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Trends in Turkish Civil Society
AP PHOTO/LEFTERIS PITARAKIS PHOTO/LEFTERIS AP Trends in Turkish Civil Society Center for American Progress, Istanbul Policy Center, and Istituto Affari Internazionali July 2017 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Trends in Turkish Civil Society Center for American Progress, Istanbul Policy Center, and Istituto Affari Internazionali July 2017 TURKEY 2023 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 2 Why focus on civil society? 7 Historical background 10 Context in which Turkish civil society operates 22 Civil society and polarization in Turkey 26 The value of civil society: Priority policy areas and the challenges facing Turkey 29 How to support Turkish civil society 38 Conclusion 39 Acknowledgments 42 Endnotes Introduction and summary Turkey today is riven by internal polarization and is increasingly estranged from the West. The country faces serious social, economic, and political challenges— particularly a deep division between supporters and opponents of the current gov- ernment and its more religious, nationalist, and populist agenda. The governing party has undermined checks and balances and consolidated power in a disturbing way, and has aggressively pursued its political agenda with little attempt to seek consensus or include stakeholders from across Turkey’s diverse society. In this environment, with formal politics relegated to relative insignificance by the majoritarianism of the current government, civil society becomes increasingly important. Civil society offers one of the few remaining checks—however weak— on government overreach. Civil society activists can help address pressing social problems and provide reservoirs of knowledge that can be tapped when political conditions improve. Participation in civil society groups can bridge Turkey’s deep ethnic, religious, and social divisions, and such activity has been shown to help reduce societal tensions and increase ethnic tolerance. -
Alevis and the Turkish State
ALEVIS AND THE TURKISH STATE The Alevi Opening, an attempt of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to “solve” the Alevi “problem” through a series of workshops between the State officials and the Alevi community was completed in 2010. The two prominent Alevi Federations, however, are not satisfied with the “Opening” and do not see the “problem” as solved. In this article, the authors provide a short description of the Alevi issue, pointing out the futility of explaining Aleviness, and map the main Alevi organizations’ stances on how the State should end oppression against Alevis. Zeynep Alemdar & Rana Birden Çorbacıoğlu* * Zeynep Alemdar is an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Okan University, İstanbul. Rana Birden Çorbacıoğlu is an inde- pendent civil society consultant, also living in İstanbul. 117 VOLUME 10 NUMBER 4 ZEYNEP ALEMDAR & RANA BIRDEN ÇORBACIOĞLU he fast pace of Turkish politics makes it difficult for its followers to contemplate on a specific issue. Amidst the discussions on whether and how different religious groups’ rights would be included in the new constitution, assuming that a new constitution can be adopted, one specific group’s rights have been widely discussed. The Alevis, making up around 15 percent of Turkey’s population, believe in a syncretic heterodox branch of Islam, and have been historically discriminated by the Sunni majority.1 The “Alevi Opening,” an attempt of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to “solve” the Alevi issue through a series of workshops was completed in 2010. In December 2011, the Turkish Prime Minister apologized for the killings, in the late 1930s, in Dersim (today Tunceli), an Alevi populated region: this was the first official recognition and apology for the events. -
Maritime Sector Report 2017
2017 MARITIME SECTOR REPORT İSTANBUL 2018 İstanbul & Marmara, Agean, Mediterranean, Blacksea Regions TURKISH CHAMBER OF SHIPPING TURKISH CHAMBER OF SHIPPING İSTANBUL & MARMARA, AEGEAN, MEDITERRANEAN, BLACK SEA REGIONS MARITIME SECTOR REPORT 2017 İ S T A N B U L – 2018 II FOREWORD The "TURKISH SHIPPING SECTOR REPORT 2017” has been prepared within the framework of authority and responsibility granted by paragraphs No.12 and No.19 of Law No. 5174. The report covers quantitative facts and their analysis as of 31.12.2017 and is presented to our members, Turkish and foreign institutions. The Report mainly contains eight chapters: First chapter is on Turkish Merchant Fleet and its yearly developments. The fleet has been analyzed by registry, building, tonnage and age. The position of Turkish Merchant Fleet within the world fleet and among the fleets of neighboring countries has also been examined. Second chapter includes the cargoes transported by Merchant Fleet in 2017. The developments of sabotage and foreign trade cargoes, the progress of seaborne trade by flags have been explained in detail. Within this chapter, transported cargoes by types, seaborne trade to OECD countries, BSEC and EU countries have been taken into consideration. Third chapter covers the developments in shipbuilding industry and the data about Turkish shipyards, including the recent developments in the field of yacht building industry in Turkey. Fourth chapter covers Turkish Ports and the amount of cargo handled in 2017 and yearly developments. Fifth chapter includes data about the passages through the Turkish Straits and the marine traffic systems. Sixth chapter deals with marine tourism and yacht tourism in Turkey. -
THE MODERNIZATION of the OTTOMAN NAVY DURING the REIGN of SULTAN ABDÜLAZİZ (1861-1876) By
THE MODERNIZATION OF THE OTTOMAN NAVY DURING THE REIGN OF SULTAN ABDÜLAZİZ (1861-1876) by DİLARA DAL A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies Department of Classics, Ancient History and Archaeology College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham April, 2015 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The main focus of this study is to examine the modernization of the Ottoman navy during the reign of Sultan Abdülaziz, exploring naval administration, education, and technology. Giving a summary of the transformation of shipbuilding technologies and bureaucratic institutions of the Ottoman naval forces between 1808 and 1861, it analyses the structure of the Ottoman navy, its level of development in comparison to previous periods of time, and the condition of the vessels making up the naval fleet from 1861 to 1876. It also intends to evaluate the character of existing administrative structures at the outset of Abdülaziz’s reign in 1861 and the nature of subsequent changes, including structural reorganization of the Imperial Naval Arsenal, the Ministry of Marine, and the Naval Academy, as well as advancements in military training and seafaring; all within the context of the impact of these changes on the military, political, and economic condition of the Empire during the reign of Sultan Abdülaziz. -
What Do We Recommend?
