Islah Wary of a Hadi Reconciliation with the STC
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Radical Shifts Artical Name : What Is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh's Assassination?
Artical Name : Radical Shifts Artical Subject : What is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh¶s Assassination? Publish Date: 06/12/2017 Auther Name: Dr. Hammud Nasser Alqadami Subject : 9/24/2021 1:23:26 PM 1 / 2 Just hours after the former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh declared his split from the alliance with the Houthis and taking control of the capital Sanaa, the Houthi militias assassinated him. Saleh¶s death signals a significant turning point in Yemen¶s civil strife, with a complete collapse of the Houthi alliance with supporters of the General People¶s Congress party. Saleh's pro-tribes declared their intention to turn against the Houthis in parallel with the Yemeni and Arab coalition forces stepping up their military operations to restore Sanaa, which means a complete siege on the Houthis by the majority of Yemeni forces and movements.Pressing ChangesFormer President Ali Abdullah Saleh had lost a large proportion of his influence, before he was killed. He was stripped of his military power due to the dispersal of the Republican Guard Brigades, distributing them on war fronts under the command of Houthi leaders, rather than their central commanders. In addition, a large number of his aides were either prosecuted or suffered from harassment, but Saleh and his party did not step in to protect them, which clearly demonstrated his diminished capacity and influence.Perhaps the most prominent example in this regard was the attack on his son Salah by the Houthis and murdering his personal escort, Colonel Khaled Al-Reday in August 2017. Moreover, the Houthis stormed the house of Brigadier Tareq Saleh, his nephew, in early December 2017, killing three of his bodyguards. -
Radical Shifts : عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا What Is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh's ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع : Assassinat
Radical Shifts : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ What is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh¶s : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Assassination? 06/12/2017 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ϲϣΩϘϟέλΎϧΩϭϣΣΩ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ 9/25/2021 1:38:10 PM 1 / 2 Just hours after the former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh declared his split from the alliance with the Houthis and taking control of the capital Sanaa, the Houthi militias assassinated him. Saleh¶s death signals a significant turning point in Yemen¶s civil strife, with a complete collapse of the Houthi alliance with supporters of the General People¶s Congress party. Saleh's pro-tribes declared their intention to turn against the Houthis in parallel with the Yemeni and Arab coalition forces stepping up their military operations to restore Sanaa, which means a complete siege on the Houthis by the majority of Yemeni forces and movements.Pressing ChangesFormer President Ali Abdullah Saleh had lost a large proportion of his influence, before he was killed. He was stripped of his military power due to the dispersal of the Republican Guard Brigades, distributing them on war fronts under the command of Houthi leaders, rather than their central commanders. In addition, a large number of his aides were either prosecuted or suffered from harassment, but Saleh and his party did not step in to protect them, which clearly demonstrated his diminished capacity and influence.Perhaps the most prominent example in this regard was the attack on his son Salah by the Houthis and murdering his personal escort, Colonel Khaled Al-Reday in August 2017. Moreover, the Houthis stormed the house of Brigadier Tareq Saleh, his nephew, in early December 2017, killing three of his bodyguards. -
Designed Report for Web.Indd
YEMEN’S STOLEN ASSETS: PAST AND FUTURE CIFAR.EU Cover picture: Old Sana’a, Yemen by Rod Waddington under a Creative Commons Licence Published: 2020, CiFAR – Civil Forum for Asset Recovery e.V. CiFAR – Civil Forum for Asset Recovery e.V., Köpenicker Str. 147, Berlin, Germany, cifar.eu CiFAR - Civil Forum for Asset Recovery e.V. and the author are solely responsible for the contents of this publication. CIVIL FORUM FOR ASSET RECOVERY CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 BACKGROUND 2 ASSET RECOVERY IN YEMEN 7 POLITICAL SITUATION 8 LEGAL FRAMEWORK 9 ATTEMPTS AT ASSET RECOVERY 11 MAPPING THE NETWORK 12 NEXT STEPS FOR ASSET RECOVERY IN YEMEN 19 ASSET RECOVERY FRAMEWORK 20 OPTIONS FOR THE RECOVERY OF STOLEN ASSETS 21 RECOVERY INDEPENDENT OF YEMENI AUTHORITIES 23 PROSECUTION 23 RETURNS MECHANISMS 24 3. CONCLUSIONS 26 RECOMMENDATIONS 28 REFERENCES 29 CIFAR.EU [email protected] CIVIL FORUM FOR ASSET RECOVERY ACRONYMS AQAP al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula GCC Gulf Cooperation Council GPC General People’s Congress JMP Joint Meeting Parties NDC National Dialogue Conference PDRY People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen STC Southern Transitional Council UN United Nations UNSC United Nations Security Council YAR Yemen Arab Republic YSP Yemeni Socialist Party CIFAR.EU [email protected] PB 1 CIVIL FORUM FOR ASSET RECOVERY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In 2014, the former President of Yemen, Ali It also aims at advancing the prospect Abdallah Saleh, his son Ahmed and three of those assets being returned to Yemen other individuals were placed under UN through moving forward the investigation sanctions in the context of the ongoing civil into where and how the suspected proceeds war in Yemen. -
EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen
Gulf Paper EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen GULF PAPER Gulf Research Center Gulf Research Center Gulf Paper EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen GULF PAPER © Gulf Research Center 2013 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Gulf Research Center. Gulf Research Center Gulf Research Center Gulf Paper EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen GULF PAPER EU-GCC Cooperation: Securing the Transition in Yemen Edward Burke*1 he protests of the Arab Spring rose to a crescendo in Yemen in March 2011. On March 18, the Yemeni security forces opened fire on protestors in the country’s capital, Sanaa, killing 52. Key military commanders including Major- General Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar defected to the opposition. Other commanders took aT more ambivalent approach – siding neither with the government nor the protestors. President Ali Abdullah Saleh began to look for an urgent and, if possible, honorable exit from power. In April 2011, he turned to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The GCC has rightly been praised for its remarkable achievement in creating and maintaining a customs union and encouraging advanced economic, educational, and cultural cooperation between its six member states. But it is not known for its coherence in foreign policy. In the case of Yemen, there had been major disagreements between Doha and Riyadh during 2007 and 2008 over the best approach towards resolving Yemen’s escalating internal conflict between the government and Zaydi Shia rebels led by the Houthi clan in the northern province of Saada (which borders Saudi Arabia).1 Qatar’s ties to the Houthi rebels fed Saudi suspicion that * The author would like to thank Ana Echague, Researcher at FRIDE, Larissa Alles at St. -
A ROAD MAP for YEMEN FOSY Proposes a ThreeStage Plan to Bring About a Peaceful Solution to the Crisis
Newsletter of the Friends of South Yemen Issue 10 — 16th March 15th April 2021 A ROAD MAP FOR YEMEN FOSY proposes a threestage plan to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis Friends of South Yemen (FOSY) of the North and for the past is proposing a road map to end months have waged a fierce the war in Yemen, find a way war and are attempting to take out of the current political control of the rich province of stalemate and offer a vision for Marib, and attempt to take the future. control of the whole of the FOSY is an independent, North with the aim of selffinanced organization set strengthening their up in London in June 2020. Its negotiating hand in main aim is to provide international talks. UNSC 2216 information about Yemen in general and the South in was passed in 2015 putting Yemen under Clause 7. particular to help resolve the current crisis. Since there is • The war has resulted in the world’s worst humanitarian almost an absence of any useful information in the English disaster with reportedly 233,000 dead mostly from language about Yemen our website “indirect causes” such as lack of food, health services and (www.friendsofsouthyemen.org) is one of the only destroyed infrastructure. Nearly 50,000 people are independent news websites about Yemen which developed already facing faminelike conditions and a further 5 as an information resource about the country. First and million are only one step away. Eightyfive thousand foremost we are working hard to bring an end to the war and children have lost their lives. -
A/HRC/45/CRP.7 29 September 2020
1 0 A/HRC/45/CRP.7 29 September 2020 English Arabic and English only Human Rights Council Forty-fifth session 14 September–2 October 2020 Agenda item 2 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Situation of human rights in Yemen, including violations and abuses since September 2014 Detailed findings of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen* Summary Submitted as a supplement to A/HRC/45/6, this paper sets out the detailed findings of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen mandated to investigate violations by parties to the conflict since September 2014. During this year, the Group of Eminent Experts prioritised for investigation violations occurring since mid-2019, while taking a longer temporal scope for some categories of violations not fully addressed during our previous reports. The Group of Eminent Experts found reasonable grounds to believe that the parties to the conflict in Yemen are responsible for pervasive and incessant international human rights law and international humanitarian law violations, many of which may amount to war crimes. The summary of these findings is included in A/HRC/45/6. In addition to highlighting the parties to the conflict responsible for violations, the Group of Eminent Experts identified, where possible, potential perpetrators of crimes that may have been committed. A list of names of such individuals has been submitted to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on a strictly confidential basis to assist with future accountability efforts. -
