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The Economic Agendas of Islamic Parties in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Discourses and Practices Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Vol

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The Economic Agendas of Islamic Parties in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Discourses and Practices Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Vol Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Vol. 11, No. 3, 2017 Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Vol. 11, No. 3, 2017 The Economic Agendas of Islamists in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Discourse and Practices particular at two policy sectors whose drivers were both among the main demands raised during the uprisings, and fundamental pillars of Islamists’ political offer: The Economic Agendas of Islamic Parties in Tunisia employment/labour market and good governance/corruption. The article will try to address the following questions: what socioeconomic demands raised during the revolution have and Morocco: Between Discourses and Practices been successfully translated into viable political agendas by these two Islamist parties? Also, how have contingent and structural factors been shaping Islamists’ policies? Giulia CIMINI ķ By highlighting the similarities and the differences in the two case studies, the scope (Department of Humanity and Social Sciences, University of Naples L’Orientale, of this article is to reflect on the way the two Islamist parties have channeled mass support Italy) for the goals of the revolution into an institutionalized political consensus, as well as on the way they funnel and satisfy bottom-up interests and priorities, thus understanding to what extent these political parties are acting as stabilizing or destabilizing forces. Moreover, by Abstract: Six years since the so called “Arab Spring”, this article looks at the two Islamist looking at their platforms and policies, this article aims at analysing the gap between ruling parties that have since then – although under different circumstances - been key political Islamists parties’ discourses and practices in order to assess whether the interplay of other political and social actors had an impact on their ideological perspectives and the ongoing actors both in Tunisia and Morocco, respectively. It analyses, in a comparative perspective, political transition process they are guiding or the lack thereof. the economic programs that the PJD in Morocco and Ennahda in Tunisia proposed during A comprehensive analysis of the post-2011 transitions and the implications of their electoral campaigns, along with the policies they implemented. By looking at their economy, need not neglect the role of political parties as key players. Indeed, once the “revolutionary moment”ķ has gone, societal demands have to be transferred to party platforms and performance, the article investigates the gap between discourses and politics in a more institutionalized framework. And, although political parties played a practices in order to assess to what extent contingent needs and the interplay with other marginal role in the Arab uprisings, they gained relevance in the aftermath.ĸIn particular, political and social actors impact on Islamists’ ideological perspectives and their capacity since 2011 the Islamists have been playing a central role in the political arena, by leading or being part anyway of the coalition governments they had to form since then. to meet societal demands. The argument begins with the observation that, although Ennahda and the PJD are Key Words: Tunisia; Morocco; Post-uprising Economic Policies; Islamic Parties; both based on a common conceptual framework, they differ from each other in the details Ennahda; PJD of their economic platforms but, much more relevant, their policies are shaped by the context they act in. On the one hand, they had to face similar economic challenges in their I. Introduction countries, ranging from deep regional disparities, to the fight of an endemic and widespread system of corruption, and the facing of high unemployment rates. On the other Six years since the so called “Arab Spring”, the socioeconomic dimension of those side, the two parties were embedded in different political scenarios: in Tunisia the upheavals is still evident in continuing street demonstrations and contentious politics.