DOCSLIB.ORG

The Marathon Monks of Mt. Hiei & the Amazing Story of Yusai Sakai

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Marathon Monks of Mt. Hiei & the Amazing Story of Yusai Sakai The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei: The Kaihōgyō & The Amazing Story of Yusai Sakai The Ultimate Marathon Monk -1- Much of the following material is taken from John Stevens’ book The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei, wikipedia, and other internet sites. The Kaihōgyō is a set of the ascetic spiritual trainings for which the Buddhist Marathon Monks of Mt. Hiei are known. These monks are from the Tendai school of Buddhism, a denomination brought to Japan by the monk Saicho in 806 from China. The story of the marathon monk practice, or sadhana (daily spiritual practice), began when a young seeker named So-o arrived at the mountain monastery at the age of 15. So-o’s daily practices involved encircling Mt. Hiei, and offering daily prayers along the way. So-o practiced a type of Buddhism where he recognized all of nature as manifestations of Buddha. As the story goes, one day along his walk he was enraptured with the image of Buddha near a waterfall. Seeking to merge with the One, he dove into the falls but along the way he hit a log in the water. So-o pulled the log out of the water and carved the image of Fudo Myoo, which is still a venerated spot on today’s course. After his leap into the falls, So-o continued to build a number of monasteries on Mt. Hiei, which became the residence and inspiration for numerous Marathon Monks over the years. The Marathon Monks’ quest is to serve Buddha through many duties but they are best known for their great spiritual effort and perseverance in ascetic practices. In particular a form of asceticism whereby the monks meditate on Fudo Myoo, chant his mantra and circumambulate a sacred mountain for many days in a row. Part of Tendai Buddhism's teaching is that enlightenment can be attained in the current life. It is through the process of selfless service and devotion that this can be achieved, and the kaihōgyō is seen as the ultimate expression of this desire. By the end of the practice the monks have achieved a form of identification with the emanation of Buddha known as Fudo Myoo. There are many serving priests at the temple on Mt. Hiei, but very few of them have completed the 1,000-day kaihōgyō. Abbots of Mt. Hiei temple must complete 100-days of kaihōgyō. 1,000 day practice is an uncommon and specialized area of both ascetic and esoteric disciplines. -2- The selection process for the kaihōgyō is after the first 100 days of practice, the monk will petition the senior monks to complete the remaining 900 days. In the first 100 days, withdrawal from the challenge is possible, but from day 101 onwards the monk is no longer allowed to withdraw; historically he must either complete the course or take his own life. Altogether there have been forty-six 1,000 day marathons since 1885. Two monks completed two full terms, one died (on purpose) on the 2,500th day of practice, and one, Okuno Genjun, did three full terms but without actually running each day during the third term. The majority of the marathon monks were in their vigorous thirties, while the oldest, Sakai, completed day 2,000 when he was sixty-one years old. The number of monks who died or committed suicide on route is not known, but the path is lined with unmarked graved of gyoja who have been killed in action. No one has expired in recent memory during the 1,000 day marathon, but at least three monks perished in the nineteenth century. In past times, in order to qualify as a runner, a trainee first had to master seated meditation. Much emphasis was placed on breath control and visualization techniques – for example, imagining one’s body to be as light as a feather. After acquiring good breath control, a novice was instructed to practice in the evening by fixing his gaze intently on a single star as he ran and coordinating his pace with a secret mantra given to him by his teacher. The runner must keep his eyes fixed on the star (or some other equally distant object) and never allow himself to be distracted. Once runners attained the proper level of moving meditation, they could fly like the wind, virtually gliding along in the air in a state of deepest contemplation. The marathon monks of Mount Hiei achieve similar results with their training methods, but the secret of their success lies in their spiritual rather than their physical strength. This spiritual strength – derived from the desire to realize Buddhahood, for the sake of oneself and the sake of others, in this very mind and body – is the key to the question “What makes the marathon monks run?” -3- There are many aspects to the kaihōgyō, but the main portion of walking meditation can be broken down into the following sections: The Runs The ultimate achievement is the completion of the 1,000-day challenge, which would rank among the most demanding physical and mental challenges in the world. Only 46 men have completed the 1,000-day challenge since 1885. Of these, three people have completed the circuit twice, most recently Yūsai Sakai, (1926–2013)), who first went from 1973 to 1980 and then, after a half year pause, went again, finishing his second round in 1987 at age 60. The kaihōgyō takes seven years to complete, as the monks must undergo other Buddhist training in meditation and calligraphy, and perform general duties within the temple. They are required to spend 12 years total on Mt. Hiei and includes vows of lifelong celibacy and sobriety in the spirit of renunciation. The walks are divided into 100-day sections as follows: 1st year: 100 consecutive days of 25 mile runs, beginning at 1:30 a.m., each day after an hour of prayer. 