The Struggle for Yemen and the Challenge of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. STRATEGIC STUDIES INSTITUTE The Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) is part of the U.S. Army War College and is the strategic-level study agent for issues relat- ed to national security and military strategy with emphasis on geostrategic analysis. The mission of SSI is to use independent analysis to conduct strategic studies that develop policy recommendations on: • Strategy, planning, and policy for joint and combined employment of military forces; • Regional strategic appraisals; • The nature of land warfare; • Matters affecting the Army’s future; • The concepts, philosophy, and theory of strategy; and, • Other issues of importance to the leadership of the Army. Studies produced by civilian and military analysts concern topics having strategic implications for the Army, the Department of Defense, and the larger national security community. In addition to its studies, SSI publishes special reports on topics of special or immediate interest. These include edited proceedings of conferences and topically-oriented roundtables, expanded trip reports, and quick-reaction responses to senior Army leaders. The Institute provides a valuable analytical capability within the Army to address strategic and other issues in support of Army participation in national security policy formulation. Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press THE STRUGGLE FOR YEMEN AND THE CHALLENGE OF AL-QAEDA IN THE ARABIAN PENINSULA W. Andrew Terrill June 2013 The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. -
Between Order and Chaos: a New Approach to Stalled State Transformations in Iraq and Yemen
Research Paper Renad Mansour and Peter Salisbury Middle East and North Africa Programme | September 2019 Between Order and Chaos A New Approach to Stalled State Transformations in Iraq and Yemen Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Legitimacy 10 3 Capabilities: the Bureaucracy and De Facto Authorities 19 4 Power: When Legitimacy Meets Capability 32 5 Conclusion: Towards a ‘Middle–Out’ Approach 43 About the Authors 47 Acknowledgments 48 1 | Chatham House Between Order and Chaos: A New Approach to Stalled State Transformations in Iraq and Yemen Summary • In the Middle East and North Africa, a growing number of internationally recognized (de jure) states with formal borders and governments lack de facto statehood. Often, governance vacuums are filled by alternative actors that perform state-like functions in place of, or alongside, weakened official institutions. This results in hybrid orders where the distinction between formal and informal actors in the state is blurred, as too are the lines between the formal, informal and illicit economies. • International policymakers have struggled to establish political settlements in these contexts. Would-be state-builders have mistakenly assumed a binary distinction between state failure and success. They have sought to recreate an idealized archetype of the ‘orderly’ state, critically failing to recognize the more complex networks of de facto actors on the ground. At times, international policymakers pick or support leaders who lack local legitimacy, capability and power. This stalls and fragments ongoing organic state transformations, and produces hybrid orders as de facto actors adapt by both capturing state institutions and creating parallel ones. • We propose a new model for understanding the fragmentary transformations of the state under way in Iraq and Yemen. -
Rethinking Peace in Yemen
Rethinking Peace in Yemen Middle East Report N°216 | 2 July 2020 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. “All We Want is Peace”: Parties’ Positions and Perspectives ........................................... 4 A. The Huthi-led Authorities in Sanaa ........................................................................... 5 1. Who are the Huthis? ............................................................................................ 6 2. Internal challenges ............................................................................................... 7 3. What do they want? .............................................................................................. 10 B. Anti-Huthi Factions ................................................................................................... 11 1. The Hadi government and its supporters ............................................................ 12 2. Internal challenges ............................................................................................... 14 3. What do they want? ............................................................................................. -
Tynan Dissertation Formatted4
