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Bilateralism and Peaceful Resolution of Conflicts in Africa: Cameroon’S Diplomacy During the Bakassi Peninsula Dispute

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Bilateralism and Peaceful Resolution of Conflicts in Africa: Cameroon’S Diplomacy During the Bakassi Peninsula Dispute AFRICA INSTITUTE OF SOUTH AFRICA BriefinG NO 45 MARCH 2011 Bilateralism and Peaceful Resolution of Conflicts in Africa: Cameroon’s Diplomacy during the Bakassi Peninsula Dispute Nicasius Achu Check The foreign policy-making processes in Cameroon are highly personalised matters and have been dominated by the governing style and personality of Presidents Amadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya, respectively. Bilateralism appeared to be Cameroon’s preferred diplomatic interaction following independence but it somehow adopted a more open, multilateral and aggressive diplomatic overture within the international arena under the Biya regime to argue for its con- tinued possession of the Bakassi Peninsula. This policy brief examines Cameroon’s diplomacy towards Nigeria during the Bakassi Peninsula crisis. When Nigeria disputed Cameroon’s own- ership of the peninsula, she sought the assistance and arbitration of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague. This was in sharp contrast to its prior non-contentious, low-profile approach in its international engagements. Though Cameroon has previously provided two successive Secretary-Generals of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), she has assumed a more subdued and subtle approach in multilateral organisations. The policy brief focuses on Cameroon’s sudden change in diplomatic engagement and attributes such change to the perceived threat of Nigeria over its sovereignty on the Bakassi Peninsula. Keywords: Cameroon, Bakassi Peninsula, Bilateralism, Nigeria, Diplomacy Nicasius Achu Check is a Research Specialist: Peace and Security at the Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA). © Africa Institute of South Africa AISA POLICYbrief Number 45 – March 2011 1 Introduction Commonwealth. Yet, departing from this strong diplomatic standpoint, Cameroon’s diplomacy can Cameroon became a German protectorate in 1884 best be described as a double diplomatic absence after Gustav Nactigal signed annexation treaties as no indelible mark was made within these im- over littoral Cameroon with the Kings of Duala portant diplomatic fora.1 Several reasons have and Akwa. Prior to 1884, the territory was a vast been put forward in order to justify Cameroon’s expanse of land inhabited by centralised and seg- lacklustre diplomatic presence, one being its re- mented polities. Portuguese, French and British current border dispute with Nigeria. merchants had over the years established trading Despite this understanding, it is important posts along its coastline. By 1858 Alfred Saker, to note that transborder incursions and territo- a British missionary, had crossed into Cameroon rial litigation became common occurrences among from Fernando Po and landed on the foot of Mount African states soon after independence in 1960. Cameroon and founded Victoria, to-day known The same could be said of the territorial claims as Limbe. An official British envoy was sent to between the Republic of Cameroon and the Federal sign annexation treaties with the Kings of the Republic of Nigeria, since both countries gained Bimbia; unfortunately he arrived just days after independence in 1960.2 The claims and counter- the Germans had established a foothold in the claims by both these countries on certain areas territory. However, the German pacification of the along their common boundary are also informed territory continued and an effective implantation by the fact that boundary litigation was a fairly of German colonial administration was completed new concept in Africa geo-political thinking in only by 1908, after the capture of Mora in the far the 1960s. Though the Berlin Africa Conference northern tip of the territory and the erection of a of 1884–85 had arrived at a tacit understanding German garrison there. Soon thereafter, the First that colonial boundaries should be respected, no World War broke out in Europe and the territory recourse was discussed to ensure that colonial was attacked by British and French troops from boundaries take into account ethnic and natural Nigeria and French Equatorial Africa, respectively. geographical realities on the ground. Colonial By 1916 the German forces in Cameroon had been boundaries in Africa therefore did not take into defeated and an Anglo-French condominium was cognisance natural boundaries such as rivers, eth- established in the territory. The condominium nic borders, mountains or forests, as the case may failed and the territory was divided along Milner/ be. Boundaries were drawn based on the economic Simon line. The agreement between the British value of the area and on the whims and