The Struggle for Yemen and the Challenge of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
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Hezbollah's Syrian Quagmire
Hezbollah’s Syrian Quagmire BY MATTHEW LEVITT ezbollah – Lebanon’s Party of God – is many things. It is one of the dominant political parties in Lebanon, as well as a social and religious movement catering first and fore- Hmost (though not exclusively) to Lebanon’s Shi’a community. Hezbollah is also Lebanon’s largest militia, the only one to maintain its weapons and rebrand its armed elements as an “Islamic resistance” in response to the terms of the Taif Accord, which ended Lebanon’s civil war and called for all militias to disarm.1 While the various wings of the group are intended to complement one another, the reality is often messier. In part, that has to do with compartmen- talization of the group’s covert activities. But it is also a factor of the group’s multiple identities – Lebanese, pan-Shi’a, pro-Iranian – and the group’s multiple and sometimes competing goals tied to these different identities. Hezbollah insists that it is Lebanese first, but in fact, it is an organization that always acts out of its self-interests above its purported Lebanese interests. According to the U.S. Treasury Department, Hezbollah also has an “expansive global network” that “is sending money and operatives to carry out terrorist attacks around the world.”2 Over the past few years, a series of events has exposed some of Hezbollah’s covert and militant enterprises in the region and around the world, challenging the group’s standing at home and abroad. Hezbollah operatives have been indicted for the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri by the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) in The Hague,3 arrested on charges of plotting attacks in Nigeria,4 and convicted on similar charges in Thailand and Cyprus.5 Hezbollah’s criminal enterprises, including drug running and money laundering from South America to Africa to the Middle East, have been targeted by law enforcement and regulatory agen- cies. -
ISIS Is About the Arab Past, Not the Future
Michael Van Dusen LECTURE SERIES ISIS is About the Arab Past, Not the Future RAMI KHOURI Former Public Policy Scholar, Woodrow Wilson Center; Senior Public Policy Fellow and former Director, Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs, American University of Beirut; and syndicated columnist, The Daily Star May 2015 Wilson Center THE WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by provid- ing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and international affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan institu- tion engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Dialogue radio and television. For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chairman of the Board Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chairman Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO Public members: James H. -
Curriculum Vitae Garrett C. Shuffield
Curriculum Vitae Garrett C. Shuffield Education Ph.D., Middle Eastern Languages and Cultures, The University of Texas at Austin (in progress; expected May 2026) • Supervisor: Dr. Karen Grumberg • Foci: modern Arabic literature, comparative literature, dystopia and disaffection M.A., Middle Eastern Studies, The University of Texas at Austin: May 2019. • Thesis: “A New Generation ‘Returns’: Fracture, Disorientation, and Tragedy in Lina Meruane’s Volverse Palestina and Rabai al-Madhoun’s Maṣa’̄ ir” (Supervisor: Dr. Karen Grumberg) • Study Abroad: The American University of Beirut, Summer 2017. M.G.P.S. (Master of Global Policy Studies), The Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, The University of Texas at Austin: May 2019. B.A., magna cum laude, Religion and Arabic/Middle East Studies, Baylor University: May 2014. • Study Abroad: The American University in Cairo, Fall 2012. Academic Employment Assistant Instructor University of Texas Department of Middle Eastern Studies, August 2020-Present Supervisor: Dr. Olla Al-Shalchi Taught one six-credit section of ARA 601C, Beginning Arabic I. Teach one six-credit section of ARA 611C, Beginning Arabic II. This teaching appointment is part of the funding package for the PhD in Middle Eastern Languages and Cultures. Academic Assistant University of Texas Arabic Summer Institute, June 2019-August 2019; June 2020-August 2020 Supervisor: Dr. Cheng-Wei Lin Assisted in delivery of an intensive summer Arabic course at the beginning level. Taught approximately 5 hours per week (overall course was 20 contact hours per week). Created lesson plans, worksheets, evaluations, and supplementary materials for students. Held office hours and tutoring to help students meet individualized language goals. -
Radical Shifts Artical Name : What Is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh's Assassination?