2nd year: 100 consecutive days of 25 mile runs. 3rd year: 100 consecutive days of 25 mile runs. 4th year: 100 consecutive days of 25 mile runs - performed twice for a total of 200 days. 5th year: 100 consecutive days of 25 mile runs - performed twice for a total of 200 days. 6th year: 100 consecutive days of 37.5 mile runs 7th year: 100 consecutive days of 52 mile runs and 100 consecutive days of 25 mile runs. -4- Before beginning kaihōgyō, the monks have 1 week of training in which they are shown the course by a senior monk, and given a book that contains maps of the course and a description of the mantras to say at sacred locations. Author John Stevens, in his book, The Marathon Monks of Mount Hiei, describes the long distance walking style which dates back over a thousand years: "Eyes focused about 100 feet ahead while moving in a steady rhythm, keeping the head level, the shoulders relaxed, the back straight, and the nose aligned with the navel." The basic rules are as follows: During the walk the robe and hat may not be removed. No deviation from the appointed course. No stopping for rest or refreshment. All required services, prayers, and chants must be correctly performed. No smoking or drinking. The attire of the monk is very simple. The monks wear white cloth pants and robe, a straw hat, and straw sandals. Along with the book and the clothes, the monk carries a knife and rope which is to be used for disembowelment if the course cannot be completed. By demanding the ultimate consequence if the sadhana is not completed, each run becomes a confrontation with death. There is no sleeping in or missing a day, because to do so means death. Stevens writes, “Around the waist goes the ‘cord of death’, with a sheathed knife tucked inside; these two accessories remind the gyoja of his duty to take his life – by either hanging or self-disembowelment – if he fails to complete any part of the practice. This is the reason the gyoja is dressed in white – the color of death – rather than basic Buddhist black. A small bag to hold the handbook, a sutra book, two candles, and matches is hung over the right shoulder. The gyoja carries his rosary in his left hand.” -5- The monks wake every day at 12:00 A.M., and after an hour of prayer, they begin their daily pilgrimage at 1:30 a.m. Throughout the night they run and pray, stopping at different stations along the way to recite prayers and perform ritual chants. Upon completion of each day's marathon, the monks perform chores such as cleaning the temple and they continue to pray throughout the day, until retiring at 8:00 or 9:00 p.m. The ritual begins again a few hours later. If at any time the monk finds himself physically or mentally unable to complete the 100-day ritual, he is duty- bound to commit suicide by hanging himself with the belt from his robe or through ritual disembowelment. Stevens reports: Marathon monks must get by on a minimum of sleep; consequently, they become expert cat-nappers, catching a few winks while waiting for traffic lights to change or at other lulls in their daily schedules. The monks learn to sleep sitting or even standing up, and most in fact prefer not to lie down to nap because that confuses their sense of time. Unsure of the correct hour, monks sometimes leap up from a mid-day nap, jump into their outfits, and race out of the temple. While on the road, they develop the faculty to rest different sections of the body as they move along – “Now I am resting my shoulders, now I am resting my hips, now I am resting my knees,” and so on.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Representations of Pleasure and Worship in Sankei Mandara Talia J
    Mapping Sacred Spaces: Representations of Pleasure and Worship in Sankei mandara Talia J. Andrei Submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Columbia University 2016 © 2016 Talia J.Andrei All rights reserved Abstract Mapping Sacred Spaces: Representations of Pleasure and Worship in Sankei Mandara Talia J. Andrei This dissertation examines the historical and artistic circumstances behind the emergence in late medieval Japan of a short-lived genre of painting referred to as sankei mandara (pilgrimage mandalas). The paintings are large-scale topographical depictions of sacred sites and served as promotional material for temples and shrines in need of financial support to encourage pilgrimage, offering travelers worldly and spiritual benefits while inspiring them to donate liberally. Itinerant monks and nuns used the mandara in recitation performances (etoki) to lead audiences on virtual pilgrimages, decoding the pictorial clues and touting the benefits of the site shown. Addressing themselves to the newly risen commoner class following the collapse of the aristocratic order, sankei mandara depict commoners in the role of patron and pilgrim, the first instance of them being portrayed this way, alongside warriors and aristocrats as they make their way to the sites, enjoying the local delights, and worship on the sacred grounds. Together with the novel subject material, a new artistic language was created— schematic, colorful and bold. We begin by locating sankei mandara’s artistic roots and influences and then proceed to investigate the individual mandara devoted to three sacred sites: Mt. Fuji, Kiyomizudera and Ise Shrine (a sacred mountain, temple and shrine, respectively).
