The Ottoman Documents and the Genocidal Policies of the Committee for Union and Progress (İttihat Ve Terakki) Toward the Armenians in 1915
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[1] TARİHÇE Milâttan 3.500 Yıl Önce, Kafkasya Üzerinden Anadolu'ya
TARİHÇE Milâttan 3.500 yıl önce, Kafkasya üzerinden Anadolu’ya gelerek Neşa, Zalpa (Zalpuva), Pruşhanda, Truva, Alişar, Alacahöyük, Hattuşaş (Boğazköy) ve Kültepe (Kaniş) ile Hatti gibi isimlerle “ilk şehir devletleri”ni kuran ve bir “Federasyon” çatısı altında toplanan, batılı bâzı târihçilerin “Ön Türkler” dediği ve Hititler’den önce Anadolu’da l.500 yıllık bir hâkimiyet dönemi geçirmiş bulunan “Türkistan asıllı Hattiler”e mensup Kızılırmak ve Yeşilırmak deltaları arasında kalan sahil şeridine yerleşik durumda olan bu yerli halk (Gaskalar/Kaşkalar)’ın, şimdiki Samsun şehrinin 14 km doğusuna isabet eden Tekkeköy ile Mert Irmağı kenarındaki Dündar (Öksürük) Tepe civarında, ilk ve en eski “Samsun”u kurdukları, daha sonra bu bölgede hakimiyet sağlayan Hititler (Etiler)’in bir süre bu yörede oturdukları ve M.Ö. 1.200 yıllarında meydana gelen büyük bir volkanik patlama neticesinde ortadan kalktıkları, devletlerinin ise Avrupa’dan Anadolu yarımadasına geçmiş olan Frigler tarafından yok edildiği, daha sonra ise M.Ö. 8. YY.da Kafkaslar yoluyla Doğu Anadolu bölgesine giren Kimmerler’in Güney Karadeniz kıyılarında yaşayan halk üzerinde egemenlik kurdukları, İyon gemicilerinin ise şimdiki Liman Mahallesi sınırları içerisinde kalan, bir ucu Baruthâne’ye kadar uzanan ve şimdiki Şehir Stadyumu karşısında yeralan “antik liman” sırtlarındaki Toraman Tepe ve Cedit Mahallesi yamaçlarında, eski ismi “Enete” denilen yerde M.Ö. 562’de “Amisos” adını verdikleri “Yukarı ve Aşağı Şehir”den oluşan bir “site” içerisinde alış veriş merkezi tesis ettikleri muhtelif târihçilerce ifade edilmektedir. Yukarıda belirtildiği gibi, “Türkistan asıllı Hattiler”e mensup Kızılırmak ve Yeşilırmak deltaları arasında kalan sahil şeridine yerleşik durumda bulunan bu yerli halk (Gaskalar/Kaşkalar)”; Samsun ve yöresinde hâkimiyet sağlamış ve bu toprakları ebediyyen Türk yurdu yapan atalarımızdan bir koldur. -
Perceptionsjournal of International Affairs
PERCEPTIONSJOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS PERCEPTIONS Summer-Autumn 2015 Volume XX Number 2-3 XX Number 2015 Volume Summer-Autumn PERCEPTIONS The Great War and the Ottoman Empire: Origins Ayşegül SEVER and Nuray BOZBORA Redefining the First World War within the Context of Clausewitz’s “Absolute War” Dystopia Burak GÜLBOY Unionist Failure to Stay out of the War in October-November 1914 Feroz AHMAD Austro-Ottoman Relations and the Origins of World War One, 1912-14: A Reinterpretation Gül TOKAY Ottoman Military Reforms on the eve of World War I Odile MOREAU The First World War in Contemporary Russian Histography - New Areas of Research Iskander GILYAZOV Summer-Autumn 2015 Volume XX - Number 2-3 ISSN 1300-8641 PERCEPTIONS Editor in Chief Ali Resul Usul Deputy Editor Birgül Demirtaş Managing Editor Engin Karaca Book Review Editor İbrahim Kaya English Language and Copy Editor Julie Ann Matthews Aydınlı International Advisory Board Bülent Aras Mustafa Kibaroğlu Gülnur Aybet Talha Köse Ersel Aydınlı Mesut Özcan Florian Bieber Thomas Risse Pınar Bilgin Lee Hee Soo David Chandler Oktay Tanrısever Burhanettin Duran Jang Ji Hyang Maria Todorova Ahmet İçduygu Ole Wæver Ekrem Karakoç Jaap de Wilde Şaban Kardaş Richard Whitman Fuat Keyman Nuri Yurdusev Homepage: http://www.sam.gov.tr The Center for Strategic Research (Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi- SAM) conducts research on Turkish foreign policy, regional studies and international relations, and makes scholarly and scientific assessments of relevant issues. It is a consultative body of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs providing strategic insights, independent data and analysis to decision makers in government. As a nonprofit organization, SAM is chartered by law and has been active since May 1995. -
THE IMPACT of the ARMENIAN GENOCIDE on the FORMATION of NATIONAL STATEHOOD and POLITICAL IDENTITY “Today Most Armenians Do