Artical Name : Radical Shifts Artical Subject : What is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh¶s Assassination? Publish Date: 06/12/2017 Auther Name: Dr. Hammud Nasser Alqadami Subject : 9/24/2021 1:23:26 PM 1 / 2 Just hours after the former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh declared his split from the alliance with the Houthis and taking control of the capital Sanaa, the Houthi militias assassinated him. Saleh¶s death signals a significant turning point in Yemen¶s civil strife, with a complete collapse of the Houthi alliance with supporters of the General People¶s Congress party. Saleh's pro-tribes declared their intention to turn against the Houthis in parallel with the Yemeni and Arab coalition forces stepping up their military operations to restore Sanaa, which means a complete siege on the Houthis by the majority of Yemeni forces and movements.Pressing ChangesFormer President Ali Abdullah Saleh had lost a large proportion of his influence, before he was killed. He was stripped of his military power due to the dispersal of the Republican Guard Brigades, distributing them on war fronts under the command of Houthi leaders, rather than their central commanders. In addition, a large number of his aides were either prosecuted or suffered from harassment, but Saleh and his party did not step in to protect them, which clearly demonstrated his diminished capacity and influence.Perhaps the most prominent example in this regard was the attack on his son Salah by the Houthis and murdering his personal escort, Colonel Khaled Al-Reday in August 2017. Moreover, the Houthis stormed the house of Brigadier Tareq Saleh, his nephew, in early December 2017, killing three of his bodyguards. -
State Fragility in Lebanon: Proximate Causes and Sources of Resilience
APRIL 2018 State fragility in Lebanon: Proximate causes and sources of resilience Bilal Malaeb This report is part of an initiative by the International Growth Centre’s Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development. While every effort has been made to ensure this is an evidence-based report, limited data availability necessitated the use of media reports and other sources. The opinions in this report do not necessarily represent those of the IGC, the Commission, or the institutions to which I belong. Any errors remain my own. Bilal Malaeb University of Oxford and University of Southampton [email protected] About the commission The LSE-Oxford Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development was launched in March 2017 to guide policy to address state fragility. The commission, established under the auspices of the International Growth Centre, is sponsored by LSE and University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government. It is funded from the LSE KEI Fund and the British Academy’s Sustainable Development Programme through the Global Challenges Research Fund. Cover photo: Fogline Studio/Getty 2 State fragility in Lebanon: Proximate causes and sources of resilience Contents Introduction 4 State (il)legitimacy 9 Ineffective state with limited capacity 15 The private sector: A source of resilience 22 Security 26 Resilience 29 Conclusion and policy recommendations 30 References 36 3 State fragility in Lebanon: Proximate causes and sources of resilience Introduction Lebanon is an Arab-Mediterranean country that has endured a turbulent past and continues to suffer its consequences. The country enjoys a strong private sector and resilient communities. -
Assessing Sentiment in Conflict Zones Through Social Media
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis and Dissertation Collection 2016-12 Assessing sentiment in conflict zones through social media Bourret, Andrew K. Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/51650 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS ASSESSING SENTIMENT IN CONFLICT ZONES THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA by Andrew K. Bourret Joshua D. Wines Jason M. Mendes December 2016 Thesis Advisor: T. Camber Warren Second Reader: Robert Burks Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704–0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) December 2016 Master’s thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS ASSESSING SENTIMENT IN CONFLICT ZONES THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA 6. AUTHOR(S) Andrew K. Bourret, Joshua D. Wines and Jason M. -
Radical Shifts : عوﺿوﻣﻟا مﺳا What Is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh's ﻋﻧوان اﻟﻣوﺿوع : Assassinat
