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This File Was Downloaded from BI Open Archive, the Institutional Repository (Open Access) at BI Norwegian Business School
This file was downloaded from BI Open Archive, the institutional repository (open access) at BI Norwegian Business School http://brage.bibsys.no/bi. It contains the accepted and peer reviewed manuscript to the article cited below. It may contain minor differences from the journal's pdf version. Sitter, N. (2006). Norway’s Storting election of September 2005: Back to the left? West European Politics, 29(3), 573-580 Doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402380600620700 Copyright policy of Taylor & Francis, the publisher of this journal: 'Green' Open Access = deposit of the Accepted Manuscript (after peer review but prior to publisher formatting) in a repository, with non-commercial reuse rights, with an Embargo period from date of publication of the final article. The embargo period for journals within the Social Sciences and the Humanities (SSH) is usually 18 months http://authorservices.taylorandfrancis.com/journal-list/ Norway's Storting election of September 2005: Back to the Left? Nick Sitter, BI Norwegian Business School This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in West European Politics as Nick Sitter (2006) Norway's Storting election of September 2005: Back to the Left?, West European Politics, 29:3, 573-580, DOI: 10.1080/01402380600620700, available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402380600620700 In September 2005, after four years in opposition, Jens Stoltenberg led the Norwegian Labour Party to electoral victory at the head of a ‘red–green’ alliance that included the Socialist Left and the rural Centre Party. This brought about the first (peace-time) Labour-led coalition, the first majority government for 20 years, and the first coalition to include the far left. -
Unit 7 Political Parties and Pressure Groups in Australia
UNIT 7 POLITICAL PARTIES AND PRESSURE GROUPS IN AUSTRALIA Structure 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Objectives 7.3 Antecedents of the Australian Party System 7.4 Compulsory Voting and Party System 7.4.1 Preferential Voting System and Political Parties 7.4.2 Proportional Representation System and Political Parties 7.5 The Liberal Party 7.6 The Australian Labour Party 7.7 The National Party or the Nationals 7.8 The Minor Parties 7.8.1 The Australian Democrats 7.8.2 The Greens 7.8.3 The Independents 7.8.4 One Nation 7.9 Electoral System and the Changing Dynamics of the Australian Party System 7.10 Pressure Groups 7.11 Summary 7.12 Exercises Suggested Readings 7.1 INTRODUCTION Political parties are almost an unavoidable feature of democracies, whatever may be the reasons. In fact, one could cite many reasons; but may be it is because political parties enable ordinary citizens to exercise some kind of influence-even if it be only during election times-over the political elite that parties are an inescapable reality of democracies. This is notwithstanding the fact that political parties are in themselves quite imperfect an institution in a democracy, and politicians are generally held in low esteem by the citizens. This here is the paradox of contemporary party- based democracies-both old and new. Citizens do not have any particular liking for parties and politicians; but once it is election time, the same citizens vote for them. 7.2 OBJECTIVES After reading this unit, you should be able to: z describe the antecedents of the Australian party system; 74 z delineate the voting system in Australia; z identify the major and minor parties in Australia; z understand the changing dynamics of the Australian party system; and z define the role of pressure groups in Australian politics. -
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YOUTH &POLICY No. 116 MAY 2017 Youth & Policy: The final issue? Towards a new format Editorial Group Paula Connaughton, Ruth Gilchrist, Tracey Hodgson, Tony Jeffs, Mark Smith, Jean Spence, Naomi Thompson, Tania de St Croix, Aniela Wenham, Tom Wylie. Associate Editors Priscilla Alderson, Institute of Education, London Sally Baker, The Open University Simon Bradford, Brunel University Judith Bessant, RMIT University, Australia Lesley Buckland, YMCA George Williams College Bob Coles, University of York John Holmes, Newman College, Birmingham Sue Mansfield, University of Dundee Gill Millar, South West Regional Youth Work Adviser Susan Morgan, University of Ulster Jon Ord, University College of St Mark and St John Jenny Pearce, University of Bedfordshire John Pitts, University of Bedfordshire Keith Popple, London South Bank University John Rose, Consultant Kalbir Shukra, Goldsmiths University Tony Taylor, IDYW Joyce Walker, University of Minnesota, USA Anna Whalen, Freelance Consultant Published by Youth & Policy, ‘Burnbrae’, Black Lane, Blaydon Burn, Blaydon on Tyne NE21 6DX. www.youthandpolicy.org Copyright: Youth & Policy The views expressed in the journal remain those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Editorial Group. Whilst every effort is made to check factual information, the Editorial Group is not responsible for errors in the material published in the journal. ii Youth & Policy No. 116 May 2017 About Youth & Policy Youth & Policy Journal was founded in 1982 to offer a critical space for the discussion of youth policy and youth work theory and practice. The editorial group have subsequently expanded activities to include the organisation of related conferences, research and book publication. Regular activities include the bi- annual ‘History of Community and Youth Work’ and the ‘Thinking Seriously’ conferences. -