    [Show full text]
  • Prayer on Mount Hiei
    Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) EXCERPTS FROM SELECTED WRITINGS BY SAICHŌ: “PRAYER ON MOUNT HIEI” “ON THE POSSIBILITY OF ENLIGHTENMENT FOR ALL MEN” “VOW OF THE UNINTERRUPTED STUDY OF THE LOTUS SŪTRA” “THE MAHAYANA PRECEPTS IN ADMONITIONS OF THE FANWANG SŪTRA” Introduction Saichō (767‐822), posthumously titled Dengyō Daishi, was the founder of the Tendai School in Japan, which became the most prominent branch of Buddhism throughout the Heian period. Saichō learned of the Chinese Tiantai teachings during his trip to China in 804. After returning to Japan, he founded the Enryakuji temple on Mt. Hiei near Kyoto. At that point, the main Buddhist rituals were shifted from being performed at Todaiji in Nara, which followed the Vinaya (Hīnayāna) precepts, to Enryakuji, which adhered strictly to the Bodhisattva (Mahāyāna) precepts. Saichō also wrote important doctrinal commentaries on the Lotus Sūtra. Document Excerpts with Questions From Sources of Japanese Tradition, compiled by Wm. Theodore de Bary, Donald Keene, George Tanabe, and Paul Varley, 2nd ed., vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 125, 129, 140, 142‐144. © 2001 Columbia University Press. Reproduced with the permission of the publisher. All rights reserved. Excerpts from Selected Writings by Saichō “Prayer on Mount Hiei” Oh Buddhas Of unexcelled complete enlightenment Bestow your invisible aid Upon this hut I open On the mountain top. [Dengyō Daishi zenshū IV, p. 756 (1912 ed.)] “On the Possibility of Enlightenment for All Men” In the lotus‑flower is implicit its emergence from the water. If it does not emerge, its blossoms will not open: in the emergence is implicit the blossoming.
    [Show full text]
  • Slide 36. Introduction of Miwa Deity to Mt. Hiei
    Footnote Slide 36. Condensed Visual Classroom Guide to Daikokuten Iconography in Japan. Copyright Mark Schumacher, 2017. INTRODUCTION OF MIWA DEITY TO MT. HIEI Scholars generally assume the Miwa deity (aka Ōmononushi, aka Ōnamuchi) was introduced to Mt. Hiei during the reign of Tenji 天智天皇 (r. 626–71). The prevailing view is that the Miwa deity was “invited” to Mt. Hiei around 663-667 CE, when Tenji moved his court out of the Yamato basin to the more secluded site of Ōtsu 大津 (near Mt. Hiei). In 667 CE, Tenji’s new palace was built just five kilometers south of Mt. Hiei. Before the court’s move to Ōtsu, one of the most important sites of court kami worship was Mt. Miwa, located on the eastern edge of the Yamato plain. The Miwa deity hailed from Mt. Miwa and was perhaps Japan’s most powerful kami in those days. It is therefore “reasonable” to assume the Miwa deity was “invited” by Tenji’s court to reside near the new capital in Ōtsu. NONETHELESS, it is impossible to say with certainty if the Miwa deity was installed at Mt. Hiei between 663-667 CE. It is safer to say the Miwa deity was “imported” to Mt. Hiei sometime in the 7th or 8th centuries (probably before the Nara era). Saichō 最澄 (767-822), founder of Hiei’s shrine-temple multiplex, was certainly aware of the Miwa deity and actively venerated it. • Writes Meri Arichi in Seven Stars of Heaven and Seven Shrines on Earth: The Big Dipper and the Hie Shrine in the Medieval Period, quote from pp.