Radical Shifts : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ What is Next After Ali Abdallah Saleh¶s : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Assassination? 06/12/2017 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ϲϣΩϘϟέλΎϧΩϭϣΣΩ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ 9/25/2021 1:38:10 PM 1 / 2 Just hours after the former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh declared his split from the alliance with the Houthis and taking control of the capital Sanaa, the Houthi militias assassinated him. Saleh¶s death signals a significant turning point in Yemen¶s civil strife, with a complete collapse of the Houthi alliance with supporters of the General People¶s Congress party. Saleh's pro-tribes declared their intention to turn against the Houthis in parallel with the Yemeni and Arab coalition forces stepping up their military operations to restore Sanaa, which means a complete siege on the Houthis by the majority of Yemeni forces and movements.Pressing ChangesFormer President Ali Abdullah Saleh had lost a large proportion of his influence, before he was killed. He was stripped of his military power due to the dispersal of the Republican Guard Brigades, distributing them on war fronts under the command of Houthi leaders, rather than their central commanders. In addition, a large number of his aides were either prosecuted or suffered from harassment, but Saleh and his party did not step in to protect them, which clearly demonstrated his diminished capacity and influence.Perhaps the most prominent example in this regard was the attack on his son Salah by the Houthis and murdering his personal escort, Colonel Khaled Al-Reday in August 2017. Moreover, the Houthis stormed the house of Brigadier Tareq Saleh, his nephew, in early December 2017, killing three of his bodyguards. -
Migration Profile: Lebanon
Migration Profile: Lebanon Françoise De Bel-Air, Research Consultant Issue 2017/12 May 2017 In 2014, an estimated 885,000 Lebanese migrants, (i.e., first- generation, born in Lebanon) resided abroad. Meanwhile, in early 2016, it was said that “Lebanon hosts approximately 1.1 million refugees from Syria which amounts to around one in five people in the country”,1 or “one in four” according to other estimates.2 However, and notwithstanding the large scale of population movements to and from Lebanon throughout the country’s history, these figures are at best, educated guesses: the size and structure of Lebanon’s resident population (as well as that of the Lebanese population) remain “an enigma”.3 For example, at the time of writing, late 2016, the UN population data estimated the total population in Lebanon to stand at 5,988,000,4 while Lebanon’s Central Administration for Statistics’ homepage was displaying gave 3,759,100, for 2007!5 The reasons for this lack of data is primarily political.6 The Lebanese political system distributes political functions according to sectarian 7 BRIEF affiliation. Therefore, the numbers (hence, definitions) of the Lebanese resident population, of Lebanese expatriates, of foreign citizens qualifying for Lebanese citizenship, etc. are all fraught with huge political implications: they would affect the country’s sectarian structure, hence, sect-based power-sharing arrangements. For example, the size of the Lebanese diaspora is usually estimated at between four and thirteen million.8 This is because the actual holders of Lebanese nationality only make up a fraction of the descendants of the Lebanese migrants, who left the territory under Ottoman rule, before 1920 (the creation of Lebanon) or 1924 (the Lausanne Treaty of 1924 POLICY that is the basis for the definition of Lebanese citizenship). -
Designed Report for Web.Indd
YEMEN’S STOLEN ASSETS: PAST AND FUTURE CIFAR.EU Cover picture: Old Sana’a, Yemen by Rod Waddington under a Creative Commons Licence Published: 2020, CiFAR – Civil Forum for Asset Recovery e.V. CiFAR – Civil Forum for Asset Recovery e.V., Köpenicker Str. 147, Berlin, Germany, cifar.eu CiFAR - Civil Forum for Asset Recovery e.V. and the author are solely responsible for the contents of this publication. CIVIL FORUM FOR ASSET RECOVERY CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 BACKGROUND 2 ASSET RECOVERY IN YEMEN 7 POLITICAL SITUATION 8 LEGAL FRAMEWORK 9 ATTEMPTS AT ASSET RECOVERY 11 MAPPING THE NETWORK 12 NEXT STEPS FOR ASSET RECOVERY IN YEMEN 19 ASSET RECOVERY FRAMEWORK 20 OPTIONS FOR THE RECOVERY OF STOLEN ASSETS 21 RECOVERY INDEPENDENT OF YEMENI AUTHORITIES 23 PROSECUTION 23 RETURNS MECHANISMS 24 3. CONCLUSIONS 26 RECOMMENDATIONS 28 REFERENCES 29 CIFAR.EU [email protected] CIVIL FORUM FOR ASSET RECOVERY ACRONYMS AQAP al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula GCC Gulf Cooperation Council GPC General People’s Congress JMP Joint Meeting Parties NDC National Dialogue Conference PDRY People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen STC Southern Transitional Council UN United Nations UNSC United Nations Security Council YAR Yemen Arab Republic YSP Yemeni Socialist Party CIFAR.EU [email protected] PB 1 CIVIL FORUM FOR ASSET RECOVERY EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In 2014, the former President of Yemen, Ali It also aims at advancing the prospect Abdallah Saleh, his son Ahmed and three of those assets being returned to Yemen other individuals were placed under UN through moving forward the investigation sanctions in the context of the ongoing civil into where and how the suspected proceeds war in Yemen. -
Lebanon This Week
