60 m and a depth of more than 1.70 m probable (Philip Hansen).

LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK 115 Fig. 7 Survey of all contexts excavated in the southern area in 2003. The southern moat is visible on the southern edge (Kristensen 2003 and Kristensen 2004).

was a motivation to dig up each brick, leaving derwent some changes in the sixteenth cen- behind only useless rubble; but on the other, tury. As the influence of the nobility grew, this plundered trench is clear proof that even post-medieval manor houses developed a the foundations of the castle were worth more elaborate way of staging power. After stealing – which indicates that they may have the Count’s Feud, it became clear that brick been composed of well-shaped brick stones walls were more or less useless against or- rather than rubble fill. This is additional ev- dinary troops with firearms. The remaining idence for the high quality of the lost castle defensive elements were reduced to a wet buildings (Atzbach/Hansen 2019). moat, some loopholes for smaller guns, and a tower-like avant-corps that gave at least some impression of an “ancient castle.” These light fortifications were sufficient to resist peas- 5. A TOPOGRAPHY OF POWER ants in revolt (cf. Kasper Tipsmark’s contri- bution to this volume). Rather than occupy- Brink Castle was erected on an extremely ing a cold and exposed hilltop, post-medieval exposed position. Whoever wished to enjoy manor houses preferred sheltered positions the panorama view from this point paid the on eastern hillslopes, which may also have price of heavily blowing west winds. The been a consequence of the climatic change at current research project “The Topography the start of the Little Ice Age, which brought of Power” at Aarhus University has revealed frequent periods of harsher and rainy weath- a correlation between the visibility of a cas- er. The surrounding landscape is structured tle and its builders’ social rank, and not only by carefully arranged roads, fishponds and in Denmark: royal or ducal castles seem to parks. Avoiding a view over a neighbour’s prefer exposed hills, whereas private castles house but viewing the roads leading to one’s built by knights, squires or rich peasants seek own, each manor became a small, but arti- sheltered sites in wet lowlands, remote from ficial island of autocracy (Atzbach/Fenger/ traffic connection. Høgsberg 2018). The site of Brink Castle did The medieval way of showing off un- not live up to these expectations – neither the

116 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD Fig 8 Spøttrup castle (photo: K. Atzbach).

royal vassal at Riberhus nor a tenant was in- tensive robbing of the site, it does not seem terested in the site – but its stone material was impossible that there are older remains to be regarded as valuable and kept by the king. found on this exciting site – even after more than five hundred years of intensive agricul- tural use. Bjørn Poulsen’s interpretation of Brink’s 6. CONCLUSION abandonment in 1562 in economic terms is absolutely right. In the changed conditions Beyond any doubt, the political background of the sixteenth century, there was no need to to the erection of Brink Castle was an age keep the old castle as the centre of a mano- of conflict. Probably, the castle was built in rial system (Poulsen 1990, 48 et seq.; Pouls- the late thirteenth century, and it played a key en 2012b, 521). Horse-breeding might have role during the fourteenth century. Tensions been the backbone of its medieval economy, between the king and the Duke of Schleswig but the transition to decentralised dependent or the Counts of Holstein gave enough rea- peasants was based on fixed excises and cat- son to fortify the southern part of the Ribe tle-breeding. This provided a new and per- bishopric. The peace accord of 1379 directly haps more resilient economic basis for the involved the reeve of Brink Castle and points tenant than the less resilient horse-breeding to his military role during this conflict. But on a lordly estate. considering the castle’s extremely exposed po- Nevertheless, a large number of late me- sition and the enormous size and high qual- dieval castles survived the end of the late ity of its buildings, we might have expected medieval crisis and the Count’s Feud. If their a more important role for this fortress, even position fitted into the Renaissance way of in the context of Bishop Elias’s oppida. Today, living and representation, they became com- we have no archaeological finds that prove an fortable manor houses, like the former bish- older age for this site. Given the small per- opric castles of Møgeltønder and Trøjborg. centage of the area that has been excavated, This was not the fate of Brink Castle, which its very systematic destruction and the in- was given up, even dissolved, in 1562. The

LOST AND FOUND: THE FORMER BISHOPRIC CASTLE BRINK 117 medieval castle that had once been a repre- is not, however, possible to understand the sentative landmark of power was evidently existence of a castle without regarding its no longer regarded as a suitable seat. surroundings and its position within the to- This case study shows that every castle had pography of power. a military function – even if it was limited to mimicking the threat of violence. Every cas- Let me express my gratitude to Lucy tle was, moreover, erected against a political Seton-Watson for reading the proofs of this background, and run with economic tools. It article.

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Dr Rainer Atzbach Associate Professor of Medieval and Later Archaeology Aarhus University, School of Culture and Society Moesgård Allé 22 8270 Højbjerg Denmark [email protected]

120 CASTLES AND FORTIFICATIONS OF THE REFORMATION PERIOD