    [Show full text]
  • From the City to the Mountain and Back Again: Situating Contemporary Shugendô in Japanese Social and Religious Life
    From the City to the Mountain and Back Again: Situating Contemporary Shugendô in Japanese Social and Religious Life Mark Patrick McGuire A Thesis In The Department of Religion Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada April 2013 Mark Patrick McGuire, 2013 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Mark Patrick McGuire Entitled: From the City to the Mountain and Back Again: Situating Contemporary Shugendô in Japanese Social and Religious Life and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Religion) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Chair Dr. V. Penhune External Examiner Dr. B. Ambros External to Program Dr. S. Ikeda Examiner Dr. N. Joseph Examiner Dr. M. Penny Thesis Supervisor Dr. M. Desjardins Approved by Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director Dr. S. Hatley, Graduate Program Director April 15, 2013 Dr. B. Lewis, Dean, Faculty of Arts and Science ABSTRACT From the City to the Mountain and Back Again: Situating Contemporary Shugendô in Japanese Social and Religious Life Mark Patrick McGuire, Ph.D. Concordia University, 2013 This thesis examines mountain ascetic training practices in Japan known as Shugendô (The Way to Acquire Power) from the 1980s to the present. Focus is given to the dynamic interplay between two complementary movements: 1) the creative process whereby charismatic, media-savvy priests in the Kii Peninsula (south of Kyoto) have re-invented traditional practices and training spaces to attract and satisfy the needs of diverse urban lay practitioners, and 2) the myriad ways diverse urban ascetic householders integrate lessons learned from mountain austerities in their daily lives in Tokyo and Osaka.
    [Show full text]
  • Alma M. Karlin's Visits to Temples and Shrines in Japan
    ALMA M. KARLIN’S VISITS TO TEMPLES AND SHRINES IN JAPAN Chikako Shigemori Bučar Introduction Alma M. Karlin (1889-1950), born in Celje, went on a journey around the world between 1919 and 1928, and stayed in Japan for a lit- tle more than a year, from June 1922 to July 1923. There is a large col- lection of postcards from her journey archived in the Regional Museum of Celje. Among them are quite a number of postcards from Japan (528 pieces), and among these, about 100 of temples and shrines, including tombs of emperors and other historical persons - i.e., postcards related to religions and folk traditions of Japan. Karlin almost always wrote on the reverse of these postcards some lines of explanation about each picture in German. On the other hand, the Japanese part of her trav- elogue is very short, only about 40 pages of 700. (Einsame Weltreise / Im Banne der Südsee, both published in Germany in 1930). In order to understand Alma Karlin’s observation and interpretation of matters related to religions in Japan and beliefs of Japanese people, we depend on her memos on the postcards and her rather subjective impressions in her travelogue. This paper presents facts on the religious sights which Karlin is thought to have visited, and an analysis of Karlin’s understand- ing and interpretation of the Japanese religious life based on her memos on the postcards and the Japanese part of her travelogue. In the following section, Alma Karlin and her journey around the world are briefly presented, with a specific focus on the year of her stay in Japan, 1922-1923.
    [Show full text]
  • Slide 34. Ebisu Notebook
    Ebisu Notebook. Slide 34, Condensed Visual Classroom Guide to Daikokuten Iconography in Japan. Copyright Mark Schumacher, 2017. In a PMJS posting (10/23/2015), Prof. Raji C. Steineck writes: “Sometime in the medieval period, Ebisu became associated with Izanagi and Izanami's abandoned child Hiruko. There seems to be a story that Hiruko spent time at the palace of the Dragon king, where he transformed into Ebisu. But the literature I've perused so far doesn't mention a source for that myth. Should any of you have come across a pertinent primary source, please do let me know. Ebisu Origins Ebisu Origins Ebisu Origins Bernhard Scheid (Vienna University) writes: One place to begin would be David B. Waterhouse (Toronto University.) writes: Ebisu was Iwai Hiroshi (Kokugakuin University) writes: The Ebisu Shinkō Jiten えびす信仰事典, 1999. I used it partly for my originally the tutelary god of the Nishinomiya Jinja in Settsu, and common practice of enshrining Daikoku and introductory article on Ebisu. There is also an informative online article by from Kamakura times was honoured as a protector of those Ebisu together was already observed from that Darren Ashmore, which contains a modern version of the Ebisu legend of who travel in boats. Worship of him spread to major shrines and period (late Muromachi); the practice originated Nishinomiya Shrine (stronghold of Ebisu worship) in a long footnote. to Buddhist monasteries as well; and through a series of in the fact that the main object of worship identifications he came to be worshipped also by military men. (saijin 祭神) at the Nishinomiya Shrine was It seems quite clear that most Ebisu lore including the Hiruko connection One of these identifications involved the Shintō god Ōkuninushi- Ebisu Saburō, a figure who, however, was can be traced back to the Nishinomiya Shrine probably in the late Heian no-mikoto… who was taken to be ultimately the same as simultaneously identified with Ōkuninushi no period.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of the Japanese People
