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SUSTAINABILITY CIES 2019 San Francisco • April 14-18, 2019 ANNUAL CONFERENCE PROGRAM RD 6 3
EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABILITY CIES 2019 San Francisco • April 14-18, 2019 ANNUAL CONFERENCE PROGRAM RD 6 3 #CIES2019 | #Ed4Sustainability www.cies.us SUN MON TUE WED THU 14 15 16 17 18 GMT-08 8 AM Session 1 Session 5 Session 10 Session 15 8 - 9:30am 8 - 9:30am 8 - 9:30am 8 - 9:30am 9 AM Coffee Break, 9:30am Coffee Break, 9:30am Coffee Break, 9:30am Coffee Break, 9:30am 10 AM Pre-conference Workshops 1 Session 2 Session 6 Session 11 Session 16 10am - 1pm 10 - 11:30am 10 - 11:30am 10 - 11:30am 10 - 11:30am 11 AM 12 AM Plenary Session 1 Plenary Session 2 Plenary Session 3 (includes Session 17 11:45am - 1:15pm 11:45am - 1:15pm 2019 Honorary Fellows Panel) 11:45am - 1:15pm 11:45am - 1:15pm 1 PM 2 PM Session 3 Session 7 Session 12 Session 18 Pre-conference Workshops 2 1:30 - 3pm 1:30 - 3pm 1:30 - 3pm 1:30 - 3pm 1:45 - 4:45pm 3 PM Session 4 Session 8 Session 13 Session 19 4 PM 3:15 - 4:45pm 3:15 - 4:45pm 3:15 - 4:45pm 3:15 - 4:45pm Reception @ Herbst Theatre 5 PM (ticketed event) Welcome, 5pm Session 9 Session 14 Closing 4:30 - 6:30pm 5 - 6:30pm 5 - 6:30pm 5 - 6:30pm Town Hall: Debate 6 PM 5:30 - 7pm Keynote Lecture @ Herbst 7 PM Theatre (ticketed event) Presidential Address State of the Society Opening Reception 6:30 - 9pm 6:45 - 7:45pm 6:45 - 7:45pm 7 - 9pm 8 PM Awards Ceremony Chairs Appreciation (invite only) 7:45 - 8:30pm 7:45 - 8:45pm 9 PM Institutional Receptions Institutional Receptions 8:30 - 9:45pm 8:30 - 9:45pm TABLE of CONTENTS CIES 2019 INTRODUCTION OF SPECIAL INTEREST Conference Theme . -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Ansätze Einer Jüdisch-Arabischen Normalisierung in Israel. Arabische
NR. 21 MÄRZ 2021 Einleitung Ansätze einer jüdisch-arabischen Normalisierung in Israel Arabische Israelis wollen pragmatischere Politik, jüdische Parteien werben um arabische Stimmen Lidia Averbukh Im Vorfeld zur Knesset-Wahl 2021 werben jüdische Parteien aktiv um die Stimmen der israelischen Araber, die 17 Prozent der wahlberechtigten Israelis stellen. Zugleich äußern arabische Israelis verstärkt das Bedürfnis nach einer Politik, die zur Verbesse- rung ihrer Lebensumstände beiträgt und ihnen mehr politische Beteiligung ermög- licht. Während das arabische Parteienbündnis Vereinte Liste seinen traditionellen Oppositionskurs beibehält und dabei die Abspaltung ihres Mitglieds Islamische Bewe- gung (Ra’am) in Kauf nahm, treten im Wahlkampf neue Akteure auf, die eine pragma- tischere arabische Politik betreiben und auf Zusammenarbeit mit jüdischen Parteien setzen. Der Konflikt und die Identität des jüdischen Staates Israel spielen für sie allen- falls eine Nebenrolle. Ähnlich sieht es in der israelischen Kommunalpolitik aus. Dort wird eine interessensbasierte jüdisch-arabische Kooperation bereits praktiziert. »Für viele Jahre war die arabische Öffent- zuschüchtern. So veranlasste er, dass in den lichkeit außerhalb des Mainstreams«, sagte Wahllokalen arabischer Kommunen wegen der israelische Premierminister Netanjahu angeblicher Fälschungen Kameras instal- im Wahlkampf 2021. Doch dafür gebe es liert wurden. 2015 warnte Netanjahu vor keinen Grund. Die Wahl solle zeigen, dass »Arabern, die in Scharen in Wahllokale die Araber Teil der Erfolgsgeschichte Israels strömen«. Auch die Parteien von Links und seien. Mit diesen Worten markierte er eine Mitte konnten sich der Wirkung dieser bemerkenswerte Kehrtwende, denn in den araberfeindlichen Parolen nicht entziehen. Wahlkämpfen der letzten Jahre war eine Sie distanzierten sich von arabischen Wäh- Koalition mit arabischen Parteien tabu. lern und Parteien aus Angst davor, als anti- Rechte jüdische Parteien behandelten diese zionistisch diskreditiert zu werden. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: a Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2014 The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel Samira Abunemeh University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Abunemeh, Samira, "The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel" (2014). Honors Theses. 816. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/816 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel ©2014 By Samira N. Abunemeh A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies Croft Institute for International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi May 2014 Approved: Dr. Miguel Centellas Reader: Dr. Kees Gispen Reader: Dr. Vivian Ibrahim i Abstract The Success of an Ethnic Political Party: A Case Study of Arab Political Parties in Israel Israeli Arab political parties are observed to determine if these ethnic political parties are successful in Israel. A brief explanation of four Israeli Arab political parties, Hadash, Arab Democratic Party, Balad, and United Arab List, is given as well as a brief description of Israeli history and the Israeli political system. -
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmuel Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv
