Young People and Democracy: a Review
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Unit 7 Political Parties and Pressure Groups in Australia
UNIT 7 POLITICAL PARTIES AND PRESSURE GROUPS IN AUSTRALIA Structure 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Objectives 7.3 Antecedents of the Australian Party System 7.4 Compulsory Voting and Party System 7.4.1 Preferential Voting System and Political Parties 7.4.2 Proportional Representation System and Political Parties 7.5 The Liberal Party 7.6 The Australian Labour Party 7.7 The National Party or the Nationals 7.8 The Minor Parties 7.8.1 The Australian Democrats 7.8.2 The Greens 7.8.3 The Independents 7.8.4 One Nation 7.9 Electoral System and the Changing Dynamics of the Australian Party System 7.10 Pressure Groups 7.11 Summary 7.12 Exercises Suggested Readings 7.1 INTRODUCTION Political parties are almost an unavoidable feature of democracies, whatever may be the reasons. In fact, one could cite many reasons; but may be it is because political parties enable ordinary citizens to exercise some kind of influence-even if it be only during election times-over the political elite that parties are an inescapable reality of democracies. This is notwithstanding the fact that political parties are in themselves quite imperfect an institution in a democracy, and politicians are generally held in low esteem by the citizens. This here is the paradox of contemporary party- based democracies-both old and new. Citizens do not have any particular liking for parties and politicians; but once it is election time, the same citizens vote for them. 7.2 OBJECTIVES After reading this unit, you should be able to: z describe the antecedents of the Australian party system; 74 z delineate the voting system in Australia; z identify the major and minor parties in Australia; z understand the changing dynamics of the Australian party system; and z define the role of pressure groups in Australian politics. -
The Rise of Gerontocracy? Addressing the Intergenerational Democratic Deficit
The rise of gerontocracy? Addressing the intergenerational democratic deficit Dr Craig Berry on behalf of the Intergenerational Foundation May 2012 Intergenerational Foundation, www.if.org.uk, charity no: 1142 230 Contents Foreword 3 Executive summary 5 Introduction 10 1. Democracy and intergenerational equity 13 2. The intergenerational democratic deficit 20 3. Solutions? 44 Appendix: possible objections 66 2 Foreword Debate about the implications of the ageing character of our society has so far been directed towards economic issues, including imbalances in wealth and economic opportunities across the generations. It is now time for us to start considering the civic implications of inequalities arising from Britain's ageing society. The analysis set out in this paper by Dr Craig Berry shows that, if current trends continue, older cohorts may well come to exercise a disproportionate influence on the democratic process in future decades. We could be witnessing a fundamental reconfiguration of the electorate, which is putting more power into the hands of older people and reducing that which younger cohorts possess. Dr Berry's paper illustrates that the life-stages of voters matter more and more in our democracy. Understanding the significance and nature of age-based inequalities should form an important part of the agenda of those committed to the cause of reforming our political system. An electorate which includes a growing number of older people generates new imbalances in terms of voter turnout, voter registration, party support and the social and generational composition of the legislature. The coalition government's proposed changes to the system of voter registration, for instance, require particularly careful scrutiny if they are to avoid making generational inequalities worse. -
Some Aspects of the Federal Political Career of Andrew Fisher
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FEDERAL POLITICAL CAREER OF ANDREW FISHER By EDWARD WIL.LIAM I-IUMPHREYS, B.A. Hans. MASTER OF ARTS Department of History I Faculty of Arts, The University of Melbourne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degr'ee of Masters of Arts (by Thesis only) JulV 2005 ABSTRACT Andrew Fisher was prime minister of Australia three times. During his second ministry (1910-1913) he headed a government that was, until the 1940s, Australia's most reformist government. Fisher's second government controlled both Houses; it was the first effective Labor administration in the history of the Commonwealth. In the three years, 113 Acts were placed on the statute books changing the future pattern of the Commonwealth. Despite the volume of legislation and changes in the political life of Australia during his ministry, there is no definitive full-scale biographical published work on Andrew Fisher. There are only limited articles upon his federal political career. Until the 1960s most historians considered Fisher a bit-player, a second ranker whose main quality was his moderating influence upon the Caucus and Labor ministry. Few historians have discussed Fisher's role in the Dreadnought scare of 1909, nor the background to his attempts to change the Constitution in order to correct the considered deficiencies in the original drafting. This thesis will attempt to redress these omissions from historical scholarship Firstly, it investigates Fisher's reaction to the Dreadnought scare in 1909 and the reasons for his refusal to agree to the financing of the Australian navy by overseas borrowing. -