ASHOT ALEKSANYAN THE IMPACT OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ON THE FORMATION OF NATIONAL STATEHOOD AND POLITICAL IDENTITY Key words – Armenian Genocide, pre-genocide, post-genocide, national statehood, Armenian statehood heritage, political identity, civiliarchic elite, civilization, civic culture, Armenian diaspora, Armenian civiliarchy “Today most Armenians do not live in the Republic of Armenia. Indeed, most Armenians have deep ties to the countries where they live. Like a lot of us, many Armenians find themselves balancing their role in their new country with their historical and cultural roots. How far should they assimilate into their new countries? Does Armenian history and culture have something to offer Armenians as they live their lives now? When do historical and cultural memories create self-imposed limits on individuals?”1 Introduction The relevance of this article is determined, on the one hand, the multidimen- sionality of issues related to understanding the role of statehood and the political and legal system in the development of Armenian civilization, civic culture and identity, on the other hand - the negative impact of the long absence of national system of public administration and the devastating impact of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 on the further development of the Armenian statehood and civiliarchy. Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey was the first ever large-scale crime against humanity and human values. Taking advantage of the beginning of World War I, the Turkish authorities have organized mass murder and deportations of Armenians from their historic homeland. Genocide divided the civiliarchy of the Armenian people in three parts: before the genocide (pre-genocide), during the genocide and after the genocide (post-genocide). -
Running Head: the TRAGEDY of DEPORTATION 1
Running head: THE TRAGEDY OF DEPORTATION 1 The Tragedy of Deportation An Analysis of Jewish Survivor Testimony on Holocaust Train Deportations Connor Schonta A Senior Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation in the Honors Program Liberty University Spring 2016 THE TRAGEDY OF DEPORTATION 2 Acceptance of Senior Honors Thesis This Senior Honors Thesis is accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation from the Honors Program of Liberty University. ______________________________ David Snead, Ph.D. Thesis Chair ______________________________ Christopher Smith, Ph.D. Committee Member ______________________________ Mark Allen, Ph.D. Committee Member ______________________________ Brenda Ayres, Ph.D. Honors Director ______________________________ Date THE TRAGEDY OF DEPORTATION 3 Abstract Over the course of World War II, trains carried three million Jews to extermination centers. The deportation journey was an integral aspect of the Nazis’ Final Solution and the cause of insufferable torment to Jewish deportees. While on the trains, Jews endured an onslaught of physical and psychological misery. Though most Jews were immediately killed upon arriving at the death camps, a small number were chosen to work, and an even smaller number survived through liberation. The basis of this study comes from the testimonies of those who survived, specifically in regard to their recorded experiences and memories of the deportation journey. This study first provides a brief account of how the Nazi regime moved from methods of emigration and ghettoization to systematic deportation and genocide. Then, the deportation journey will be studied in detail, focusing on three major themes of survivor testimony: the physical conditions, the psychological turmoil, and the chaos of arrival. -
WORLD WAR I Goes Mad the BACKSTORY: the OTTOMAN EMPIRE
The World WORLD WAR I Goes Mad THE BACKSTORY: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE • By the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire had begun to disintegrate under a variety of internal and external pressures. • In their move to join the modern world by becoming a nation-state, ethnic nationalism emerged as a rallying cry to define the “new” Turkey. Becoming Evil–p. 54 THE BACKSTORY: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE • A series of Ottoman military disasters between 1908-1912, leads to Turkey being seized by an ultra- nationalistic, militaristic, and chauvinistic leadership. Becoming Evil–p. 55 THE BACKSTORY: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE . Within a period of 2 weeks, the Ottomans lose 75% of their European territories. Greeks, Serbs, and Bulgarians revolted and broke away from the empire. It’s an ass whooping. This is the first major military defeat from former subject states the empire had to face. Leads to a real fear of collapse. They need to keep what they have left at all costs—they will now justify everything to do so. The Armenian Genocide Video THE BACKSTORY: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE • In 1912, while Turkish Nationalism was growing, Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria broke away and expelled their former Turkish masters. THE BACKSTORY: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE . 100,000 refugees flood into Constantinople . Nowhere to put them . Horror stories about what “the Christians” had done to them . Feeds into the story that “Christians are out to get the Muslims” . Desire for revenge begins to grow THE BACKSTORY: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE In the wake of this disaster, a new political power rises in Turkey: . -