While travelling, we like feeling the city, wake up early with the sun rise, visit all the cultural and historical places and taste the city’s special flavors. According to that concept, we preapared the “Eat, Love, Pray in Istanbul Guide” which is all about our suggestions with little tips. We hope you could benefit from the hand book. Have a good stay and enjoy the city. Ramada Istanbul Grand Bazaar Family SOPHIA PITA RESTAURANT &TAPAS Offers a fusion of authentic and modern Spanish tapas accompanied by a distinguished selection of Turkish wines and selected international wines and liqours, also open for breakfast and dinner with a relaxing atmosphere at the Aya Sofya’s backyard. Adress;Boutique St. Sophia Alemdar Cad. No.2 34122 Sultanahmet / Istanbul Phone;009 0212 528 09 73-74 PS:How to get there;The nearest tram station is Sultanahmet or Gulhane tram station. BALIKÇI SABAHATTİN “Balıkçı Sabahattin” ( Fisherman Sabahattin) was at first running a traditional restaurant left by his father some streets behind which not everyone knew but those who knew could not give up, before he moved to this 1927 made building restored by Armada... Sabahattin, got two times the cover subject of The New York Times in the first three months in the year 2000… Sabahattin, originally from Trilye (Mudanya, Zeytinbag), of a family which knows the sea, fish and the respect of fish very well, know continues to host his guest in summer as in winter in this wooden house...His sons are helping him... In summer some of the tables overflow the street. -
The Ottoman Documents and the Genocidal Policies of the Committee for Union and Progress (İttihat Ve Terakki) Toward the Armenians in 1915
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 1 Issue 2 Article 5 September 2006 The Ottoman Documents and the Genocidal Policies of the Committee for Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki) toward the Armenians in 1915 Taner Akçam Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Akçam, Taner (2006) "The Ottoman Documents and the Genocidal Policies of the Committee for Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki) toward the Armenians in 1915," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 1: Iss. 2: Article 5. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol1/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Ottoman Documents and the Genocidal Policies of the Committee for Union and Progress (_Ittihat ve Terakki) toward the Armenians in 1915 Taner Akc¸am University of Minnesota The author analyzes the Ottoman Archives as a source of information on the Armenian Genocide of 1915. He discusses the contradictory positions of two broad groups of scholars on the reliability of these archives, concluding that the Ottoman Archives agree with the information found in the archives of the United States, Britain, Germany, and Austria. He discusses the various categories of Ottoman documents, which mostly came out during the trials related to the Armenian Genocide, which took place from 1919 to 1921, and makes clear that there was a wide-ranging cleansing operation of the archives after the armistice in 1918. -
Turkish Naval Forces
AN INTERVIEW WITH MR. NOYAN BURÇİN DEDE – GENERAL MANAGER OF ONUR A.Ş. VOLUME 12 ISSUE 80 YEAR 2018 ISSN 1306 5998 ARES SHIPYARD’S SWELLING WAVE OF SUCCESS WITH DIVERSIFIED EXPORT PROGRAMS TURKISH NAVAL FORCES – DEPENDABLE IN COOPERATION, DETERRENT IN CRISES AND DECISIVE IN COMBAT TAI DELIVERS THE FIRST ANKA-S UAV SYSTEMS TO TURAF PAKISTAN’S SUBMARINES ENTRUSTED TO STM TURKEY CONRACTS EUROSAM, ASELSAN AND ROKETSAN TO DEFINE ITS FUTURE UNIQUE AIR AND MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEMS ISSUE 80/2018 1 DEFENCE TURKEY VOLUME: 12 ISSUE: 80 YEAR: 2018 ISSN 1306 5998 Publisher Hatice Ayşe EVERS Publisher & Editor in Chief 6 Ayşe EVERS [email protected] Managing Editor Cem AKALIN [email protected] Administrative Coordinator Yeşim BİLGİNOĞLU YÖRÜK [email protected] International Relations Director Şebnem AKALIN [email protected] SME’s Advertisement Director Yasemin BOLAT YILDIZ [email protected] 14 Translation Tanyel AKMAN [email protected] Editing Mona Melleberg YÜKSELTÜRK Robert EVERS Graphics & Design Gülsemin BOLAT Görkem ELMAS [email protected] Photographer Sinan Niyazi KUTSAL Advisory Board (R) Major General Fahir ALTAN (R) Navy Captain Zafer BETONER 28 Prof Dr. Nafiz ALEMDAROĞLU Cem KOÇ Asst. Prof. Dr. Altan ÖZKİL Kaya YAZGAN Ali KALIPÇI Zeynep KAREL DEFENCE TURKEY Administrative Office DT Medya LTD.STI Güneypark Kümeevleri (Sinpaş Altınoran) Kule 3 No:142 Çankaya Ankara / Turkey Tel: +90 (312) 447 1320 [email protected] www.defenceturkey.com 58 Printing Demir Ofis Kırtasiye Perpa Ticaret Merkezi B Blok Kat:8 No:936 Şişli - İstanbul Tel: +90 212 222 26 36 [email protected] www.demirofiskirtasiye.com Basım Tarihi Şubat 2018 Yayın Türü Süreli DT Medya LTD. -
