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Gender and Language Practices in Female Circumcision Ceremonies in Kuria Kenya

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Gender and Language Practices in Female Circumcision Ceremonies in Kuria Kenya Gender and Language Practices in Female Circumcision Ceremonies in Kuria Kenya Boke Joyce Wambura Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds York St John University Business School ii Declaration I hereby confirm that this thesis is my own work. It has not previously been submitted for a degree elsewhere. Appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the works of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgment. ©2018, University of Leeds and Boke Joyce Wambura The right of Boke Joyce Wambura to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. iii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Rachel Wicaksono and Bob Garvey for believing in me and accepting my application to study for PhD while I was still in Kenya. Special thanks go to my supervisors Helen Sauntson and Andrew Merrison for their guidance when I first presented my ideas and for their constant feedback and invaluable support during this research. You were more than supervisors. I extend my gratitude to members of the Language and Identities in Interaction (LIdIA) research unit at York St John University for their useful feedback. I will not forget to thank James Mutiti, Felicia Yieke, Onyango Ogolla, Emmanuel Satia, Jacqui Aukhurst, Serge Koukpaki, Mike Calvert, Jenny Calvert and Beverly Geesin for their useful tips and feedback at different stages of this research, and Emma Anderson for proof-reading my work. In addition, I would like to thank York St John University Business School members of staff Mari, Hannah, Clare, Carly and Librarians Jane, Ian and Annette for their able support. I thank my colleagues at the Graduate Centre, Vicky, Lindsay, Cath, El, Linda, Tamiko, Duminda, Thilini, Esmie, Lauren, Tracy, Rob and Sanjeewa, for their constant encouragement. I would also like to thank my friends Gila, Suge, Otieno, Alfred, Gbenga and Barker, who helped me in one way or another during this research. John Chacha, thank you for checking my translations and ensuring I got them right. William Manga and Agnes Robi, thank you for the initial contact with the participants, constant updates and support during the data collection phase. My sincere gratitude goes to all the interviewees who participated in this research, for their time and commitment without which this thesis would not have been written. Deepest thanks go to my parents Fanuel Roswe and Rael Wambura, my sisters Eucabeth and Baaru, brothers Ngendo and Nelson, my brothers-in-law Okello and Edwine for their financial and emotional support when I needed it most. Without their support during the most difficult period of my life, I would not have completed this thesis. I would not forget to thank Funds for Women Graduates (FfWG), Churches Together, York St John University Department of Languages and Linguistics, and York St John University Students Welfare for their financial support. To all of you I say ahsante na mbarikiwe (thank you and be blessed). iv Dedication To Ephraim and Evangeline! For all you had to bear while I did this. v Abstract Female genital mutilation (FGM) is a global issue which has been declared a violation of human and girl child rights. This has been voiced from different perspectives. However, few studies have related FGM to gender and none of these have given the issue a critical linguistic approach. This study was set to fill this gap by detailing gendered discourses in the Kuria FGM ceremonies and uncovering ways in which FGM is normalised in discourse. This was a linguistic ethnographic study anchored in discourse analytic methods. FGM songs were audio recorded and participants in the ceremonies interviewed. Observation notes were also made. Data were transcribed and translated then analysed using Fairclough’s (1992, 2003, 2015) Critical Discourse Analysis framework and Sunderland’s (2004) Gendered Discourses approaches. Analysis focused on identifying, naming, describing and interpreting gendered discourses by critically analysing lexical items and metaphors. These were the traces/cues of the gendered discourses identified in the songs and interview responses. Particular interest was on those aspects of discourse that seemed normal and commonsensical but which, when analysed from a critical perspective, functioned to advance gender inequalities and position FGM as acceptable and expectable, even good. Findings show that Kuria female circumcision ceremonies are a site of many gendered discourses; male dominance and female subordination are legitimised through such discourses as: ‘man as provider’; ‘man as protector’; ‘woman as domestic’ and ‘woman as object’. These function as building blocks of the three main discourses, ‘proper woman discourse’; ‘economic value discourse’ and ‘power and control discourse’ in the songs and which are largely re-articulated and confirmed in the interviews. The conclusions drawn from the findings are that men are constructed as different from women, while women who have undergone FGM are portrayed to be better than those who have not and this forms the basis for perpetuation of FGM. vi Table of Contents Declaration ........................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ............................................................................... iii Dedication ............................................................................................ iv Abstract ................................................................................................ v Table of Contents ................................................................................. vi List of tables ........................................................................................ xii List of figures ..................................................................................... xiii List of acronyms and abbreviations .................................................... xiv Chapter 1: Introduction and background to the study ....................... - 1 - 1.0 Introduction ......................................................................... - 1 - 1.1 Background of the study ........................................................ - 3 - 1.2 Rationale ............................................................................. - 4 - 1.3 Why FGM Songs .................................................................. - 7 - 1.4 Research Questions ............................................................... - 8 - 1.5 Structure of the Thesis .......................................................... - 9 - Chapter 2: Literature review: Gender and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) .................................................................................... - 11 - 2.0 Introduction ....................................................................... - 11 - 2.1 Sex and gender ................................................................... - 11 - 2.2 Gender and language ........................................................... - 13 - 2.2.1 History of gender and language research: From structuralism to the ‘discursive turn’ .............................................. - 16 - 2.2 The discursive turn ..................................................... - 19 - 2.2.3 Gendered discourses ................................................. - 22 - 2.2.4 Gender and language studies in Africa ....................... - 23 - 2.2.5 Gender and language studies in Kenya ....................... - 28 - 2.2.6 Gender identity and power in songs ........................... - 32 - 2.3 Theoretical framework: theoretical background to gender and language research ............................................................. - 34 - 2.3.1 Foucault’s theory of discourse and power ................... - 34 - 2.3.2 Halliday’s systemic functional linguistics (SFL).......... - 37 - 2.4. Discourse theory ................................................................ - 38 - vii 2.4.1 Discourse, ideology and power .................................. - 41 - 2.4.2 CDA theory and practice .......................................... - 45 - 2.4.3 Origin and major CDA approaches ............................ - 48 - 2.5 Critical discourse analysis as a method ................................. - 52 - 2.5.1 Analysis of textual practices (micro analysis) .............. - 53 - 2.5.2 Analysis of discursive practices (meso analysis) .......... - 56 - 2.5.3 Analysis of social practices (macro analysis) .............. - 57 - 2.5.4 CDA and metaphor .................................................. - 58 - 2.6 Critical discourse analysis approaches used in this study ......... - 61 - 2.6.1 Fairclough’s textually oriented discourse analysis ....... - 61 - 2.6.2 Sunderland’s gendered discourses: Identifying and naming discourses ............................................................... - 64 - 2.6.3 Criticism of Sunderland’s gendered discourse approach - 67 - 2.7 CDA, Gender and language ................................................. - 68 - 2.8 FCDA, Gender and language ............................................... - 71 - 2.9 Criticism of CDA ............................................................... - 72 - 2.10 Rationale for a critical discourse analysis approach .............. - 74 - 2.11 Conclusion ......................................................................
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