Youth Voter Participation
Youth Voter Participation Youth Voter Participation Involving Today’s Young in Tomorrow’s Democracy Copyright © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) 1999 All rights reserved. Applications for permission to reproduce all or any part of this publication should be made to: Publications Officer, International IDEA, S-103 34 Stockholm, Sweden. International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will respond promptly to requests for permission for reproduction or translation. This is an International IDEA publication. International IDEA’s publications are not a reflection of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA’s Board or Council members. Art Direction and Design: Eduard âehovin, Slovenia Illustration: Ana Ko‰ir Pre-press: Studio Signum, Slovenia Printed and bound by: Bröderna Carlssons Boktryckeri AB, Varberg ISBN: 91-89098-31-5 Table of Contents FOREWORD 7 OVERVIEW 9 Structure of the Report 9 Definition of “Youth” 9 Acknowledgements 10 Part I WHY YOUNG PEOPLE SHOULD VOTE 11 A. Electoral Abstention as a Problem of Democracy 13 B. Why Participation of Young People is Important 13 Part II ASSESSING AND ANALYSING YOUTH TURNOUT 15 A. Measuring Turnout 17 1. Official Registers 17 2. Surveys 18 B. Youth Turnout in National Parliamentary Elections 21 1. Data Sources 21 2. The Relationship Between Age and Turnout 24 3. Cross-National Differences in Youth Turnout 27 4. Comparing First-Time and More Experienced Young Voters 28 5. Factors that May Increase Turnout 30 C. Reasons for Low Turnout and Non-Voting 31 1. Macro-Level Factors 31 2. -
A Brave New Generation Youth in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Findings and Recommendations a Brave New Generation New Brave A
A Brave New Generation Youth in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Findings and Recommendations A Brave New Generation Foreword by Emir Kusturica, UNICEF National Ambassador for Federal Republic of Yugoslavia A Brave New Generation Youth in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Findings and Recommendations Foreword by Emir Kusturica, UNICEF National Ambassador for Federal Republic of Yugoslavia A BRAVE NEW GENERATION • Youth in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Findings and Recommendations Published by> UNICEF Belgrade For publisher> Jean‚Michel Delmotte, Head of UNICEF Office Layout design> Konstantin Petrovic Cover photograph> UNICEF \ Zoran Jovanovic Maccak Management team> UNICEF staff from Belgrade, Podgorica and Area Office for the Balkans Editor> Jane E. Foy Research> Vesna Ciprus Printed by> STOJKOV Printing House, Novi Sad Print run> 500 Published> March, 2002 The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the policies of views of UNCIEF. The designations employed in this publication and the presentation of the material do not imply on the part of UNICEF the expression of any opinion whatsoever concerning the legal status of the country or territory, or of its authorities, or the delimitations of its frontiers. UNICEF Belgrade Svetozara Markovica 58 11000 Belgrade, Yugoslavia Tel> (+381 11) 3602 100 Fax> (+381 11) 3602 199 E-mail> office¤unicef.org.yu A BRAVE NEW GENERATION • Youth in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Findings and Recommendations Content Acronyms and Abbreviations . .7 Foreword . .9 Executive Summary . .11 Participation in Society . .12 Education and Learning . .13 Economics . .14 Health . .15 Young People in Need of Special Protection . .16 Conclusion . .17 Facts and Findings on Youth in FRY . -
Ranked Choice Voting and Youth Voter Turnout: the Roles of Campaign Civility and Candidate Contact
Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2021, Volume 9, Issue 2, Pages 319–331 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v9i2.3914 Article Ranked Choice Voting and Youth Voter Turnout: The Roles of Campaign Civility and Candidate Contact Courtney L. Juelich 1 and Joseph A. Coll 2,* 1 Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin‐Stout, Menomonie, WI 54751, USA; E‐Mail: [email protected] 2 Department of Political Science, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA 52242, USA; E‐Mail: joseph‐[email protected] * Corresponding author Submitted: 14 December 2020 | Accepted: 15 March 2021 | Published: 15 June 2021 Abstract Ranked choice voting (RCV) has become increasing popular in the United States as more cities and states begin allowing voters to rank candidates in order of preference. This change in election system has been linked to increased campaign civility and mobilization, but with little evidence suggesting these benefits lead to increased voter turnout in the general population. This study argues that RCV elections may not increase overall voting but will increase youth voting. Considering young Americans, who have become increasingly pessimistic towards politics and are also heavily reliant on mobilization for participation, this study argues that increased campaign civility and mobilization may work to offset the negative feel‐ ings and lack of political engagement that plague young Americans. Using a matched study of individual level voter turnout for seven RCV and fourteen non‐RCV local elections from 2013 and 2014, we find that there is no statistical difference in voting rates between RCV and plurality cities for the general public. Yet, in line with our hypotheses, younger voters are more likely to vote in RCV cities. -
