Facing ISIS: the Kurds of Syria and Iraq
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Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020
Kurdish Political and Civil Movements in Syria and the Question of Representation Dr Mohamad Hasan December 2020 KurdishLegitimacy Political and and Citizenship Civil Movements in inthe Syria Arab World This publication is also available in Arabic under the title: ُ ف الحركات السياسية والمدنية الكردية ي� سوريا وإشكالية التمثيل This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the author. For questions and communication please email: [email protected] Cover photo: A group of Syrian Kurds celebrate Newroz 2007 in Afrin, source: www.tirejafrin.com The views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and the LSE Conflict Research Programme should be credited, with the name and date of the publication. All rights reserved © LSE 2020. About Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World Legitimacy and Citizenship in the Arab World is a project within the Civil Society and Conflict Research Unit at the London School of Economics. The project looks into the gap in understanding legitimacy between external policy-makers, who are more likely to hold a procedural notion of legitimacy, and local citizens who have a more substantive conception, based on their lived experiences. Moreover, external policymakers often assume that conflicts in the Arab world are caused by deep- seated divisions usually expressed in terms of exclusive identities. -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan
ISSUE BRIEF 09.05.18 False Hopes? Prospects for Political Inclusion in Rojava and Iraqi Kurdistan Mustafa Gurbuz, Ph.D., Arab Center, Washington D.C. Among those deeply affected by the Arab i.e., unifying Kurdish cantons in northern Spring were the Kurds—the largest ethnic Syria under a new local governing body, is minority without a state in the Middle depicted as a dream for egalitarianism and East. The Syrian civil war put the Kurds at a liberal inclusive culture that counters the forefront in the war against the Islamic patriarchic structures in the Middle East.1 State (IS) and drastically changed the future U.S. policy toward the Kurds, however, prospects of Kurds in both Syria and Iraq. has become most puzzling since the 2017 This brief examines the challenges that defeat of IS in Syria. While the U.S.—to hinder development of a politically inclusive avoid alienating the Turks—did not object culture in Syrian Kurdistan—popularly to the Turkish troops’ invasion of the known as Rojava—and Iraqi Kurdistan. Kurdish canton of Afrin, the YPG began Political and economic instability in both forging closer ties to Damascus—which regions have shattered Kurdish dreams for led to complaints from some American political diversity and prosperity since the officials that the Kurdish group “has turned early days of the Arab Spring. into an insurgent organization.”2 In fact, from the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Syrian Kurds have been most careful to not THE RISING TIDE OF SYRIAN KURDS directly target the Assad regime, aside from some short-term clashes in certain places The civil war in Syria has thus far bolstered like Rojava, for two major reasons. -
Women Rights in Rojava- English
Table of Contents Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 2 1- Women’s Political Role in the Autonomous Administration Project in Rojava ...................................... 3 1.1 Women’s Role in the Autonomous Administration ....................................................................... 3 1.1.1 Committees for Women ......................................................................................................... 4 1.1.2 The Women’s Committee ....................................................................................................... 4 1.1.3 Women’s Associations - The “Kongreya Star” ........................................................................ 5 1.2 Women’s Representation in Political and Administrative Bodies: ................................................. 6 2. Empowering Women in the Military Field ........................................................................................... 11 2.1 The Representation of Women in the Army ................................................................................ 11 2.2 The People’s Protection Units (YPG) and Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) ................................. 12 2.2.1 The Women’s Protection Units- YPJ ..................................................................................... 12 2.2.2 The People’s Protection Units- YPG ..................................................................................... -
Governing Rojava Layers of Legitimacy in Syria Contents
Research Paper Rana Khalaf Middle East and North Africa Programme | December 2016 Governing Rojava Layers of Legitimacy in Syria Contents Summary 2 Acronyms and Overview of Key Listed Actors 3 Introduction 5 PYD Pragmatism and the Emergence of ‘Rojava’ 8 Smoke and Mirrors: The PYD’s Search for Legitimacy Through Governance 10 1. Provision of security 12 2. Effectiveness in the provision of services 16 3. Diplomacy and image management 21 Conclusion: The Importance of Local Trust and Representation 24 About the Author 26 Acknowledgments 27 1 | Chatham House Governing Rojava: Layers of Legitimacy in Syria Summary • Syria is without functioning government in many areas but not without governance. In the northeast, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) has announced its intent to establish the federal region of Rojava. The PYD took control of the region following the Syrian regime’s handover in some Kurdish-majority areas and as a consequence of its retreat from others. In doing so, the PYD has displayed pragmatism and strategic clarity, and has benefited from the experience and institutional development of its affiliate organization, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The PYD now seeks to further consolidate its power and to legitimize itself through the provision of security, services and public diplomacy; yet its local legitimacy remains contested. • The provision of security is paramount to the PYD’s quest for legitimacy. Its People’s Defense Units (YPG/YPJ) have been an effective force against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), winning the support of the local population, particularly those closest to the front lines. -