Issue 100 January 19-23, 2009 Economic Research & Analysis Department LEBANON THIS WEEK MinisterIn of ThisEconomy Issue reinstate Charts of the Week Economic Indicators....................1 Business Freedom Index in MENA Countries for 2009 81.6 79.6 79.6 80 76.2 75.7 74.9 Capital Markets...........................1 72.5 68.9 67.4 70 64.7 63.3 61.4 Lebanon in the News...................2 60.0 60 57.4 Merrill Lynch maintains its recommen- dation on Lebanese Eurobonds to 'Market Weight', Eurobonds post second 50 best performance in emerging markets in 2008 40 Beirut selected as top travel destination 30 in 2009 20 Lebanon is 68th largest market for US exports, key exports include autos, phar- UAE Qatar Egypt Syria maceuticals, medical equipment and Yemen Jordan Kuwait Oman Tunisia Bahrain Morocco Algeria agricultural products, with ICT offering Lebanon the best prospects Saudi Arabia Association of Banks in Lebanon rec- Business Freedom Index in Lebanon ommends adjustments to prime lending rates 60.0 60 Cleared checks reach $52.5bn in 2008 59 58 Consumer Price Index up 5.5% in 2008 57 56.7 56.6 Inflation up 6.4% in 2008 56 55.0 55.0 55 55.6 Trade deficit up 44% to $11.8bn in first 11 months of 2008 54 53 Customs receipts up 20.2% to $971m in 52 first 11 months of 2008 51 Beirut port activity in 2008 50 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Subsidized interest loans reach $2.21bn at end-September 2008 Source: Heritage Foundation/Wall Street Journal, 2009 Industrial and commercial activity up in third quarter of 2008 Quote to Note Corporate Highlights................ -
The Arabs: Perception/Misperception. a Comparative View, Experimental Version
11 lkW llu 1,1 DOCUMENT MESBME ED 128 265 95 SO 009 380 AUTROR Otero, George G. TITIE The Arabs: Perception/flisperception. A Compare ive View, Experimental Version. INSTITUTION Denver Univ., Colo. Center for Teaching International Relations. SPORS AGENCY Office of Education (DREW) Washington D.C. PUB DATE 75 VOTE 78p.; Pages 65-67 and 69 of tha original document are copyrighted and therefore not available. They are not included in the pagination; For related docuLnts see SO 009 378-385 EDES PRICE 1IP-$0.83 HC-$4.67 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Arabs; Changing Attitudes; Class Activities; *Comparative Analysis; Data Collection; *Ethnic Stereotypes; Experimental Programs; Global Approach; Instructional Materials; *Learning Activities; Map Skills; Middle Eastern Studies; *Resources; Secondary Yducation; *skill Development; social Studies; Social Stadies Units; Sereotypes ABSTRACT In this unit, high-school students identify and evaluate their ovn images of the Arabs and begin to develop more accurate perceptions of the Arabs through data analysis. Activities emphasize_social studies skills, such as napmaking and reading, use of time lines and the concept of chronology, and data collection and analysis. Students compare their precourse attitudesbased on stereotypeswith facts learned from newspaper articles, journal reports, other readings, and, when possible, conversations with Arabs. A comparison of United States and Arab population distribution by geographic_ area and a study of crop production are used to demonstrate the variety of life-styles possible within one nation. A scavenger hunt allows students to explore-possible sources of information about Arabs, analyze points of view expressedi and determine accuracy of the information collected. Most of the 16 activities could be adapted to the study of other national or ethnic groups by simple changes in the data. -
How Iran's Involvement in Yemen Could Draw America Into the War by Farzin Nadimi
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2710 How Iran's Involvement in Yemen Could Draw America into the War by Farzin Nadimi Oct 17, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Along with Iran's heightened anti-American rhetoric and local naval deployments, the recent Houthi missile attacks against U.S. vessels raise fears that Tehran's clients may take the war into a new and more dangerous phase. s the Yemen war enters its twentieth month, the fighting has escalated beyond the country's confines, with A Iranian-backed Houthi rebels firing what appeared to be Iranian antiship cruise missiles at foreign vessels operating around the Bab al-Mandab Strait. The U.S.-flagged, Emirati-operated supply ship Swift was struck on October 1, and U.S. Navy ships were unsuccessfully targeted in subsequent days. In response, U.S. forces struck Houthi-controlled portions of Yemen's coast, destroying three surveillance radars of undisclosed type that were reportedly active during the missile attacks. While U.S. military sources have yet to confirm the type of weapons fired at their ships, the prime suspect is the C- 802 Noor, a cruise missile system that Iran has reportedly provided to its traditionally anti-American Houthi clients. Two other possibilities cannot be ruled out yet. The first is the C-801, an older cruise missile in the Yemeni navy's arsenal, which could have fallen into rebel hands given that the Houthis are allied with former elements of the country's armed forces and have taken over significant territory.