Some Aspects of the Federal Political Career of Andrew Fisher
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FEDERAL POLITICAL CAREER OF ANDREW FISHER By EDWARD WIL.LIAM I-IUMPHREYS, B.A. Hans. MASTER OF ARTS Department of History I Faculty of Arts, The University of Melbourne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degr'ee of Masters of Arts (by Thesis only) JulV 2005 ABSTRACT Andrew Fisher was prime minister of Australia three times. During his second ministry (1910-1913) he headed a government that was, until the 1940s, Australia's most reformist government. Fisher's second government controlled both Houses; it was the first effective Labor administration in the history of the Commonwealth. In the three years, 113 Acts were placed on the statute books changing the future pattern of the Commonwealth. Despite the volume of legislation and changes in the political life of Australia during his ministry, there is no definitive full-scale biographical published work on Andrew Fisher. There are only limited articles upon his federal political career. Until the 1960s most historians considered Fisher a bit-player, a second ranker whose main quality was his moderating influence upon the Caucus and Labor ministry. Few historians have discussed Fisher's role in the Dreadnought scare of 1909, nor the background to his attempts to change the Constitution in order to correct the considered deficiencies in the original drafting. This thesis will attempt to redress these omissions from historical scholarship Firstly, it investigates Fisher's reaction to the Dreadnought scare in 1909 and the reasons for his refusal to agree to the financing of the Australian navy by overseas borrowing. -
Labour Parties Ideas Transfer and Ideological Positioning: Australia and Britain Compared B.M
Labour parties ideas transfer and ideological positioning: Australia and Britain compared B.M. Edwards & Matt Beech School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The University of New South Wales, Canberra School of Politics, Philosophy and International Studies, University of Hull, UK As part of this special issue examining policy transfer between the Labour Parties in Australia and Britain, this paper seeks to explore the relationship between the two on ideological positioning. In the 1990s there was substantial ideas transfer from the Australian Hawke‐ Keating government to Blair ‘New Labour’ in Britain, as both parties made a lunge towards the economic centre. This paper analyses how the inheritors of that shift, the Rudd/Gillard government in Australia and the Milliband and Corbyn leaderships in Britain, are seeking to define the role and purpose of labour parties in its wake. It examines the extent to which they are learning and borrowing from one another, and finds that a combination of divergent economic and political contexts have led to strikingly limited contemporary policy transfer. Keywords: Australian Labor Party; British Labour Party; Kevin Rudd; Julia Gillard; Ed Miliband; crisis In the 1990s there was substantial policy transfer between the Australian Labor Party and the Labour Party in Britain as they confronted the rise of neoliberalism. The ALP was in power from 1983‐1996 and introduced far reaching market liberalisation reforms complemented by a strengthened safety net. Due to the economic reforms of Thatcherism, Labour in Britain also remade itself to be more pro‐market, drawing considerably on policies of the ALP (Pierson and Castles, 2002). -
The Centre for European and Asian Studies
Nick Sitter, PSA 2004, p.1 The Centre for European and Asian Studies REPORT 2/2004 ISSN 1500-2683 Beyond Government and Opposition? The European Question, Party Strategy and Coalition Politics in Norway Nick Sitter A publication from: Centre for European and Asian Studies at Norwegian School of Management Elias Smiths vei 15 PO Box 580 N-1302 Sandvika Norway Paper prepared for the UK Political Studies Association conference, 2004 BEYOND GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION? THE EUROPEAN QUESTION, PARTY STRATEGY AND COALITION POLITICS IN NORWAY Nick Sitter Department of Public Governance, The Norwegian School of Management BI The British application for membership of the European Economic Community in July 1961 came less than two months before the election that cost the Labour party its parliamentary majority and inaugurated four decades of minority and coalition government. Not only did the British application place the controversial question of whether to apply for EEC membership on the Norwegian Labour (and now minority) administration’s agenda, it introduced a question that has cast a shadow over coalition politics ever since. Participation in European integration has long divided both the centre-right and centre-left wings of the party system, and with the 2005 election a year and a half away it continues to do so more than ever. With the leaders of the two mainstream centre-left and -right parties both declaring that application for membership of the European Union is more important than coalition politics, and their respective potential coalition partners prioritising opposition to EU membership, the scene is set for intense coalition games and negotiations in the run-up to the 2005 elections and in all likelihood yet another minority government that builds alliances in different directions on economic and foreign policy questions. -
