The Impact of Reformation on North-East England

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The Impact of Reformation on North-East England Northern History, XLV: 1, March 2008 THE IMPACT OF REFORMATION ON NORTH-EAST ENGLAND: A PRELIMINARY SURVEY DIANA NEWTON University of Teesside IN THE AUTUMN of 1547 a royal injunction was issued which included an order to ‘deface all popishe ornaments in parishe churches’ throughout the kingdom. When the visitors charged to enforce it arrived in Durham they found an extremely willing accomplice in Robert Horne (later to become the Dean of Durham). For he enthusi- astically assisted them in their task of mutilating the Corpus Christi shrine in the town’s St Nicholas church; taking it upon himself to smash the relic to pieces with his own feet, the better to thoroughly obliterate this emblem of civic religious ceremony whereby was enacted the whole of salvation history. Quite literally, he was endeav- ouring to stamp out what he regarded as the most visible manifestation of Augustine of Hippo’s fundamentally erroneous doctrine of soteriology: that no human could escape the consequences of Adam’s first sin.1 Grounded in the ‘tragedy of the Fall’, this bleak tenet had loomed over the Christian Church for more than a thousand years and Horne was determined that it should be utterly expunged from the diocese of Durham. On this evidence, it would seem that Durham was ripe for reformation. But, of course, this is far too simplistic. Interpretations of ‘The Reformation’ are many, varied, shifting and kaleidoscopic — illustrating the ambiguities and paradoxes of late-twentieth-and-early-twenty-first-century historical scholarship. The terminol- ogy for the events occurring in the English and Continental Church in the sixteenth Published by Maney Publishing (c) University of Leeds and seventeenth centuries has also been modified, so that they are increasingly ren- dered as ‘reformation’ or ‘reformations’.2 And, at the same time, the focus of interest in (the) reformation(s) has broadened out from the strictly political and ecclesiastical, based upon central archival records, to the social and cultural, drawing on local archival records and extending to printed and literary material and beyond. It is 1 A Description of All the Ancient Monuments, Rites and Customes Belonging or Beinge Within the Monastical Church of Durham Before the Suppression; Written in 1593, ed. J. T. Fowler, Surtees Society, XV (1842), 59. For a discussion of Augustine’s position on the question of sin and salvation see Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided, 1490–1700 (2003), pp. 106–10. 2 The course of the changing terminology was summed up by Patrick Collinson in his opening address to a confer- ence on ‘The reception of Continental Reformation in Britain and Ireland’ at the British Academy in September 2007. Ą The University of Leeds, 2008 DOI: 10.1179/174587008X256601 38 THE IMPACT OF REFORMATION proposed that this broad brush should be applied to the diocese of Durham leading to a major study of the impact of reformation on the north-eastern reaches of the kingdom.3 This article introduces a number of the themes that will be addressed.4 Much of the most recent work about the impact of reformation at the parish level has exploited extant churchwardens’ accounts. Unfortunately, there are none for the diocese of Durham before 1580. However, there are diocesan records such as epi- scopal and spiritual chancellor’s visitation books, together with correction books.5 And there are some act and visitation book of the archdeacons of Durham and of Northumberland.6 There are also consistory court records from 1531.7 These chiefly concern cases relating to moral offences, defamation, matrimonial and probate disputes, as well as disputed faculty applications and payment of church rates and tithes, and, most usefully, a few cases concerning ritual and doctrine or clergy disci- pline. And there is a fine collection of probate records.8 This material will provide the backbone of the proposed study. I According to Peter Marshall, the years between 1547 and 1553 (the reign of Edward VI), witnessed an ‘unprecedentedly intense campaign’ to transform the character of the English Church in a similar manner to China’s cultural revolution in the 1960s, ‘when central government worked with cadres of true believers to undermine unreli- able elements in positions of authority, and radically reconstruct the outlook of the people as a whole’.9 In many respects Durham appears to fit rather nicely into this model. Certainly, the person in the highest position of authority, Durham’s conser- vative Bishop Cuthbert Tunstall, who managed to steer his way safely through Henry VIII’s reign, was perceived by the Edwardian Council with deep suspicion; to the extent that he was arrested on highly dubious treason charges and his diocese subject to an audacious plan which resulted in its temporary dissolution between March 1553 and April 1554.10 Robert Horne, on the other hand, with his destructive feet enthusi- astically treading the party line, was an ideal candidate to lead the ‘cadre of true believers’ vital to implementing the Edwardian reforms. It is going to be difficult Published by Maney Publishing (c) University of Leeds 3 In the plethora of current work on the reformation years, there are surprisingly few regional or local studies of the reformation apart from Christopher Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge, 1975), Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation (Oxford, 1989) and Glanmor Williams, Renewal and Reformation: Wales, c.1415–1642 (Oxford, 2002). 