The Grand Strategy of the Ottoman Empire, 1826-1841
THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1826-1841 THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 1826-1841 By VEYSEL ŞİMŞEK, B.Sc., MA A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Veysel Şimşek, September 2015 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (2015) McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario (History) TITLE: The Grand Strategy of the Ottoman Empire, 1826-1841 AUTHOR: Veysel Şimşek, B.Sc. (Istanbul Technical University), MA (Bilkent University) SUPERVISOR: Professor Virginia H. Aksan NUMBER OF PAGES: ix, 303 Lay Abstract Grounded in archival research in Turkish historical repositories, this thesis examines the Ottoman ruling elite’s efforts to ensure the empire’s integrity and re-establish central authority by military-bureaucratic reform and internal negotiation in the second quarter of the 19th century. Going beyond the standard institutional histories and Eurocentric narratives of the Eastern Question, it explores how the Ottoman sultans and bureaucrats mobilized the empire’s political, military, and ideological resources to achieve their broader goals of reversing collapse and resisting European political-military challenge. ii Abstract This dissertation examines the Ottoman grand strategy during the turbulent years of war and reform between 1826 and 1841.The concept of grand strategy utilized in my thesis does hereby not refer to purely military matters. It is rather a notion that explains how a political authority strives to realize its long-term aims through mobilization of its available instruments and resources. During 1820s-1840s, facing grave internal and external threats, the Ottoman grand strategy was directed at defending its existing possessions and re-establishing the center’s authority throughout the empire. -
The Politics of Punishment, Urbanization, and Izmir Prison In
The Politics of Punishment, Urbanization, and Izmir Prison in the Late Ottoman Empire A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History of the College of Arts and Sciences 2015 by Ufuk Adak M.A., Ege University, 2006. Committee Chair: Elizabeth B. Frierson, Ph.D. Abstract This dissertation examines the politics of punishment and application of Ottoman prison reform in the three major port cities, Izmir, which receives the greatest attention, Istanbul, and Salonica in the late Ottoman Empire. This work explores Ottoman prisons on a daily scale and in a larger imperial frame by re- thinking the idea of social control and surveillance in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including the ways in which the Ottoman government dealt with the prisons as ‘modern’ and ‘European’ legal institutions. By using primary sources drawn from Ottoman archives, and relying heavily on Ottoman and British newspapers and journals, this dissertation examines Ottoman prison reform from various angles such as sustenance of prisoners, health and hygiene; the usage of cannabis (esrar) in Ottoman prisons; prison work; prison architecture; and urbanization. Until the first half of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was using various buildings as prisons, including old fortresses, such as Baba Cafer Zindanı and Yedikule in Istanbul; military barracks; shipyards, such as Tersane Zindanı (Bagnio); khans, such as Cezayir Hanı in Izmir; and local notables’ (ayan) palace dungeons. The bureaucratization and centralization attempts of the Tanzimat reformers and, more importantly, the promulgation of the criminal codes of 1851 and 1858 not only paved the way for the shift from corporal and capital punishment to imprisonment but also allowed for the establishment of a new set of definitions in terms of crime and punishment. -
How to Integrate the WPS Agenda in Turkish Foreign Policy
Women Peace and Security Policy Reports for Turkey Women, Peace and Security Agenda in Turkey and Women in Diplomacy: How to Integrate the WPS Agenda in Turkish Foreign Policy Zeynep Alemdar Barçın Yinanç As of 2020 which marks the 20th anniversary of Resolution 1325, Turkey is not among the 86 UN Member States which have adopted a National Action Plan (NAP) to implement the Resolution. The absence of an NAP overshadows the Turkish government’s stated policy of pursuing ‘a proactive approach towards the UN striving to contribute effectively to all major issues on the UN Agenda’.i To the best of our knowledge, the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has decided to take ownership of the issue and held a national coordination meeting in June 2016. ii However, the failed