By a Capstone Project Submitted for Graduation with University Honors
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria: Background and Outcomes By Naser Ahmadi A capstone project submitted for Graduation with University Honors June 1, 2020 University Honors University of California, Riverside APPROVED _______________________________________________ Dr. Augustine Kposowa Department of Sociology _______________________________________________ Dr. Richard Cardullo, Howard H Hays Jr. Chair, University Honors Abstract Everyday life in the Middle East is described by war and terror, from the Yamen’s Civil war to that one in Syria. Across the region, civil societies and communities are under the attacks of fanatical groups like the Islamic State (IS) and the Taliban, as well as the oppressive reactionary governments such as in Iran and Turkey, limiting political life to barbarianism and fascism. Even in western countries, neoliberal and representative democracy is failing to maintain a genuine political life by giving ways to the rise of right-wing political forces. Th current condition necessitates a new form of radical democratic politics. In the midst of this political disillusionment, the people of North and East Syria came together to form a new society based on direct democracy, ecology, and feminism under the principles of “Democratic Confederalism”. The movement in North and East Syria, known as “Rojava’s Revolution”, despite its shortcomings, has been successful in creating a new durable alternative through both reappropriating of vital social relationships and producing revolutionary subjectivities. This study sheds light on the historical background of the Syrian Kurds and their connections to the Kurds in Turkey. The study, also explores the formation of the Kurdish liberation movement in Syrian Kurdistan and its connections to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) movement in Turkish Kurdistan. -
Kurdistan, Kurdish Nationalism and International Society
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by LSE Theses Online The London School of Economics and Political Science Maps into Nations: Kurdistan, Kurdish Nationalism and International Society by Zeynep N. Kaya A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 77,786 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Matthew Whiting. 2 Anneme, Babama, Kardeşime 3 Abstract This thesis explores how Kurdish nationalists generate sympathy and support for their ethnically-defined claims to territory and self-determination in international society and among would-be nationals. It combines conceptual and theoretical insights from the field of IR and studies on nationalism, and focuses on national identity, sub-state groups and international norms. -
Beyond Nationalism: Kurdistan As a Catalyst for a New Middle East by Hassan Mneimneh
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Beyond Nationalism: Kurdistan as a Catalyst for a New Middle East by Hassan Mneimneh Feb 25, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Hassan Mneimneh Hassan Mneimneh is a contributing editor with Fikra Forum and a principal at Middle East Alternatives in Washington. Articles & Testimony Caught at the geographic convergence of four key states and their various political and military conflicts, Kurdistan may gradually spread a new paradigm focused on sharing the space instead of attempting to carve untenable dominions out of it. century ago, a new order for the Middle East was being conceived. Informed by the European age of A nationalism, the new framework for the region sought to match states with nations -- rediscovered, reimagined, reinvented. Some would-be nations never emerged: Neo-Assyria never had a chance. Armenia, scattered by genocide, became a Soviet vassal on a partial and remote part of her desired abode. Other nation-state candidates fleetingly surfaced then disappeared: the Nusayris, rechristened as Alawites, were granted a territory that was soon to be integrated into Syria; another project for the Druze was also abandoned. But from a pure numerical perspective the most glaring omission in the engineering of nations that followed the First World War was Kurdistan. Straddling Turkish, French, British, and Iranian domains, Kurdistan would have been an inconvenience to conceive and manage. Instead, Kurdish interests were swept aside in favor of other nationalisms that labeled them "Mountain Turks," "Kurdish Arabs," and "Fellow Aryans." Many were instructed that speaking Kurdish was now akin to treason. -
Whose Kurdistan? Class Politics and Kurdish Nationalism in the Middle East, 1918-2018
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Whose Kurdistan? Class Politics and Kurdish Nationalism in the Middle East, 1918-2018 Nicola Degli Esposti A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, 13 September 2020 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,640 words. 2 Abstract This thesis is a study of the different trajectories of Kurdish nationalism in the Middle East. In the late 2010s – years of momentous advance for Kurdish forces in Turkey, Iraq, and Syria – Kurdish politics was deeply divided into competing movements pursuing irreconcilable projects for the future of the Kurdish nation. By investigating nationalism as embedded in social conflicts, this thesis identifies in the class basis of Kurdish movements and parties the main reason for their political differentiation and the development of competing national projects. After the defeat of the early Kurdish revolts in the 1920s and 1930s, Kurdish nationalism in Iraq and Turkey diverged along ideological lines due to the different social actors that led the respective national movements. -
