The Ukrainian Review” 200 Liverpool Road, London, N1 ILF
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T he U krainian R eview A quarterly journal devoted to the study of Ukraine Autumn, 1994 Vol. XLI, No. 3 EDITORIAL BOARD SLAVA STETSKO Senior Editor STEPHEN OLESKIW Executive Editor VERA RICH Research Editor NICHOLAS L. FR. -CHIROVSKY, LEV SHANKOVSKY, OLEH S. ROMANYSHYN Editorial Consultants Price: £5.00 or $10.00 a single copy Annual Subscription: £20.00 or $40.00 Published by The Association of Ukrainians in Great Britain, Ltd. Organization for the Defense of Four Freedoms for Ukraine, Inc. (USA) Ucrainica Research Institute (Canada) ISSN 0041-6029 Editorial inquiries: The Executive Editor, “The Ukrainian Review” 200 Liverpool Road, London, N1 ILF Subscriptions: “The Ukrainian Review” (Administration), 49 Linden Gardens, London, W2 4HG Printed in Great Britain by the Ukrainian Publishers Limited 200 Liverpool Road, London, N1 ILF Tel: 0171 6076266/7 • Fax: 0171 6076737 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTORS 4 Current Affairs UKRAINE’S MEDIA: A COG IN THE STATE WHEEL? Oksana Hasiuk 5 SOME SIGNIFICANT MEDIA INCIDENTS OF THE PAST YEAR 12 History THE MYSTERY OF THE GRAVE OF IVAN MAZEPA Volodymyr Rychka 14 WHO HAS A RIGHT TO CRIMEA? (P art 1) Volodymyr Butkevych 22 Literature FOREST SONG A ct II Lesya Ukrayinka 40 OLEH OLZHYCH (1907-44) 61 Morning Prayer 62 Evening, I look on the blue rock-faces... 62 The Prophet 62 YURIY LYPA O n th e 5 0 t h anniversary o f his tragic d eath Petro Kindratovych 64 Saint George 66 Curse 66 TWO LITTLE-KNOWN BELARUSLAN-UKRAINIAN CULTURAL CONTACTS Usievalad Rahojsa 67 KINGIR, 1954 69 Meditation 69 News From Ukraine 71 Books & Periodicals 83 Conferences POST-SOVIET GAS - RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Vera Rich 93 Contributors OKSANA HASIUK works as a free-lance journalist in Kyiv. VOLODYMYR RYCHKA, a historian, headed the scientific expedition of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine to identify and reinter the remains of Ukrainian Hetman Ivan Mazepa. VOLODYMYR BUTKEVYCH, a Ph.D. in juridical studies, currently heads the Department of International Law of the Ukrainian Institute of International Relations. He is also the Vice-President of the (former Soviet) International Law Association. His studies have focused on the protection of human rights in the USSR and in Ukraine, as well as on the chasm between Soviet legal standards and international norms. In addi tion, Butkevych is the Chairman of the Organisation Committee of the International Human Rights Conference which is held annually in Kyiv. PETRO KINDRATOVYCH is a member of the Lviv region memorial commit tee to organise the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the death of Yuriy Lypa, notable Ukrainian literary figure, political activist and doc tor, who died at the hands of the communists in August, 1944. USIEVALAD RAHOJSA is a lecturer in Belarusian literature at the State University of Belarus, Miensk. He wrote the note published here during a study visit to London, sponsored jointly by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the University of London and the Belarusian Charitable Trust. VERA RICH a poet, writer and translator, is Research Editor of T h e Ukrainian Review. 5 UKRAINE’S MEDIA: A COG IN THE STATE WHEEL? Oksana Hasiuk Ukraine’s press has become a kind of a hybrid of Soviet style journalism and a new way of thinking. Older journalists, accustomed to working for essentially one boss - the Communist Party - have been slow to claim their new freedom to search for interesting facts and make a critical analysis of them. By contrast, young Turks in the reporting and publishing world have welcomed the openness now permitted their profession, but often find themselves constricted by less enthusiastic editors and owners and by financial realities. But what has really complicated matters is that both groups still walk a tightrope between media freedom and government retribution. It is no secret - nor was it in the past - that Soviet journalism almost solely functioned as a funnel for agitation and propaganda, rather than a means of access to objective information. As the Soviet Union’s mechanisms of control rapidly unravelled in 1991, it is not surprising that many talented young people — not yet entrenched in state bureaucracy - grabbed the opportunity to begin anew. Several small underground newspapers surfaced almost immediately, although many went under just as quickly. Larger newspapers have since come on to the press market and continue to challenge weaker competitors to survive. While young people have managed to infuse the press with a fresh spirit and style, many state-owned publications have been less than conducive to such creative impulses. In fact, it has been difficult for writers of the Soviet generation to adapt to new political and economic realities, and they freely admit so. “I have been working as a journalist for thirty years”, asserts Valeriy Zholdak, editor-in-chief of the weekly Ukrainska Hazeta (Ukrainian Newspaper). “I am not going to change my style of writing according to new trends in journalism”, he says. As a result, a kind of generation gap has polarised the contemporary Ukrainian press corps. Some journalists have opted to stay in state-funded publications - the only ones with enough consistent funding - and give up on journalistic ideals. The other prevalent alternative is starting one’s own publication and facing the probable failure from lack of adequate funds. 