The National Left (First Draft) by Shmu'el Hasfari and Eldad Yaniv Open Source Center OSC Summary: A self-published book by Israeli playwright Shmu'el Hasfari and political activist Eldad Yaniv entitled "The National Left (First Draft)" bemoans the death of Israel's political left. http://www.fas.org/irp/dni/osc/israel-left.pdf Statement by the Authors The contents of this publication are the responsibility of the authors, who also personally bore the modest printing costs. Any part of the material in this book may be photocopied and recorded. It is recommended that it should be kept in a data-storage system, transmitted, or recorded in any form or by any electronic, optical, mechanical means, or otherwise. Any form of commercial use of the material in this book is permitted without the explicit written permission of the authors. 1. The Left The Left died the day the Six-Day War ended. With the dawn of the Israeli empire, the Left's sun sank and the Small [pun on Smol, the Hebrew word for Left] was born. The Small is a mark of Cain, a disparaging term for a collaborator, a lover of Arabs, a hater of Israel, a Jew who turns against his own people, not a patriot. The Small-ists eat pork on Yom Kippur, gobble shrimps during the week, drink espresso whenever possible, and are homos, kapos, artsy-fartsy snobs, and what not. Until 1967, the Left actually managed some impressive deeds -- it took control of the land, ploughed, sowed, harvested, founded the state, built the army, built its industry from scratch, fought Arabs, settled the land, built the nuclear reactor, brought millions of Jews here and absorbed them, and set up kibbutzim, moshavim, and agriculture. -
Dealing with Hamas
DEALING WITH HAMAS 26 January 2004 ICG Middle East Report N°21 Amman/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. HAMAS: ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT.............................................................. 4 A. ORIGINS................................................................................................................................4 B. TRANSFORMATION................................................................................................................5 C. ASCENDANCY .......................................................................................................................6 D. THE CHALLENGE OF OSLO ....................................................................................................8 III. HAMAS AND THE POLITICS OF VIOLENCE ..................................................... 10 A. ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE ...........................................................................................10 B. THE HAMAS CHARTER ........................................................................................................11 C. HAMAS AND THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION ............................................................................13 D. HAMAS AND THE USES OF VIOLENCE ..................................................................................16 IV. OPTIONS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS.................................................................. -
Invites. 'Rig/,T'
, l ·~]dt"•t• 1•J11y1,.,d ,wt,• IA09<1 1he UJ:A. ZOOMS. IN U.S. CITIES XElV l'OBK - {TIVSOI - -tllllW .Tewtsll Appeal ID t11r • • , ' Ualted Staitea h nieonllns blc \\'D&"!-ii"IPEG, MAN., .TUESDAY, llAY 2, 1950 Iner .er ntt laa1 ,-r, attord blc ID ft<pelrt for first . tla, -------------------....------- .....---""" ..... 1 .....-11ere..-au.a Jgst 1--s b7 VJA Mrs. F.D.R. j lfllll7 major dtl8 ban ,..._ c,onlecl !use Jumpa, ...,_ up to !O per i,e.al Offl' 19&9. Ca/Jinet Tbese ue - oatatandln;: Opposes t rmulta: Loe ~ ss.-. l'llhed, up !O per eent; San Fran , daeo, up !I per eent; IDDDMP"~ 1111, up 15 per eent; Wublncton. Invites. Hate Ban ap 15 per tent; New \"ork. up 15 per crnt. II ' U.N.PARLEY 'Rig/,t' DEFEATS BID LAKE SUCCESS (YIVNO)· trute·line • ...;..()n motion of Mrs. Eleanor GEN. ZIONIST Roos.evelt, speaking for the US delegation, the UN Com . mission on Human Right:;, ·'tut' wit/, GROUP GJU. NS , 'late last week; defeated a JERUSALEM-(YIV:SO) i l'BOF. J. u. QUASTEL ALLAN BBONnIAN 'move to include provisions -Having failed to bn.·ng the I against Fas1:ist and Naz! hate ' Jon/an aim- incitement m the proJected : · d LAKE SUCCESS - left-wing Mapam. party into: internr.tional co,•enarit. the Israeli cabinet, Prime , He .·. rew . u ·Boar· . The isslle was ral.eed by the Soviet (\1,·XO) - lTnitc<l Xu Minister Da\id Ben-Gurion and French delegates.. who proposed• I I tions hns take11 n major haii turned to the right-wing, b that an article be Included· 1n the' General Zioni11t party of . -
The Nationalism of Exile Chapter 3 - the Critique of Zionism
The Nationalism of Exile Chapter 3 - The Critique of Zionism Eric Jacobson This manuscript is intended solely for the purposes of discussion at IU-Bloomington, April 25, 2014 and not for dissemination. 