coup attempt in July 2016 reshuffled the priorities, putting the NAP on the back burner. Gleaned from the interviews for this project, we understand that the MFA is now ready to start a new initiative among relevant ministries for the preparation of an NAP. Not surprisingly, among the burning questions of Turkish foreign policy, it is proving difficult to attach priority to the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda. Yet, a different look at the content of the Resolution reveals the benefits of the WPS agenda in Turkish foreign policy, as the ways this agenda touches issues such as refugees and asylum, foreign aid, and peacekeeping would suggest the importance of an NAP for Turkey. The militarisation trend in Turkish foreign policy, revealed in tensions with Greece, military operations in Iraq and Syria, the military presence in Libya, the number of refugees in Turkey and Turkey’s growing importance in world politics all highlight the importance of conflict resolution and diplomacy. -
Women, Peace and Security Agenda in Turkey and Women in Diplomacy: How to Integrate the WPS Agenda in Turkish Foreign Policy
Women Peace and Security Policy Reports for Turkey Women, Peace and Security Agenda in Turkey and Women in Diplomacy: How to Integrate the WPS Agenda in Turkish Foreign Policy Zeynep Alemdar Barçın Yinanç As of 2020 which marks the 20th anniversary of Resolution 1325, Turkey is not among the 86 UN Member States which have adopted a National Action Plan (NAP) to implement the Resolution. The absence of an NAP overshadows the Turkish government’s stated policy of pursuing ‘a proactive approach towards the UN striving to contribute effectively to all major issues on the UN Agenda’.i To the best of our knowledge, the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has decided to take ownership of the issue and held a national coordination meeting in June 2016. ii However, the failed coup attempt in July 2016 reshuffled the priorities, putting the NAP on the back burner. Gleaned from the interviews for this project, we understand that the MFA is now ready to start a new initiative among relevant ministries for the preparation of an NAP. Not surprisingly, among the burning questions of Turkish foreign policy, it is proving difficult to attach priority to the women, peace and security (WPS) agenda. Yet, a different look at the content of the Resolution reveals the benefits of the WPS agenda in Turkish foreign policy, as the ways this agenda touches issues such as refugees and asylum, foreign aid, and peacekeeping would suggest the importance of an NAP for Turkey. The militarisation trend in Turkish foreign policy, revealed in tensions with Greece, military operations in Iraq and Syria, the military presence in Libya, the number of refugees in Turkey and Turkey’s growing importance in world politics all highlight the importance of conflict resolution and diplomacy. -
The Auspicious Event: the Military Significance of the Destruction of the Janissaries
The Auspicious Event: The Military Significance of the Destruction of the Janissaries The creation of the Janissary Corps in the fourteenth century represented the establishment of one of the first standing armies in Europe. The early history of the Corps was one on excitement and adventure. The Janissaries boasted, and not without considerable cause, that they never turned their backs upon an enemy. Indeed, they passed from victory to victory, transforming a small frontier principality into the last great medieval Islamic empire. However, the Janissaries were in serious decline by the beginning of the seventeenth century. Between the second siege of Vienna in 1683, and the Treaty of Jassy in 1792, the Ottoman Empire lost Hungary, the Banat of Temisvar, Transylvania and Bukovina in Europe. To Russia, their traditional enemy, they lost all of their possessions on the northern coast of the Black Sea, from the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia to the Caucasus, including Bessarabia, Podolya and the Khanate of Crimea. In addition, the Russians and Austrians forced the Ottomans to allow them to intervene in the empire’s internal affairs on behalf of the Sultan’s Christian subjects in a manner that facilitated European influence in the Ottoman Empire. Although Selim II (1789-1807) managed to retain control over Serbia, Bosnia and the Principalities during his reign, he well understood that he accomplished this feat diplomatically and not militarily. The Ottoman Empire was at a distinct disadvantage militarily vis à vis European nations and their western technological developments. What the Sultan needed was an army capable of meeting Western aggression, if not from a superior stance, at least on an equal footing.