Operation Inherent Resolve Report to the United States Congress, April 1, 2017-June 30, 2017
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Battle of MOSUL Data and Expectations
Special Report Special Report فقوم ريدقت www.jusoor.co 1 October 2016 2016 سطسغأ Battle of MOSUL data and expectations Abdul Wahab Assi Battle of MOSUL data and expectations www.jusoor.co Special Report 2 Content Introduction: .............................................................................................................. 3 Strategic significance of Mosul: .................................................................................. 3 Geographical significance: ....................................................................................... 3 Political significance: ............................................................................................... 3 Social significance: .................................................................................................. 5 Military significance: ................................................................................................ 5 Time to talk about the battle of Mosul ......................................................................... 6 In military terms:...................................................................................................... 6 In political terms: ..................................................................................................... 7 Participating forces, or expect to participate: .............................................................. 9 Iraqi government and its supporting groups: ............................................................ 9 Peshmerga forces: .................................................................................................. -
Report on the Protection of Civilians in the Armed Conflict in Iraq
HUMAN RIGHTS UNAMI Office of the United Nations United Nations Assistance Mission High Commissioner for for Iraq – Human Rights Office Human Rights Report on the Protection of Civilians in the Armed Conflict in Iraq: 11 December 2014 – 30 April 2015 “The United Nations has serious concerns about the thousands of civilians, including women and children, who remain captive by ISIL or remain in areas under the control of ISIL or where armed conflict is taking place. I am particularly concerned about the toll that acts of terrorism continue to take on ordinary Iraqi people. Iraq, and the international community must do more to ensure that the victims of these violations are given appropriate care and protection - and that any individual who has perpetrated crimes or violations is held accountable according to law.” − Mr. Ján Kubiš Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General in Iraq, 12 June 2015, Baghdad “Civilians continue to be the primary victims of the ongoing armed conflict in Iraq - and are being subjected to human rights violations and abuses on a daily basis, particularly at the hands of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Ensuring accountability for these crimes and violations will be paramount if the Government is to ensure justice for the victims and is to restore trust between communities. It is also important to send a clear message that crimes such as these will not go unpunished’’ - Mr. Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 12 June 2015, Geneva Contents Summary ...................................................................................................................................... i Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 Methodology .............................................................................................................................. -
Timeline of Key Events: March 2011: Anti-Government Protests Broke
Timeline of key events: March 2011: Anti-government protests broke out in Deraa governorate calling for political reforms, end of emergency laws and more freedoms. After government crackdown on protestors, demonstrations were nationwide demanding the ouster of Bashar Al-Assad and his government. July 2011: Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States (LAS), paid his first visit to Syria, after his assumption of duties, and demanded the regime to end violence, and release detainees. August 2011: LAS Ministerial Council requested its Secretary General to present President Assad with a 13-point Arab initiative (attached) to resolve the crisis. It included cessation of violence, release of political detainees, genuine political reforms, pluralistic presidential elections, national political dialogue with all opposition factions, and the formation of a transitional national unity government, which all needed to be implemented within a fixed time frame and a team to monitor the above. - The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was formed of army defectors, led by Col. Riad al-Asaad, and backed by Arab and western powers militarily. September 2011: In light of the 13-Point Arab Initiative, LAS Secretary General's and an Arab Ministerial group visited Damascus to meet President Assad, they were assured that a series of conciliatory measures were to be taken by the Syrian government that focused on national dialogue. October 2011: An Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria was set up, including Algeria, Egypt, Oman, Sudan and LAS Secretary General, mandated to liaise with Syrian government to halt violence and commence dialogue under the auspices of the Arab League with the Syrian opposition on the implementation of political reforms that would meet the aspirations of the people. -
Research Notes