1 Please do not circulate. For questions, please contact: [email protected] Having been accused of indifference toward Jews and Judaism following the publication of Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963),2 it is remarkable to discover that for more than two decades Hannah Arendt was engaged with aspects of Jewish thought and culture that would not be unfamiliar to Jewish Studies today. Her writings from the late 1920s into the mid-1930s concerned German-Jewish intellectual history in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. She worked with the Zionist movement in France to help youth immigration to Palestine in the 1930s and she wrote extensively on Zionism in the 1940s. In the 1950s, her research culminated in a major work on Antisemitism, and its origins in colonialism and race theory, which she titled The Origins of Totalitarianism. She was an editor for arguably the most important Judaic publisher, Salman Schocken, and contributed to the publication in English of major figures in modern Jewish culture, including Gershom Scholem, Franz Kafka, Bernard Lazare, and Walter Benjamin.3 The publication of The Origins of Totalitarianism launched her academic career in the United States but with it came a deepening interest in political philosophy and a decline in Jewish matters. Two major disappointments contributed to this. The first was her disillusionment with Zionism for failing to resolve the Arab question. The second was the reception of her book 1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared as “The Zionism of Hannah Arendt 1941- 1948” in Judaism, Liberalism and Political Theology, edited by Randi Rashkover and Martin Kavka, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014, pp. -
Israel: Background and US Relations
Israel: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 28, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL33476 Israel: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Since Israel’s founding in 1948, successive U.S. Presidents and many Members of Congress have demonstrated a commitment to Israel’s security and to close U.S.-Israel cooperation. Perceptions of shared democratic values and religious affinities have contributed to strong bilateral ties. The question of Israel’s security regularly influences U.S. policy considerations regarding the Middle East, and Congress provides active oversight of executive branch dealings with Israel and other actors in the region. Israel is a leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid and a frequent purchaser of major U.S. weapons systems. By law, U.S. arms sales cannot adversely affect Israel’s “qualitative military edge” over other countries in its region. The two countries signed a free trade agreement in 1985, and the United States is Israel’s largest trading partner. Israel has many regional security concerns, and aligning U.S. and Israeli policies to address these concerns has presented persistent challenges. In a dangerous and uncertain regional environment, Israel regularly seeks assurance that the United States will bolster its regional security standing and self-defense capabilities. A new U.S.-Israel memorandum of understanding will provide Israel with $38 million in military assistance from FY2019 to FY2028, subject to congressional approval. In addition to concerns over Iran’s regional position that have increased despite or because of the 2015 international agreement on Iran’s nuclear program, Israel’s perceptions of security around its borders have changed since 2011 as several surrounding Arab countries have experienced political upheaval. -
How the ANC, the DA and the EFF Construct South Africa As a Nation
How the ANC, the DA and the EFF construct South Africa as a nation by Anja Koekemoer Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Political Science in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr Ubanesia Adams-Jack December 2017 i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third-party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: December 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved ii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT The ‘nation’ is a powerful social construct. How it is understood has significant consequences for a society and its people. Actors compete for the ability to define the ‘nation’ as a means to spread their views and influence. Consequently, the conceptualisation of the nation remains subject to discursive contest and susceptible to change. South Africa is no stranger to the nation being redefined. Pre-1994 South Africa was shaped by segregationist policies. During apartheid, race determined national identity and the relationship among racial groups. The different ethnic nations co-existed in the South African territory, but they did not do so as equals. Non-white populations were oppressed and exploited and this provoked a struggle, which culminated in the country’s liberation in the 1990s with a negotiated settlement. -
Imagining the Border
A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2011 The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2011 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: President Barack Obama watches as Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas shake hands in New York, September 2009. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak) Map CREDITS Israeli settlements in the Triangle Area and the West Bank: Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007, 2008, and 2009 data Palestinian communities in the West Bank: Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007 data Jerusalem neighborhoods: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2008 data Various map elements (Green Line, No Man’s Land, Old City, Jerusalem municipal bounds, fences, roads): Dan Rothem, S. Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace Cartography: International Mapping Associates, Ellicott City, MD Contents About the Authors / v Acknowledgments / vii Settlements and Swaps: Envisioning an Israeli-Palestinian Border / 1 Three Land Swap Scenarios / 7 Maps 1.