The Crime Against Cultural Heritage and Historical Memory: the Question of Abandoned Property I
DR. Dickran KOUymjian Haig & Isabel Berberian Chair Emeritus Professor of Armenian Studies, Emeritus and former Director of the Armenian Studies Program, California State University, Fresno THE CRIME AGAINST CUltUral HeritaGE AND Historical Memory: THE QUESTION OF AbanDONED Property I. IntroDUction of their Republic. If the genocide of Nearly a century after the inception of slaughter and ethnic annihilation was the Armenian genocide, the survivors accomplished as the prelude to the foun- and their progeny still wait for acknowl- dation of the Turkish Republic, the oth- edgement of the act by its perpetrators. er genocide, the crime against Armenian The Armenian homeland is now called culture and historic memory, continues. by another name and inhabited by peo- The Armenian Genocide is unac- ple who negate the historical existence knowledged, unpunished, little known, of Armenians on these territories. The and still denied by its instigators. It be- Turkish Republic deprived Armenians gan in April 1915, in Istanbul, after the of their past by obliterating the words Turks entered World War I on the side Armenia and Armenians from its school of the Axis Powers. It was preceded by manuals, history books, and geography. widespread massacres in 1894 -1896 With time, Armenians must try harder and again in 1909. During the first year and harder to associate changed names more than a million Armenians were of towns and villages with the birth- killed or died during forced marches places of their forbearers. New genera- toward the Syrian deserts.1 tions of Turks, purposely kept ignorant about the past of their country, remain Already by 1916, the British Parliament indifferent toward events that occurred published The Treatment of the less than a decade before the founding Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, a 1. -
Trends in Turkish Civil Society
AP PHOTO/LEFTERIS PITARAKIS PHOTO/LEFTERIS AP Trends in Turkish Civil Society Center for American Progress, Istanbul Policy Center, and Istituto Affari Internazionali July 2017 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG Trends in Turkish Civil Society Center for American Progress, Istanbul Policy Center, and Istituto Affari Internazionali July 2017 TURKEY 2023 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 2 Why focus on civil society? 7 Historical background 10 Context in which Turkish civil society operates 22 Civil society and polarization in Turkey 26 The value of civil society: Priority policy areas and the challenges facing Turkey 29 How to support Turkish civil society 38 Conclusion 39 Acknowledgments 42 Endnotes Introduction and summary Turkey today is riven by internal polarization and is increasingly estranged from the West. The country faces serious social, economic, and political challenges— particularly a deep division between supporters and opponents of the current gov- ernment and its more religious, nationalist, and populist agenda. The governing party has undermined checks and balances and consolidated power in a disturbing way, and has aggressively pursued its political agenda with little attempt to seek consensus or include stakeholders from across Turkey’s diverse society. In this environment, with formal politics relegated to relative insignificance by the majoritarianism of the current government, civil society becomes increasingly important. Civil society offers one of the few remaining checks—however weak— on government overreach. Civil society activists can help address pressing social problems and provide reservoirs of knowledge that can be tapped when political conditions improve. Participation in civil society groups can bridge Turkey’s deep ethnic, religious, and social divisions, and such activity has been shown to help reduce societal tensions and increase ethnic tolerance. -