Political Education and Participation Among Youth Reviewed by Christof Wittmaack
Youth and Politics: Political Education and Participation among Youth Reviewed by Christof Wittmaack he discussion about youth and search on the question of how childhood politics is widely popular among and youth infuence political socialisation scholars, in the media and in (97). Tus he observes a one-dimensional Tpublic debate. In their anthology Youth focus on youth in research on political so- and Politics: Political Education and Partici- cialisation. Moreover, he dismisses claims pation among Youth Aydin Gürlevik, Klaus of an alleged political apathy among youth Hurrelmann and Christian Palentien (eds.) and stresses the importance of other means give a systematic overview of diferent felds of participation in order to evolve political of the debate. In 25 articles, including the socialisation. introduction, the authors address popular Fundamental political rights are granted to claims – such as young people being “un- every citizen – including youths – by the political” or their alleged inability to make German constitution. However, in his arti- well-founded political decisions – and they cle Ingo Richter discusses in how far young lay out diferent models to stimulate youth people are constrained in exercising their participation. rights in families, at school, or at work, Te anthology is divided into fve parts. and he highlights how fundamental rights In the frst part theoretical basics are pre- confict with one another. He evaluates sev- sented, while the second part examines eral interpretations of when children come youth participation empirically. Te third of age – upon turning 18, when they are part presents diferent models to enhance children’s right to vote is the claim that they born, or when they are “mature” enough youth participation and is in turn divided simply lack the cognitive abilities to make (148-152). -
Rebel Girls This Page Intentionally Left Blank Rebel Girls
Rebel Girls This page intentionally left blank Rebel Girls Youth Activism and Social Change across the Americas Jessica K. Taft a New York University Press New York and London NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London www.nyupress.org © 2011 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Taft, Jessica K. Rebel girls : youth activism and social change across the Americas / Jessica K. Taft. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978–0–8147–8324–5 (cl : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8147–8325–2 (pb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8147–8337–5 (ebook) 1. Teenage girls—Political activity—America. 2. Youth—Political activity—America. 3. Social action—America. I. Title. HQ799.2.P6T35 2010 305.235’2097—dc22 2010024128 New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. We strive to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the greatest extent possible in publishing our books. Manufactured in the United States of America c 10987654321 p 10987654321 For all the girls fighting the good fight in their schools and communities. This page intentionally left blank Contents Acknowledgments ix 1 Introduction: Growing Up and Rising Up 1 Part 1: Building the Activist Identity 2 We Are Not Ophelia: Empowerment and Activist Identities 23 3 We Are Not the Future: Claiming Youth Authority 47 4 We Are Not Girls: Escaping and Defining Girlhood 71 Part 2: Making Change Happen 5 The Street Is Our Classroom: A Politics of Learning 99 6 Join the Party: A Politics of Participation 123 7 We’ve Got Spirit: A Politics of Hope 151 8 Conclusion: Still Rising 177 Methodological Appendix 193 Demographic Tables 201 Notes 205 Index 229 About the Author 241 | vii This page intentionally left blank Acknowledgments Several amazing political and intellectual communities have sus- tained and inspired me throughout the process of research and writing this book. -
Exploring Social Entrepreneurship As a Youth Peacebuilding Tool to Mitigate Structural Violence: Action Research Using Mixed Methods in Zimbabwe
Exploring social entrepreneurship as a youth peacebuilding tool to mitigate structural violence: Action research using mixed methods in Zimbabwe A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy: Public Administration-Peace Studies in the Faculty of Public Management at Durban University of Technology Hillary Jephat Musarurwa AUGUST 2019 Supervisor: Dr. Sylvia B. Kaye Date: 28 August 2019 Co-supervisor: Date: 28 August 2019 Prof. Geoffrey Harris ii Abstract Youth around the world bear the brunt of many conflicts, as these impact their progression in life. Zimbabwean youth are not an exception in this regard, and like many other citizens across the country, they have experienced different forms of violence since independence in 1980. Structural violence (SV) is related to the uneven distribution of resources which then leads to the social exclusion and marginalisation of people. Structural violence equates to social inequality and leads to impaired human growth and development. The main purpose of this study was to evaluate the potential of social entrepreneurship as a tool for promoting sustainable peace in Zimbabwe. Given the fact that youth are energetic and willing to act, they have the potential to be notable change-makers and to exhibit the characteristics of social entrepreneurs. Providing youth with civic or peace education alone cannot be effective in addressing social inequality and structural violence. Therefore, social entrepreneurship support becomes the final ingredient that completes the empowerment of youth, giving them the capacity to be independent decision-makers who will not be easily swayed into violence. The study was based on an action research strategy within a mixed methods research framework. -