4 These include some that have already been published in Diana Newton, North-East England, 1569–1625: Gover- nance, Culture and Identity (Woodbridge, 2006) and Newton, ‘The Clergy, Identity and Lay Society in the Diocese of Durham’, Northern History, XLIV (2007). 5 D(urham) U(niversity) L(ibrary), DDR/EV/VIS/1–2: Durham diocesan episcopal and spiritual chancellor’s visitation books: general series, three volumes, 1577–1587 and 1662–1670; and chancellor’s visitation correction books (Northumberland archdeaconry), four volumes, 1595–1618. 6 DUL, DDR/A/ACD: Act and visitation book of the archdeacon of Durham, 1600–1619; DDR/A/ACN: Act and visitation books of the archdeacon of Northumberland, 1619–1624. 7 DUL, DDR/EJ/CC: Consistory court causes and general records, 1531–1854. 8 DUL, DPR I: Durham Probate Records, c.1526–7–1858. 9 Peter Marshall, Reformation England, 1480–1642 (Oxford, 2003), p. 58. 10 David Loades, ‘The Dissolution of the Diocese of Durham, 1553–54’, in The Last Principality. Politics, Religion and Society in the Bishopric of Durham, 1494–1660, ed. David Marcombe (Nottingham, 1987). DIANA NEWTON 39 to assess just how large the cadre of true believers was in the diocese of Durham at large. For, while recent studies have shown that the injunctions of 1547 resulted in the removal of all religious imagery from many parish churches, evidence for that co-operation comes largely from churchwardens’ accounts. For Durham, such evi- dence will have to come from court records which will provide instances of lack of co-operation: evidence that carries with it concomitant limitations, it always being more difficult to prove a negative. The same difficulty is encountered in assessing reaction in Durham to the earlier injunctions issued by Henry VIII in 1536. These have been described as effectively declaring war on the cult of saint, which was the ‘heartbeat of medieval popular religion’.11 Yet the evidence, again from churchwarden’s accounts elsewhere in the kingdom, demonstrates that from 1536 offerings and images were disappearing from parish churches.12 In this instance, though, the absence of churchwardens’ accounts in Durham is more than compensated for by the fact that thousands of people were prepared to risk their lives in the Pilgrimage of Grace, in the same year.13 In part motivated by opposition to the religious changes taking place, this indicates that their effects were making themselves felt sufficiently to cause deep concern and prompt radical action. The Pilgrimage may ultimately have failed but there seems to have been little evidence that the injunctions had the immediate and drastic effect they had elsewhere in England. Henry VIII himself expressed his dismay at the number of shrines remain- ing in the North of England when on progress in 1541.14 The shrine of St Cuthbert and some of the ‘ancient monuments’ connected with it certainly were still in the cathedral in the 1560s according to an account of George Dobson, one of the choris- ters there.15 And, throughout the ‘highly charged religious atmosphere’ of the entire 1560s, when the diocese was exposed to the full blast of reformation change under James Pilkington, who became Bishop in 1561, there appears to be just one charge of iconoclasm levelled against him. This concerned the secularization of the redundant collegiate church of Auckland where ‘he allowed both shooting and bowling’.16 An associate of John Knox, Bishop James Pilkington was a much more reliable leader to implement the ‘cultural revolution’ in Durham than his predecessor had been. Yet he seems to have been remarkably restrained in this particular aspect of his task. Published by Maney Publishing (c) University of Leeds By contrast, Dean William Whittingham — in the stamp of Dean Horne and who has been described as the ‘great villain of the Geneva gang’17 — had no compunction in indulging in iconoclasm. A proto-aficionado of re-cycling, he apparently converted 11 Marshall, Reformation England, p. 54. 12 Robert Whiting, ‘Abominable Idols: Images and Image Breaking Under Henry VIII’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XXXIII (1982). 13 Recent accounts of the Pilgrimage include R. W. Hoyle, The Pilgrimage of Grace and the Politics of the 1530s (Oxford, 2001) and its impact on Durham is presented in Michael Bush, Durham and the Pilgrimage of Grace, Durham County Local History Society (Durham, 2000).
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