Alevis and the Turkish State
ALEVIS AND THE TURKISH STATE The Alevi Opening, an attempt of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to “solve” the Alevi “problem” through a series of workshops between the State officials and the Alevi community was completed in 2010. The two prominent Alevi Federations, however, are not satisfied with the “Opening” and do not see the “problem” as solved. In this article, the authors provide a short description of the Alevi issue, pointing out the futility of explaining Aleviness, and map the main Alevi organizations’ stances on how the State should end oppression against Alevis. Zeynep Alemdar & Rana Birden Çorbacıoğlu* * Zeynep Alemdar is an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Okan University, İstanbul. Rana Birden Çorbacıoğlu is an inde- pendent civil society consultant, also living in İstanbul. 117 VOLUME 10 NUMBER 4 ZEYNEP ALEMDAR & RANA BIRDEN ÇORBACIOĞLU he fast pace of Turkish politics makes it difficult for its followers to contemplate on a specific issue. Amidst the discussions on whether and how different religious groups’ rights would be included in the new constitution, assuming that a new constitution can be adopted, one specific group’s rights have been widely discussed. The Alevis, making up around 15 percent of Turkey’s population, believe in a syncretic heterodox branch of Islam, and have been historically discriminated by the Sunni majority.1 The “Alevi Opening,” an attempt of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to “solve” the Alevi issue through a series of workshops was completed in 2010. In December 2011, the Turkish Prime Minister apologized for the killings, in the late 1930s, in Dersim (today Tunceli), an Alevi populated region: this was the first official recognition and apology for the events. -
The Armenian Genocide
The Armenian Genocide During World War I, the Ottoman Empire carried out what most international experts and historians have concluded was one of the largest genocides in the world's history, slaughtering huge portions of its minority Armenian population. In all, over 1 million Armenians were put to death. To this day, Turkey denies the genocidal intent of these mass murders. My sense is that Armenians are suffering from what I would call incomplete mourning, and they can't complete that mourning process until their tragedy, their wounds are recognized by the descendants of the people who perpetrated it. People want to know what really happened. We are fed up with all these stories-- denial stories, and propaganda, and so on. Really the new generation want to know what happened 1915. How is it possible for a massacre of such epic proportions to take place? Why did it happen? And why has it remained one of the greatest untold stories of the 20th century? This film is made possible by contributions from John and Judy Bedrosian, the Avenessians Family Foundation, the Lincy Foundation, the Manoogian Simone Foundation, and the following. And others. A complete list is available from PBS. The Armenians. There are between six and seven million alive today, and less than half live in the Republic of Armenia, a small country south of Georgia and north of Iran. The rest live around the world in countries such as the US, Russia, France, Lebanon, and Syria. They're an ancient people who originally came from Anatolia some 2,500 years ago. -
Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi * Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Anabilim Dali Yüksek Lisans Programi Xx. Yüzyil
KARADENİZ TEKNİK ÜNİVERSİTESİ * SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ TARİH ANABİLİM DALI YÜKSEK LİSANS PROGRAMI XX. YÜZYILIN İLK ÇEYREĞİNDE TRABZON’DA GAYRİMÜSLİMLER YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ Dilek KANTARCI OCAK - 2019 TRABZON KARADENİZ TEKNİK ÜNİVERSİTESİ * SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ TARİH ANABİLİM DALI YÜKSEK LİSANS PROGRAMI XX. YÜZYILIN İLK ÇEYREĞİNDE TRABZON’DA GAYRİMÜSLİMLER YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ Dilek KANTARCI Tez Danışmanı: Prof. Dr. Melek ÖKSÜZ OCAK - 2019 TRABZON BİLDİRİM Tez içindeki bütün bilgilerin etik davranış ve akademik kurallar çerçevesinde elde edilerek sunulduğunu, ayrıca KTÜ-Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tez Yazım Kılavuzu’na uygun olarak hazırlanan bu Çalışmada bana ait olmayan her türlü ifade ve bilginin kaynağına eksiksiz atıf yapıldığını aksinin ortaya çıkması durumunda her tür yasal sonucu kabul ettiğimi beyan ediyorum. Dilek KANTARCI 28.01.2019 IV ÖNSÖZ Bu çalışmada 1900-1925 yılları arasında Trabzon’da yaşayan Rum ve Ermenilerin şehrin sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel yapısına etkileri araştırılmıştır. Bu sürecin içinde yer alan Ermeni sevk ve iskânı konusunda birçok araştırma yapılmış fakat bu araştırmalar daha çok siyasi boyutta kalmış sevk ve iskân hareketinin sosyo ekonomik boyuttaki etkileri yeterli düzeyde araştırılmamıştır. 