Unit 5 Constitutional Development – a Historical Perspective
UNIT 5 CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT – A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Structure 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Objectives 5.3 Making of the Constitution and Constitutional Principles 5.3.1 Responsible Government 5.3.2 Federalism 5.4 The Constitutional Structure 5.4.1 The Senate and the Constitution 5.4.2 Constitutional Crisis of 1975 5.5 Australian Parliament and the Constitution 5.5.1 Declining Role of the Parliament 5.6 'Revival' of the Senate 5.6.1 Reforming the Senate 5.7 Referendum and the Debate for a Republic 5.7.1 The Referendum of 1999 5.7.2 Failure of the Referendum 5.8 Summary 5.9 Exercises Suggested Readings 5.1 INTRODUCTION The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia (referred to as the Constitution hereafter) came into effect on 1 January 1901. For students of political science, it is not enough to know simply the provisions of a country's constitution. For, it is only a formal document that establishes institutions and rules of governance. Equally important, they must know many of the unwritten conventions, rules, understandings and practices within which a country's Constitution operates. In other words, you should have a clear idea of the broader 'constitutional framework'. It is the 'constitutional framework', which expresses many things. For instance, the meaning of Australia as a nation, the inter-play between various institutions and levels of government (some of which are mentioned while others are not in the Australian Constitution) and the relationship between the government and the citizens; and, of course, the way political parties shape the functioning of Australian Constitution and many of its institutions-all these can be comprehended only by studying the constitutional framework of Australia. -
A New Britannia
Mary Murnane A New Britannia ONE OF THE ASSUMPTIONS pervading the study of Australian history is that the working class and their political correlate the Labor Party were the bearers of what is distinctively Australian. It is perhaps for this reason the history of the Labor Movement is a favorite field of study for Australian historians. A New Britannia is essentially a history of the Labor Movement — but with a difference. It is not Humphrey McQueen’s primary intention to argue the significance of the strikes of the 1890’s; to date with accuracy Labor’s intention to enter politics; or to dissect the more notorious strikes of the twentieth century. McQueen refers to these other peaks in the history of the Labor Movement and sometimes records a deviant interpretation. But the central impulse of the book is to locate the Labor Movement in the materialistic, acquisitive perspectives of Australian society as a whole. McQueen accords more importance to racism as a component of Australian nationalism than any historian heretofore. It is, he says, “the most important single component of Australian nat ionalism”. Racism had an economic origin — the fear that the labor markets wouldl be flooded with cheap colored labor. McQueen sees racism as more than the fear of the Australian worker that he would lose his bargaining power vis a vis his employer — scarcity of labor. He refers to a notion of “pure racism” which was born on the goldfields of the 1850’s. Diggers blamed bad luck on the Chinese, anti-Chinese riots occurred, the most well known being at Lambing Flat in 1861. -
Youth Creating Solutions for Meaningful Participation
Youth Creating Solutions for Meaningful Participation Toolkit for trainers on participation and human rights Youth Creating Solutions for Meaningful Participation Toolkit for trainers on participation and human rights © Asmita, Demo Finland, Mreža MaMa & Odhikar 2015 EDITORS Anna Juhola & Maja Drobne LAYOUT Anna Pajala PRINTED by Sälekarin Kirjapaino PHOTOS by Demo Finland Contributors: Mohammad Nur Aftabul Alam · Mohammad Abul Kalam Azad · Bishnu Bashyal · Shohag Kumar Biswas · Tadej Braček · Samin Chhetri · Reeta Dahal · Urška Duplišak · ASM Nasiruddin Elan · Taskin Fahmina · Anusha Giri · Liina Hauru · Maria Henriksson · Helen Honkasaari · Md Billal Hossain · Sazzad Hussain · Lena Höglund · Samia Islam · Sanjida Islam · Riikka Jalonen · John Jha · Yam Kumari Kandel · Suvi Karhu · Sarita Khanal · Taslima Khatun · Heidi Keränen · Joonas Kinnunen · Liisa Komminaho · Boštjan Kosaber · Lea Kosmač · Lea Kovič · Laura Krančan · Matej Likar · Nusa Lorencic · Fouzia Akther Loton · Maja Majcen · Usha Malla Singh · MahmudulHasan Munna · Simona Mursec · Mohammad Nuruzzaman · Linda-Riina Paavilainen · Priyanka Pandey · Karuna Parajuli · Pradip Pariyar · Marko Pavlovič · Borut Pelko · Barbara Polajnar · Nina Požun · Vita Preskar · Rok Primožič · Juho Pulkka · Md Ashiqur Rahman · Md Muktadir Rashid · Niina Ratilainen · Mariam Rguibi · Ravi Sha · Nilipha Subba · Ellen Söderlund · Manju Thapa · Bandana Upreti · Sylvia Vallivaara · Aljaz Zupan · Tomaž Zupan · Nina Zvegelj The European Commission support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. CONTENT Foreword ... 5 Introduction ... 7 Part I: Non-formal education as part of youth work ... 9 Training sessions … 12 Part II: Human rights ..