6 THE UKRAINIAN REVIEW Notwithstanding the vagaries of the market, about 71 relatively new publica tions have been registered in Ukraine between 1988 and 1993, according to the Ukrainian National Press Club. Small regional newspapers are not included in the total, and most of the local papers remain under the control of local government bodies, as they did in the past. A few, in a nominal bow to press freedom, have changed their names, though their content remains similar to that of the past. The biggest obstacle to keeping newspapers and journals independent from the state is their own heavy reliance on state subsidies. “It is very diffi cult to find commercial structures which would want to invest their money into a serious analytical press”, laments Oleksandr Kryvenko, editor-in-chief of Lviv’s Post-Postup weekly. Post-Postup, established in 1991, is one of the few publications that has managed to publish news in a manner more closely resembling Western newspaper styles and to maintain a steady readership. It is also one of the very few publications that can boast of correspondents abroad. Post-Postup is doing so well, in fact, that it has been able to organise a new high-tech project, F ax -P ostu p weekly (now available on electronic mail), an English- language edition that serves the foreign community in Ukraine with political and economic information. Not all new and popular Ukrainian newspapers have been as fortunate as Post-Postup. The weekly R esp u b lik a (Republic), established in May 1992, shut down its presses in November 1993 - but for reasons that seem more dubious than simple lack of funds. Respublika’s journalists are still awaiting the reopening of their publication. Government annoyance over the contents of R esp u b lika appears to be the core of the problem, although Iryna Pohorielova, Respublika’s editor-in-chief, admits there is no clear proof for the allegation. Respublika, she explains, belongs to the newspaper and magazine concern RIA-press, and in addition to this weekly RIA-press also owns two newspapers, publishes books, and trans ports various types of goods within Ukraine. “As a participant in major com mercial activity”, Pohorielova says, “this concern could have been cooperating with the government”. “I can call such shadow cooperation corruption, but I don’t have any concrete evidence besides my guesses”, she admits. Interestingly enough, R e s p u b lik a twice faced closure before it finally ceased publication — the first time, when former Prime Minister Vitaliy Fokin’s Cabinet of Ministers was replaced in September 1992, and a second time, when former Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma’s Cabinet was dismissed in October 1993. In November 1993, just before the election campaigns for the Ukrainian parliament got underway, the RIA-press concern simply refused to hand over money and facilities to Respublika. Thrown out into the cold, the weekly’s journalists played an active role in the work of independent press centres such as Elections-94 and the publication V ybir-94 (Choice-94). Even now, one can only postulate that R espu blika was a victim of politics. The leadership of RIA may have been concerned about Respublika’s criticism of CURRENT AFFAIRS 7 contemporary politicians - a step it took frequently. “At the time, under the aus pices of RIA-press, we did not have rights as a juridical entity”, recalls Pohorielova. “Now the press’ leadership allows us to have such rights. So now we can organise our own newspaper - but we don’t have the money”, she says. Pohorielova says prospects for the future of R esp u b lik a are grim, even though the newspaper still has not officially disbanded and reporters have been allowed to retain and use their press cards. Pohorielova does not fear persecution from the new governmental and presidential structures but, she says, there is a hidden agenda of the new president in his preferential treat ment of certain media. In fact, at an August 9 press briefing, Kuchma spokesman Mykhailo Doroshenko told journalists that the Presidential administration would choose people and publications to spend time with the President. Pohorielova interprets this policy as an international screening of information and audience on the part of Kuchma. “In other words, there will be people, who will have first-hand information and there will be journalists, who will get second-hand facts”, says Pohorielova.