    A History of the Japanese People Frank Brinkley A History of the Japanese People Table of Contents A History of the Japanese People......................................................................................................................1 Frank Brinkley.........................................................................................................................................2 FOREWORD...........................................................................................................................................4 AUTHOR'S PREFACE...........................................................................................................................5 CHAPTER I. THE HISTORIOGRAPHER'S ART IN OLD JAPAN.....................................................8 CHAPTER II. JAPANESE MYTHOLOGY.........................................................................................13 CHAPTER III. JAPANESE MYTHOLOGY (Continued)....................................................................20 CHAPTER IV. RATIONALIZATION.................................................................................................29 CHAPTER V. ORIGIN OF THE JAPANESE NATION: HISTORICAL EVIDENCES.....................34 CHAPTER VI. ORIGIN OF THE NATION: GEOGRAPHICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL RELICS.................................................................................................................................................42 CHAPTER VII. LANGUAGE AND PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS...........................................50
    [Show full text]
  • The Development of Kaji Kito in Nichiren Shu Buddhism Kyomi J
    The Development of Kaji Kito in Nichiren Shu Buddhism Kyomi J. Igarashi Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in Religion April 2012 Copyright 2012 Kyomi J. Igarashi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank Professor Kodera for his guidance and all that he has taught me throughout my four years at Wellesley College. I could not have written this thesis or taken on this topic of my interest without his encouragement and words of advice. I would like to acknowledge the Religion Department for funding me on my trip to Japan in December 2011 to do research for my thesis. I would also like to thank Reverend Ekyo Tsuchida for his great assistance and dedication during my trip to Japan in finding important information and setting up interviews for me, without which I could not have written this thesis. I am forever grateful for your kindness. I express my gratitude to Reverend Ryotoku Miyagawa, Professor Akira Masaki and Professor Daijo Takamori for kindly offering their expertise and advice as well as relevant sources used in this thesis. I would also like to acknowledge Reverend Honyo Okuno for providing me with important sources as well as giving me the opportunity to observe the special treasures exhibited at the Kuonji Temple in Mount. Minobu. Last but not least, I would like to extend my appreciation to my father, mother and younger brother who have always supported me in all my decisions and endeavors. Thank you for the support that you have given me. ii ABSTRACT While the historical and religious roots of kaji kito (“ritual prayer”) lay in Indian and Chinese Esoteric Buddhist practices, the most direct influence of kaji kito in Nichiren Shu Buddhism, a Japanese Buddhist sect founded by the Buddhist monk, Nichiren (1222-1282), comes from Shingon and Tendai Buddhism, two traditions that precede Nichiren’s time.
    [Show full text]
  • 479. Kuroda Toshio
    Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1996 23/3–4 The World of Spirit Pacification Issues of State and Religion KURODA Toshio Translated by Allan GRAPARD This essay examines the role of “spirit paci³cation” (chinkon) in Japanese history, focusing on developments in the medieval period. It begins with a historical sketch of the cults of vengeful spirits (goryõ), examines how the exoteric-esoteric system (kenmitsu taisei) managed these cults, and con- cludes with comments on the relevance of this topic with regard to Shinto in contemporary Japan and the “Yasukuni Problem.” RECENT YEARS HAVE SEEN the rapid buildup of a political movement to grant state support once again to Yasukuni Shrine, which since Japan’s defeat in World War II has survived as a publically supported “legal religious entity.” It has been reported that a “National Day of Mourning for the War Dead” might be enacted in the near future as the ³rst step toward realizing this objective. The movement toward state support for Yasukuni Shrine did not originate in the recent past, of course, for it was already a part of the early efforts to restore State Shinto shortly after the World War II defeat, even before the so-called “Reactionary Course” had begun. This is not to say, however, that the movement has remained in its original rather anachronistic and reactionary form, for over the years it has gradually been tailored to take on a more important function (MIYAJI 1981), and now forms an inseparable part of policies aimed at fostering popular “enthusiasm, through cooperative efforts, for pro- tecting the nation in the eventuality of a national emergency” (White Paper on Defense, 1981).