DIVERSIONARY DISCOURSE: A HISTORICAL COMPARISON OF SAUDI INTERVENTIONS IN YEMEN A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Caroline F. Tynan May 2019 Examining Committee Members: Sean Yom, Advisory Chair, Political Science Roselyn Hsueh, Political Science Samer Abboud, Global Interdisciplinary Studies, Villanova University Sarah Bush, Political Science, Yale University Khalid Blankinship, External Reader, Religion ii ABSTRACT This project seeks to explain the aggressive turn in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy after 2011, most drastically exemplified through its 2015 military intervention into Yemen. It does so through a two-case historical comparison between the Saudi interventions in Yemen in 1962 and 2015. Additionally, it compares the nature of internal regime survival strategies within the kingdom during these two distinct time periods of regional revolutionary upheaval: the Nasserist period of the late 1950s to 1960s and the time during and after the Arab uprisings in 2011. It makes the argument that, despite comparable internal and external threats in each time period, Saudi foreign policy is more openly aggressive in the contemporary period as a function of the regime’s ontologically weakened ideological legitimation. Whereas the Nasserist period offered an ontologically distinct threat in the form of a rival state ideology (secular Arab nationalism) that could be strategically co-opted and repressed by the Saudi regime, the Arab uprisings embodied a broader threat. This has included movements that have combined variations of both Islamism and liberal constitutionalism to challenge authoritarianism in the region. It has ultimately been threatening in part because of an ontological similarity to the regime’s own historic use of Islamic legitimacy. -
The Killing of Former President Saleh Could Worsen Yemen's
Commentary 6 December 2017 By April Longley Alley, Project Director, Gulf and Arabian Peninsula The Killing of Former President Saleh Could Worsen Yemen’s War The dramatic collapse of the Huthi-Saleh over positions in the government, accused each alliance is likely to prolong Yemen’s war and other of corruption and engaged in an off-and- the suffering of its people. After killing former on again war of words in the media. Overtime, President Saleh, the Huthis, viewed by their the Huthis consolidated control over the enemies in Riyadh as Iranian proxies, are military-security apparatus, but the exact bal- firmly in control of the capital. Neither they, ance of power in the tribes and loyalties within nor the Saudis, are in a mood for compromise. some military units were unclear. By August 2017, when Saleh staged a rally in Sanaa to cel- What led up to this sudden twist in Yem- ebrate the GPC’s 35th anniversary, the Huthis en’s devastating war, and what happened suspected he was planning to turn against them exactly? with the help of Saudi Arabia and the United On 4 December, Huthi fighters killed Yemen’s Arab Emirates (UAE). To his followers’ disap- former president and their erstwhile ally, Ali pointment, Saleh failed to act, but four months Abdullah Saleh. His violent death and the later he did, a decision that would cost him his military defeat of his loyalists in Sanaa was the life and confirm the Huthis’ military superior- culmination of months of growing tensions ity. between Saleh’s General People’s Congress The trigger for the violence was a 29 party (GPC) and the Huthis. -
After Aden: Navigating Yemen's New Political Landscape
After Aden: Navigating Yemen’s New Political Landscape Crisis Group Middle East Briefing N°71 Aden/New York/Brussels, 30 August 2019 What’s new? The anti-Huthi alliance in Yemen has reached a breaking point with southern secessionist forces taking over the interim capital, Aden, from the interna- tionally recognised government. The government calls the move a coup and accuses the United Arab Emirates (UAE) of complicity. Saudi Arabia is trying to broker a truce. Why does it matter? If allowed to fester, the intra-alliance discord in the south could tip the country into a civil war within a civil war. That development almost cer- tainly would lengthen the wider conflict, deepening Yemen’s humanitarian emergency and making a political settlement harder to achieve. What should be done? Saudi Arabia, along with the UAE and UN special envoy, should mediate an end to intra-alliance violence and address its causes by expanding the number of groups representing the anti-Huthi bloc in UN-led talks, placing the southern question on the agenda and laying the foundation for a durable peace. I. Overview The past eight years of uprisings and war have redrawn Yemen’s political map almost entirely. UN-led attempts first to prevent and then to end the country’s bloody civil war have failed, often because they lag behind the rapidly changing facts on the ground. The latest political rupture came in August 2019, when the secessionist South- ern Transitional Council (STC), a self-styled government-in-waiting led by Aydrous al- Zubaidi, seized the southern port city of Aden, the country’s interim capital, from the internationally recognised government of President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.