1916-1918 Rus İşgal Dönemi ile ilgili yapılan çalışmalarda azınlık konusundan ziyade muhaceret konusu üzerine odaklanılmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, XX. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde Trabzon şehrinde yaşayan Rum ve Ermeni topluluklarının şehrin siyasi, idari, ticari, sanatsal ve zanaatsal yapısı içerisindeki yerlerini ortaya koymaktır. Bu tarih aralığında yer alan Sevk ve İskan, Rus İşgali, Muhaceret dönemleri ayrıntılı olarak işlenmiş; Mübadele Dönemi ise kısaca irdeleniştir. Böylece Trabzon’daki Rum ve Ermeni varlığı dönemsel olarak değil geniş bir perspektifte değerlendirilmiştir. Öncelikle tez çalışmamın konusunun seçimi ve tezin yazımı esnasında beni kısıtlamayıp isteklerimi göz önünde bulundurarak bana yardımcı olan tez danışmanım Prof. -
Atom Egoyan's Ararat
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 3 Issue 2 Article 7 August 2008 Cycles of Genocide, Stories of Denial: Atom Egoyan's Ararat Donna-Lee Frieze Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Frieze, Donna-Lee (2008) "Cycles of Genocide, Stories of Denial: Atom Egoyan's Ararat," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 3: Iss. 2: Article 7. Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol3/iss2/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cycles of Genocide, Stories of Denial: Atom Egoyan’s Ararat Donna-Lee Frieze School of History, Heritage and Society, Deakin University, Australia This article focuses on Atom Egoyan’s Ararat and explores how, through a convoluted narrative structure, Egoyan grapples with denial of the Armenian Genocide and the consequences of those denials for present generations—both Turkish and Armenian—illuminated in the film as an extension of the genocide. Egoyan uses a film-within-a-film to move beyond a popular definition of genocide as mass killing alone and links the understanding of stories, truths, and perspectives in everyday life to the dehumanizing acts of genocide. Employing the philosopher Emmanuel Levinas’ ethical theory of the Other (the ethical) and philosophical understandings of ontology (dehumanization) to illuminate the genocide and its ongoing denial, this article contends that Egoyan’s focus on the generations of genocide survivors points to the ethical responsibility to one another that underlies everyday lives and sits at the heart of what is absent in the acts of genocide. -
'A Reign of Terror'
‘A Reign of Terror’ CUP Rule in Diyarbekir Province, 1913-1923 Uğur Ü. Üngör University of Amsterdam, Department of History Master’s thesis ‘Holocaust and Genocide Studies’ June 2005 ‘A Reign of Terror’ CUP Rule in Diyarbekir Province, 1913-1923 Uğur Ü. Üngör University of Amsterdam Department of History Master’s thesis ‘Holocaust and Genocide Studies’ Supervisors: Prof. Johannes Houwink ten Cate, Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies Dr. Karel Berkhoff, Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies June 2005 2 Contents Preface 4 Introduction 6 1 ‘Turkey for the Turks’, 1913-1914 10 1.1 Crises in the Ottoman Empire 10 1.2 ‘Nationalization’ of the population 17 1.3 Diyarbekir province before World War I 21 1.4 Social relations between the groups 26 2 Persecution of Christian communities, 1915 33 2.1 Mobilization and war 33 2.2 The ‘reign of terror’ begins 39 2.3 ‘Burn, destroy, kill’ 48 2.4 Center and periphery 63 2.5 Widening and narrowing scopes of persecution 73 3 Deportations of Kurds and settlement of Muslims, 1916-1917 78 3.1 Deportations of Kurds, 1916 81 3.2 Settlement of Muslims, 1917 92 3.3 The aftermath of the war, 1918 95 3.4 The Kemalists take control, 1919-1923 101 4 Conclusion 110 Bibliography 116 Appendix 1: DH.ŞFR 64/39 130 Appendix 2: DH.ŞFR 87/40 132 Appendix 3: DH.ŞFR 86/45 134 Appendix 4: Family tree of Y.A. 136 Maps 138 3 Preface A little less than two decades ago, in my childhood, I became fascinated with violence, whether it was children bullying each other in school, fathers beating up their daughters for sneaking out on a date, or the omnipresent racism that I did not understand at the time.