    [Show full text]
  • The World of Spirit Pacification Issues of State and Religion
    Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1996 23/3-4 The World of Spirit Pacification Issues of State and Religion Kuroda Toshio Translated by Allan G rapard This essay examines the role of “spirit pacification” (chinkon) in Japanese history, focusing on developments in the medieval period. It begins with a historical sketch of the cults of vengeful spirits (goryo), examines how the exoteric-esoteric system (kenmitsu taisei) managed these cults, and con­ cludes with comments on the relevance of this topic with regard to Shinto in contemporary Japan and the “Yasukuni Problem. ” Recent years have seen the rapid buildup of a political movement to grant state support once aeain to Yasukuni Shrine, which since Japan’s defeat in World War II has survived as a publically supported “legal religious entity•” It has been reported that a “National Day of Mourning for the War Dead” might be enacted in the near future as the first step toward realizing this objective. The movement toward state support for Yasukuni Shrine did not originate in the recent past, of course, for it was already a part of the early efforts to restore State Shinto shortly after the World War II defeat, even before the so-called “Reactionary Course” had begun. This is not to say, however, that the movement has remained in its original rather anachronistic and reactionary form, for over the years it has gradually been tailored to take on a more important function (Miyaji 1981)，and now forms an inseparable part of policies aimed at fostering popular “enthusiasm，through cooperative efforts, for pro­ tecting the nation in the eventuality of a national emergency55 (White Paper on Defense, 1981).
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright 2017 Makoto Kondo
    THE NEW POSSIBILITY OF MISSION IN JAPAN A dissertation by Makoto Kondo presented to The Faculty of the Pacific School of Religion in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Ministry Berkeley, California April 2017 Copyright 2017 Makoto Kondo Committee Members: Randi Walker, DMin, PhD, Coordinator Hung Pham, S.J., S.T.D., Member Robert M. Fukada, DMin, Member Abstract THE NEW POSSIBILITY OF MISSION IN JAPAN by Makoto Kondo It is a fact that the numbers of Christians still remain to be less than only 1% of the whole population of Japan even today. Are there any possibilities for Christian mission in Japan today and in the future, even when people have been losing interest in any religion? In Japan, for more than 400 years from Francisco Xavier up to now, numberless missionaries and pastors have been making every effort to propagate the gospel messages, taking it as an absolute ‘must’ for their missionary activities. Most of them tried to carry out their mission with their own traditional method. As a result, there occurred almost necessarily some sorts of cultural and religious frictions among others throughout history. It is very interesting to know that Christianity in Japan had never been nationalized in Copyright 2017 Makoto Kondo history, though having been very often tempted to become a national religion. In my research project, I tried to trace out the acceptance history of Christianity in Japan, while keeping it in my mind to investigate the most important and basic themes, such as ‘What is Christian mission?’ or ‘How could it be possible for us missionaries and pastors in Japan to serve the churches and anywhere else as true bearers of Christian mission in the present context?’ While pursuing my research project, it became clear at least that the i statistic ratio of the Christian population in Japan does not necessarily lead to any conclusion as to whether Christian mission in Japan resulted in success or failure.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded 4.0 License
    Journal of Religion in Japan 9 (2020) 213–247 brill.com/jrj Encounters with the Past Fractals and Atmospheres at Kasuga Wakamiya Onmatsuri Andrea Giolai Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract Kasuga Wakamiya Onmatsuri is an important local festival celebrated every winter in Nara. While the festival has been analyzed from the point of view of its relations with religious institutions such as Kasuga Taisha and Kōfukuji, to date less attention has been paid to its historical transformations. Countering linear narratives that tend to portray it as largely unchanged since its inception, this article combines ethnogra- phy, historiography, and religious studies to provide a more multivocal analysis of the Onmatsuri. After an overview of its main celebrations, the article revisits the origins of the festival, describes the ontological multiplicity of its deities, and analyzes material elements that concur to its “fractal” features. Showing how these heterogeneous ele- ments generate a diffuse “atmosphere of the past,” this study discusses practitioners’ accounts of ritual participation, as well as the relationship between ideological recon- structions of the past and material embodiments of religious symbols. Keywords Kasuga Wakamiya Onmatsuri – Nara – gagaku – material religion – atmosphere 1 Introduction Every December, the amateur group Nanto Gakuso 南都楽所 takes part in Nara’s Kasuga Wakamiya Onmatsuri 春日若宮おん祭, a large festival familiarly known as “Onmatsuri” or simply “the matsuri.”1 Throughout its celebrations, 1 On- is an alternative reading of the honorific character 御. Sources up to the encyclopaedic © andrea giolai, 2020 | doi:10.1163/22118349-00901002 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NCDownloaded 4.0 license.
    [Show full text]