Legislative Assembly Hansard 1917
Queensland Parliamentary Debates [Hansard] Legislative Assembly MONDAY, 9 JULY 1917 Electronic reproduction of original hardcopy Opening of Parliament. [9 JuLY.] Auditor-General's Reports. 15 KE\Y MEMBERS. ELECTORAL DISTRICTS OF i\lARYBOROVGH AND ROCK!LUIPTO::-i. 'The SPE.\KER informed the House that a vacancy had occurred in the House by the resignation of Alfr<ed J ame' J ones, E,quire, of his seat for the electoral district of Maryborough, and that, on the occurrence of such vacancy, he issued his writ for the election of a member to serve in the House for the electoral district in question, and that such writ had been dulv returm'd with a certificate endorsed thcreon of the election of David \Veir for such electorate; also that a vacancy had occurred in the House by the resignation of John Adamson. Esquire, of his seat for the electoral district of Rocl;:hamp ton, and that, on the occurrence of such Yacancy, he issued his writ for the election of a member to s<>rYe in the House for the elec toral district in question, and that such writ was duly returned with a certificate endors"d thereon of the election of Francis Michael Forde for such electorate. Mr. \VEIR, who wa/i introduced by Mr. Kirwan and Mr. Cooper. and Mr. FoRDE, who was introduced by :Mr. Larcomhe and :Mr. Pcterson, amid Government cheers, re spectively took the oath and wbscribed the roll. LOCAL OPTION POLLS. The SPEAKER reported that certain pa~ers relating to the examination of local optwn polls, which were laid on the table on 13th February last, were ordered by him, under Standing Order No. -
Unit 5 Constitutional Development – a Historical Perspective
UNIT 5 CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT – A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Structure 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Objectives 5.3 Making of the Constitution and Constitutional Principles 5.3.1 Responsible Government 5.3.2 Federalism 5.4 The Constitutional Structure 5.4.1 The Senate and the Constitution 5.4.2 Constitutional Crisis of 1975 5.5 Australian Parliament and the Constitution 5.5.1 Declining Role of the Parliament 5.6 'Revival' of the Senate 5.6.1 Reforming the Senate 5.7 Referendum and the Debate for a Republic 5.7.1 The Referendum of 1999 5.7.2 Failure of the Referendum 5.8 Summary 5.9 Exercises Suggested Readings 5.1 INTRODUCTION The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia (referred to as the Constitution hereafter) came into effect on 1 January 1901. For students of political science, it is not enough to know simply the provisions of a country's constitution. For, it is only a formal document that establishes institutions and rules of governance. Equally important, they must know many of the unwritten conventions, rules, understandings and practices within which a country's Constitution operates. In other words, you should have a clear idea of the broader 'constitutional framework'. It is the 'constitutional framework', which expresses many things. For instance, the meaning of Australia as a nation, the inter-play between various institutions and levels of government (some of which are mentioned while others are not in the Australian Constitution) and the relationship between the government and the citizens; and, of course, the way political parties shape the functioning of Australian Constitution and many of its institutions-all these can be comprehended only by studying the constitutional framework of Australia. -
Mphil Ritgerð.Pdf
Nordic and British Reluctance towards European Integration Contents INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 3 I.I POPULATIONS VS. ELITES ................................................................................................................... 7 1. THE “BAD” EUROPEANS .............................................................................................................. 11 1.1 THE “AWKWARD PARTNER” – BRITAIN AND EUROPE ...................................................................... 13 1.2 DIFFERENT PATHS – SCANDINAVIA AND EUROPE ............................................................................ 25 1.2.1 Denmark ................................................................................................................................ 28 1.2.2 Norway .................................................................................................................................. 32 1.3 THE VIEW FROM AFAR – ICELAND AND EUROPE .............................................................................. 37 2. ISLANDS AND OUTSKIRTS – THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST EUROPE .................................. 52 2.1 ECONOMICS MATTER ...................................................................................................................... 52 2.2 CULTURAL AND POLITICAL FACTORS .............................................................................................. 57 2.2.1 Atlanticism ............................................................................................................................ -