RESEARCH NOTES The Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ No. 38 ■ Oc t ober 2016 How to Secure Mosul Lessons from 2008—2014 MICHAEL KNIGHTS N EARLY 2017, Iraqi security forces (ISF) are likely to liberate Mosul from Islamic State control. But given the dramatic comebacks staged by the Islamic State and its predecessors in the city in I2004, 2007, and 2014, one can justifiably ask what will stop IS or a similar movement from lying low, regenerating, and wiping away the costly gains of the current war. This paper aims to fill an important gap in the literature on Mosul, the capital of Ninawa province, by looking closely at the underexplored issue of security arrangements for the city after its liberation, in particular how security forces should be structured and controlled to prevent an IS recurrence. Though “big picture” politi- cal deals over Mosul’s future may ultimately be decisive, the first priority of the Iraqi-international coalition is to secure Mosul. As John Paul Vann, a U.S. military advisor in Vietnam, noted decades ago: “Security may be ten percent of the problem, or it may be ninety percent, but whichever it is, it’s the first ten percent or the first ninety percent. Without security, nothing else we do will last.”1 This study focuses on two distinct periods of Mosul’s Explanations for both the 2007–2011 successes and recent history. In 2007–2011, the U.S.-backed Iraqi the failures of 2011–2014 are easily identified. In the security forces achieved significant success, reducing earlier span, Baghdad committed to Mosul’s stabilization security incidents in the city from a high point of 666 and Iraq’s prime minister focused on the issue, authoriz- per month in the first quarter of 2008 to an average ing compromises such as partial amnesty and a reopen- of 32 incidents in the first quarter of 2011. -
Country Reports on Terrorism 2016
Country Reports on Terrorism 2016 July 2017 ________________________________ United States Department of State Publication Bureau of Counterterrorism Released July 2017 Country Reports on Terrorism 2016 is submitted in compliance with Title 22 of the United States Code, Section 2656f (the “Act”), which requires the Department of State to provide to Congress a full and complete annual report on terrorism for those countries and groups meeting the criteria of the Act. COUNTRY REPORTS ON TERRORISM 2016 Table of Contents Chapter 1. Strategic Assessment Chapter 2. Country Reports Africa Overview Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership Partnership for Regional East Africa Counterterrorism Burkina Faso Burundi Cameroon Chad Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Kenya Mali Mauritania Niger Nigeria Senegal Somalia South Africa Tanzania Uganda East Asia and the Pacific Overview Australia China (Hong Kong and Macau) Indonesia Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Malaysia Philippines Singapore Thailand Europe Overview Albania Austria Azerbaijan Belgium Bosnia and Herzegovina Bulgaria Cyprus Denmark France Georgia Germany Greece Ireland Italy Kosovo Macedonia The Netherlands Norway Russia Serbia Spain Sweden Turkey United Kingdom Middle East and North Africa Overview Algeria Bahrain Egypt Iraq Israel, the West Bank, Gaza, and Jerusalem Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Morocco Oman Qatar Saudi Arabia Tunisia United Arab Emirates Yemen South and Central Asia Overview Afghanistan Bangladesh India Kazakhstan Kyrgyz Republic Maldives Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Tajikistan -
Between Russia and Iran: Room to Pursue American Interests in Syria by John W
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 27 Between Russia and Iran: Room to Pursue American Interests in Syria by John W. Parker Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: In the Gothic Hall of the Presidential Palace in Helsinki, Finland, President Donald Trump met with President Vladimir Putin on July 16, 2018, to start the U.S.-Russia summit. (President of Russia Web site/Kremlin.ru) Between Russia and Iran Between Russia and Iran: Room to Pursue American Interests in Syria By John W. Parker Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 27 Series Editor: Thomas F. Lynch III National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. January 2019 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation in Iraq and Syria
Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation In Iraq and Syria. Kamaran Palani Dlawer Ala’Aldeen Susan Cersosimo About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. Turkey and the European Union: Conflicting Policies and Opportunities for Cohesion and Cooperation In Iraq and Syria. MERI Policy Report Kamaran Palani Research Fellow, MERI Dlawer Ala’Aldeen President of MERI Susan Cersosimo Associate Research Fellow, MERI April 2018 Contents Executive Summary .....................................................................................................................................5 -
Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 25 Putin’s Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket by John W. Parker Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for Technology and National Security Policy. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier, August, 2012 (Russian Ministry of Defense) Putin's Syrian Gambit Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket By John W. Parker Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 25 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. July 2017 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included. -
Armed Conflict in Syria: Overview and U.S. Response
Armed Conflict in Syria: Overview and U.S. Response Carla E. Humud, Coordinator Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Christopher M. Blanchard Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation May 16, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33487 Armed Conflict in Syria: Overview and U.S. Response Summary A deadly chemical weapons attack in Syria on April 4, 2017, and a U.S. military strike in response on April 6 returned the Syrian civil war—now in its seventh year—to the forefront of international attention. In response to the April 4 attack, some Members of Congress called for the United States to conduct a punitive military operation. These Members and some others since have praised President Trump’s decision to launch a limited strike, although some also have called on the President to consult with Congress about Syria strategy. Other Members have questioned the President’s authority to launch the strike in the absence of specific prior authorization from Congress. In the past, some in Congress have expressed concern about the international and domestic authorizations for such strikes, their potential unintended consequences, and the possibility of undesirable or unavoidable escalation. Since taking office in January 2017, President Trump has stated his intention to “destroy” the Syria- and Iraq-based insurgent terrorist group known as the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da’esh), and the President has ordered actions to “accelerate” U.S. military efforts against the group in both countries. In late March, senior U.S. -