The Kurdish Question and US-Turkish Relations in a Changing Middle East
Atlantic Council YOUNG ATLANTICIST PROGRAM ISSUEBRIEF BY MÜJGE KÜÇÜKKELEŞ AND JEFFREY MANKOFF The Kurdish Question and US-Turkish Relations in a Changing Middle East MARCH 2014 Growing disorder throughout the Middle East has created the possibility for major changes to the status Young Atlanticist Program of Kurdish minorities in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. The Young Atlanticist Program connects emerging Turkey’s handling of its Kurdish population and its leaders with senior decision-makers, unique relations with Kurdish groups throughout the region professional development opportunities, and a are creating new challenges for US foreign policy and universe of like-minded peers from the Atlantic US-Turkish relations. US policy toward the Kurds community and beyond through initiatives focused remains subordinate to wider regional security on foreign policy and international security, global business and entrepreneurship, energy and the establishment of an independent Kurdish state. In environmental policy, and programming focused practice,interests. however, Officially, US the policy United is oftenStates inconsistent: does not support the on veterans. United States backs Kurdish groups in some states while opposing them in others. reconciliation between Ankara and its Kurdish population. Washington remains cautious not to press The Kurds, whose historic homeland is today divided too hard on an issue of great sensitivity to Turkey, among Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, are one of the especially given Turkey’s importance to US strategy in world’s most numerous stateless people. Though no addressing the challenges posed by the ongoing unrest exact count exists, the region’s roughly 36 million in the Arab world. Kurds make up slightly less than 10 percent of the population in Iran and Syria, and between 15-20 percent of the population in Iraq and Turkey. -
The Interest and Strategy of the Syrian Kurds in the Post-Syrian Uprising 2011
The Interest and Strategy of the Syrian Kurds in the Post-Syrian Uprising 2011 Nadia Sarah Azani1, Yon Machmudi2, Mulawarman Hannase3 {[email protected], [email protected], [email protected]} 1,2,3School of Strategic and Global Studies, Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Abstract. This research focused on the Kurdish people as one of the actors who have an interest in the Syrian political turmoil. In this study, Doug McAdams’ social movement theory and the Communalism theories of Murray Bookchin, Robert Melson, and Howard Wolpe are utilized as the framework to analyze the interests and strategies of Kurdish groups in Syria. This research uses a qualitative method, specifically the descriptive-analytical, and the obtained data comes from primary and secondary sources. The results of this study is the interests of the Syrian Kurds that is to establish an autonomous government in Syria in the form of a federation and based on the democratic values that can support the Kurds’ rights in Syria. The strategy pursued by Kurdish Syrian groups, especially from The Democratic Union Party (PYD), is to take advantage of the condition of Syrian political instability by declaring an autonomous government in Rojava. Keywords: Kurds, Syria, Arab Spring, Kurdistan Democratic Party of Syria, PYD. 1. INTRODUCTION The Kurdish people are often known as the people without a state that inhabits several states in the Middle East region, such as Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. In Syria, the Kurdish people minority, which is considered as the minority, have experienced discrimination in social, political, and cultural aspects since the establishment of the Syrian state in 1946. -
The Role of Iraqi Kurdistan in the Syrian-Kurd Pursuit of Autonomy
Reports The Role of Iraqi Kurdistan in the Syrian-Kurd Pursuit of Autonomy Renad Mansour* Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Tel: +974-44663454 19 September 2012 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.net Introduction The green, white, and red flag with a centered sun has been flying high in the Kurdish areas of Syria since President Bashar al-Assad withdrew government forces.1There is, in fact, a tacit agreement between Assad and the Syrian Kurds; the latter are free to act, as long as they do not attack Damascusi Since they liberated their cities, the Syrian Kurds have had their first taste of autonomy and have prevented both government and Free Syrian Army troops from entering the territory. They are guided by the example of strong and autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan, which has been emerging since 1991, and they are preparing to ensure their own rights in a post-Assad Syria. This opportunity, however, is tempered by anxiety. With the diplomatic brokering led by Iraqi Kurd President Massoud Barzani, the two main Syrian Kurdish groups (formerly bitter rivals), namely, the Kurdistan National Council (KNC) and the Syrian Democratic Union Party (PYD), have unified to form the Supreme Kurdish Council, much like List of Abbreviations the rivaling Iraqi Kurd groups, the KDP and the PUK, did after gaining autonomy. The calls for a pan-Kurdish ‘Greater KDP Kurdistan Kurdistan’ – a joining of the Syrian and Iraqi movements into Democratic a single entity – however, are low. Party (Iraq) KNC Kurdish National This report will present the Iraqi Kurd interests in the Syrian Council (Syria) Kurd struggle and will argue that while the pan-Kurdish idea PKK Kurdistan of a Greater Kurdistan is still only a nationalist dreamii, the Workers’ Party Iraqi Kurd leadership, specifically President Barzani, is playing (Turkey) the kingmaker role and ensuring that an autonomous Syrian PUK Patriotic Union Kurdistan remains Erbil-friendly.