Young People and Democracy: a Review
YOUNG PEOPLE AND DEMOCRACY: A REVIEW A Whitlam Institute ‘Future of Australian Democracy – Young People and Democracy’ Research Project Associate Professor Philippa Collin and Jane McCormack Young and Resilient Research Centre | Institute for Culture and Society | Western Sydney University August 2020 About the Whitlam Institute The Whitlam Institute is building a nationally significant institution delivering distinctive, bold and inspiring policy research and programs that promote common ground, inclusive national identity and civic engagement for all Australians. We seek to be recognised across the political spectrum as delivering a nation-building agenda. “...help the great and continuing work of building a more equal, open, tolerant and independent Australia.” Gough Whitlam 2010 For more information about the Whitlam Institute, please visit our website whitlam.org About the Authors Associate Professor Philippa Collin Jane McCormack Principal Research Fellow, Institute for Culture Research Associate and Society, Western Sydney University Jane has conducted research in academic, advisory, Philippa Collin co-directs the WSU Young and Resilient commercial and non-government organisation contexts Research Centre and the Intergener8 Living Lab and is a across a range of topics, including social media and co-Stream Leader for the Wellbeing, Health and Youth the wellbeing of children and young people, and NHMRC Centre of Research Excellence (2017 – 2022). young people’s participation in democracy. A social scientist, Philippa studies new forms of political participation, identity and governance as they relate to the dynamics of elitism and exclusion – particularly for young people. She also studies the role of the digital in the social, cultural and political lives of young people, with a focus on the implications for health and wellbeing. -
A New Britannia
Mary Murnane A New Britannia ONE OF THE ASSUMPTIONS pervading the study of Australian history is that the working class and their political correlate the Labor Party were the bearers of what is distinctively Australian. It is perhaps for this reason the history of the Labor Movement is a favorite field of study for Australian historians. A New Britannia is essentially a history of the Labor Movement — but with a difference. It is not Humphrey McQueen’s primary intention to argue the significance of the strikes of the 1890’s; to date with accuracy Labor’s intention to enter politics; or to dissect the more notorious strikes of the twentieth century. McQueen refers to these other peaks in the history of the Labor Movement and sometimes records a deviant interpretation. But the central impulse of the book is to locate the Labor Movement in the materialistic, acquisitive perspectives of Australian society as a whole. McQueen accords more importance to racism as a component of Australian nationalism than any historian heretofore. It is, he says, “the most important single component of Australian nat ionalism”. Racism had an economic origin — the fear that the labor markets wouldl be flooded with cheap colored labor. McQueen sees racism as more than the fear of the Australian worker that he would lose his bargaining power vis a vis his employer — scarcity of labor. He refers to a notion of “pure racism” which was born on the goldfields of the 1850’s. Diggers blamed bad luck on the Chinese, anti-Chinese riots occurred, the most well known being at Lambing Flat in 1861. -
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Fredrik Engelstad, Anniken Hagelund (Eds.) Cooperation and Conflict the Nordic Way. Work, Welfare, and Institutional Change in Scandinavia Fredrik Engelstad, Anniken Hagelund (Eds.) Cooperation and Conflict the Nordic Way Work, Welfare, and Institutional Change in Scandinavia Managing Editor: Andrea S. Dauber Associate Editor: Dieter Bögenhold Published by De Gruyter Open Ltd, Warsaw/Berlin Part of Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Munich/Boston This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 license, which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. Copyright © 2015 Fredrik Engelstad, Anniken Hagelund ISBN: 978-3-11-044427-8 e-ISBN: 978-3-11-044428-5 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. Managing Editor: Andrea S. Dauber Associate Editor: Dieter Bögenhold www.degruyteropen.com Cover illustration: © Sébastien Bonaimé Contents Preface XII Fredrik Engelstad, Anniken Hagelund 1 Introduction: Institutional Change in Neo-Corporatist Society 1 1.1 Scandinavian Specificities 3 1.2 Understanding Institutional Change – Theoretical Inspirations 6 1.3 The Politics of Compromise 10 1.4 Stability or Disintegration? 13 References 15 Cathie Jo Martin 2 Negotiation and the Micro-Foundations