Contrasting the Challenges of Liberating Fallujah and Mosul by Zana Gulmohamad
OCTOBER 2016 CTC SENTINEL 1 Unseating the Caliphate: Contrasting the Challenges of Liberating Fallujah and Mosul By Zana Gulmohamad This article draws on interviews1 with key Iraqi political and mil- The successful liberation of Fallujah from the Islamic itary players, including in Anbar and Nineveh, to outline and assess State by a constellation of Iraqi forces in June provides the operation that recaptured Fallujah in June and to compare and pointers for the more challenging mission of liberating contrast the challenges faced there with those of the just launched the much larger city of Mosul. Relatively efective co- Mosul ofensive. It analyses the constellation of forces set to march ordination of Iraqi forces, coalition airpower, and vital on the northern Iraqi city, the Islamic State’s ability to defend the intelligence from Sunni tribes and townspeople led to city, and the political and military dynamics that will determine the ultimate success and failure of the war in Iraq against the Islamic the Islamic State being driven out more quickly than ex- State. pected, despite the fact that an unauthorized incursion by Shi`a militias risked compromising the ofensive, as Part 1: The Fallujah Operation well as attempts to secure and rebuild the town. Mosul will be harder to take because Islamic State fighters are Why Fallujah Was First less likely to flee in large numbers. It may be possible to Fallujah, 37 miles west of Baghdad, is the second-largest city in make significant progress in the coming weeks because of Anbar governorate and was the second most symbolic territorial weakening Islamic State capabilities and morale and the prize in Iraq for the Islamic State.2 The Iraqi government’s deci- emergence of resistance forces in the city providing key sion to liberate Fallujah first, despite U.S. -
Features of Demographic Shifts in Mosul After ISIS Defeat Artical Subject
Artical Name : The Challenge of Return Artical Subject : Features of Demographic Shifts in Mosul after ISIS Defeat Publish Date: 20/07/2017 Auther Name: Dr. Muthana Al-Obeidi Subject : 9/29/2021 4:06:18 PM 1 / 2 The liberation of Mosul from the grip of "ISIS" poses several essential challenges related to dealing with the demographic shifts in Mosul, capital of Nineveh. Deportation and forced displacement, since ISIS seized control of the city on June 10, 2014, increase the importance of restoring social, political and security equilibrium in the region. Most importantly, settling all matters related to the return of displaced persons and facilitating community reconciliation in areas freed from ISIS.Complex Demographic Map Mosul, Iraq's second largest city in terms of population, the center of Nineveh province, has more demographic diversity than any other Iraqi city or province. Ethnicities in Mosul include Arabs, Kurds, Assyrians, Turkmens, and Shabak. Mosul has Muslims, Christians, and Yazidis. There are no specific statistics on the size of each component, but discretionary estimates based on recent provincial elections. These components can be defined as follows: 1. Ethnic distribution, the main features of the ethnic map in Nineveh: a. Arabs constitute the majority population in the province of Nineveh, distributed in Mosul city center and various areas of Nineveh. b. Kurds live mostly on the East side of the city, or what is called the left coast. c. Turkmens come third in terms of population after Arabs and Kurds, and are ideologically divided between Shiites and Sunnis, and most of them live in the city of Tal Afar and many villages in Nineveh.d. -
Iraq: Post-Conflict Stabilization Redux
Iraq: Post-conflict Stabilization Redux fpri.org/article/2017/02/iraq-post-conflict-stabilization-redux/ February 17, 2017 E-Notes C. Alexander Ohlers C. Alexander Ohlers, Ph.D. specializes in warfare and politics with a focus on transnational insurgent movements. He is also a former Senior Analyst and diplomatic liaison for the U.S. Department of State in Baghdad, Iraq, under the Iraq Reconstruction and Management Office, and holds a Ph.D. from the London School of Economics and Political Science.Read More U.S. Soldiers conduct a key leader engagement at Qayyarah West Airfield As the U.S.-backed forces in Iraq move to reclaim west Mosul, the Islamic State’s (IS) final territorial stronghold in Iraq, U.S. policymakers are certain that the group will be eradicated, but are uncertain as to what will follow. As retired U.S. Army General David Petraeus notes: There is no question that the Islamic State will be defeated in Mosul; the real question is what comes afterward. Can the post-Islamic State effort resolve the squabbling likely to arise over numerous issues and bring lasting stability to one of Iraq’s most diverse and challenging provinces? Failure to do so could lead to ISIS 3.0.[1] Accordingly, the Islamic State has executed a string of attacks in Baghdad, including January bombings in the Shiite neighborhood of Sadr City and other parts of Baghdad that killed over fifty-six Iraqis. IS also retains operational units in liberated areas of Anbar province and, in November of last year, used a car bomb to kill seventeen Iraqis attending a wedding in Amiriyah, Al-Fallujah and exploded two car bombs near a government building, killing nine.