ĸIn departure of the former president Ben Ali paved the way to a new political system based on light of multiple trajectories of contention across the Arab worldĹ, it is therefore highly a democratic consensus, despite its need of further consolidation in a context of increasing instability and struggle for power; in Morocco, the royal responses and charters were able pertinent to assess whether the socioeconomic demands lying at the heart of the 2011 Ĺ to prevent major social explosion and were able “to keep the revolution at bay” with a uprisings have been met or not, and to what extent. To this purpose, the paper will look at ĺ two Islamist parties that have since then – although under different circumstances - situation much closer to other counter-revolutions. But, notwithstanding dissimilar rooms emerged as the main political actors both in Tunisia and Morocco. It will analyze, in a comparative perspective, the economic agendas of Morocco’s Islamic reference without being fully “Islamist”, it is not clear yet what implications there will be in Justice and Development Party (Parti de la Justice et du Développement, PJD) and practice. As Monica Marks highlights this separation “won’t fundamentally transform Ennahda, since it’s ĺ behaved as a de facto party since the revolution, but it will clarify the party’s intention to broaden its base Tunisia’s Ennahda (The Renaissance) , along with the policies implemented, looking in and distance itself from accusations of Islamism–which has negative connotations for many Tunisians and outsiders” (See: Zeineb Marzouk, “Analysis: Monica Marks Discusses Ennahda’s Dropping of Political ķ Dr. Giulia CIMINI, Ph.D. candidate in Internatioanl Studies, teaching assistant in political science and Islam,” Tunisia Live, May 19, 2016, http://www.tunisialive.net/2016/05/19/analysismonica-marks-discuss international relations, Department of Humanity and Social Sciences, University of Naples L’Orientale, es-ennahdas-dropping-of-political-islam/. Italy. The author wishes to thank Dr. Hassan Hakimian, Dr. Daniela Pioppi, Dr. Claudia De Martino and ķ Amin Allal, “Becoming Revolutionary in Tunisia, 2007-2011,” in Joel Beinin, Frédéric Vairel, eds., Dr. Ruth Hanau Santini for their valuable remarks on earlier versions of this paper, and the anonymous Social Movements, Mobilization and Contestation in the Middle East and North Africa (Second Edition), referees for the comments and suggestions. All remaining errors are the author’s only. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013, pp.185-204. ĸ Charles Tripp, The Power and the People: Paths of Resistance in the Middle East, Cambridge: ĸ Kristina Kaush, “Political Parties in Young Arab Democracies,” FRIDE Policy Brief, No.130, May Cambridge University Press, 2013. 2012. Ĺ See Frédéric Volpi, “Explaining (and re-explaining) Political Change in the Middle East during the Arab Ĺ Azzedine Layachi, “Morocco: Keeping the Revolution at Bay with an Enhanced Status Quo,” in Yahia Spring: Trajectories of Democratization and of Authoritarianism in the Maghreb,” Democratization, Zoubir, Gregory White, eds., North African Politics: Change and Continuity, London and New York: Vol.20, No.6, 2013, pp.969-990. Routledge, 2016, pp.211-224. ĺ In its tenth national Congress in May 2016, Ennahda has formally separated the political party (hizb) ĺ See Mark Lynch, The Arab Uprising: The Unfinished Revolutions of the New Middle East, New York: from the religious, social and cultural movement (harakat). Although from now on the party will have an Public Affairs, 2013; and Francesco Cavatorta, “Morocco: The Promise of Democracy and the Reality of 48 49 The Economic Agendas of Islamic Parties in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Discourses and Practices Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies Vol. 11, No. 3, 2017 The Economic Agendas of Islamists in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Discourse and Practices particular at two policy sectors whose drivers were both among the main demands raised during the uprisings, and fundamental pillars of Islamists’ political offer: The Economic Agendas of Islamic Parties in Tunisia employment/labour market and good governance/corruption. The article will try to address the following questions: what socioeconomic demands raised during the revolution have and Morocco: Between Discourses and Practices been successfully translated into viable political agendas by these two Islamist parties? Also, how have contingent and structural factors been shaping Islamists’ policies? Giulia CIMINI ķ By highlighting the similarities and the differences in the two case studies, the scope (Department of Humanity and Social Sciences, University of Naples L’Orientale, of this article is to reflect on the way the two Islamist parties have channeled mass support Italy) for the goals of the revolution into an institutionalized political consensus, as well as on the way they funnel and satisfy bottom-up interests and priorities, thus understanding to what extent these political parties are acting as stabilizing or destabilizing forces. Moreover, by Abstract: Six years since the so called “Arab Spring”, this article looks at the two Islamist looking at their platforms and policies, this article aims at analysing the gap between ruling parties that have since then – although under different circumstances - been key political Islamists parties’ discourses and practices in order to assess whether the interplay of other political and social actors had an impact on their ideological perspectives and the ongoing actors both in Tunisia and Morocco, respectively.
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