caprices and the French stipulated that one-third of the of the coloniser.3 One of the fundamental ques- territory would be given to the British and admin- tions that beset the newly formed Organisation istered as part of the eastern region of Nigeria. of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 was how to lessen The balance of three-quarters would be given to the propensity of African states to take up arms the French and administered as part of French against one another across their common border. Equatorial Africa. This ad hoc arrangement was It was agreed that all colonial boundaries should formalised by the League of Nations in 1923 as the be respected and should form part of international territories were handed to the British and French law. This OAU standpoint was informed amongst as East and West Cameroon Mandated Territories. others by the squabbles between Cameroon and After the creation of the United Nations in 1945, Nigeria, Libya and Chad over the Aouzou strip, the two territories were again entrusted to Britain the Mali/Mauritania border crisis and the Nigeria/ and France as UN Trusteeships in 1946. The Benin dispute over fishery enclaves. French part achieved independence on 1 January Despite these territorial claims, areas that 1960, whereas the British-controlled section was have shown potential for natural resources and granted autonomy through the 11 February 1961 economic growth have seen greater efforts by one plebiscite. The two territories became the Federal country to forcibly establish sovereignty over such Republic of Cameroon on 1 October 1961, after the areas at the expense of another country. Within promulgation of the federal constitution by the the realm of the Cameroon/Nigeria border skir- joint House of Assemblies. mishes, the crisis was exacerbated by the hitherto When the Cameroon Federation was created, unexplored high potential of crude oil deposits it portrayed itself as an embodiment of unity in and multinational oil companies showing consid- diversity, in the pursuance of an African-based erable interest in the area.4 non-aligned diplomacy. The dual-cultural back- The rapidly expanding economies of the West ground meant Cameroon would find favour in and a waning supply of oil amid a continuing both the French community and the British Middle East crisis, mean that African oil deposits 2 AISA POLICYbrief Number 45– March 2011 © Africa Institute of South Africa offer a significant alternative to the erstwhile Cameroon established diplomatic and trade rela- ‘traditional’ oil supply route. The increasing ex- tions in the early 1960s. However, for a number pansion of the Nigerian economy has created an of years relations between the two countries were enormous appetite for oil, which to a large extent strained over issues relating to their 1 600 kilo- may provide a strong incentive to acquire territo- metre boundary, extending from Lake Chad to the ries with such potential. Bakassi Pensinsula. Amongst the issues involved The purpose of the policy brief is to examine are the rights over the oil-rich land and sea re- Cameroon’s diplomatic overtures towards Nigeria serves, and the fate of the local populations.7 as a result of her quarrel with the latter over the After the 2002 International Court of Justice Bakassi Peninsula. It departs from the assump- (ICJ) verdict ceding the territory to Cameroon, the tion that the sheer weight of Nigeria’s diplomatic UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, established a presence on the continent may have influenced Mixed Commission comprising representatives of Cameroon’s approach to seek an international ar- Cameroon, Nigeria and the UN ‘to consider ways biter in order to resolve the crisis. of following up on the ICJ ruling and moving the process forward’.8 The commission was chaired by the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for West Cameroon’s Bilateral Diplomacy with Africa, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah. The Cameroon Nigeria delegation was led by Amadou Ali, Cameroon Minister of Justice and the Nigerian delegation by The foreign policy-making processes in Cameroon Prince Bola Ajibola, former Minister of Justice. The are a highly personalised matter and have been Mixed Commission’s mandate covered the follow- dominated by the governing style and personal- ing areas: ity of Presidents Amadou Ahidjo and Paul Biya, respectively. Both have had far-reaching impact on ● Demarcation of the land boundary between the Cameroon diplomacy and have been at the centre two countries of whether Cameroon diplomacy is aggressive or ● Withdrawal of civil administration, military passive on certain fundamental international and police forces and transfer of authority in issues that Cameroon holds dear. Governed by relevant areas along the boundary both presidents, Cameroon has engaged in a non- ● The eventual demilitarisation of the Bakassi contentious, low-profile approach in international Peninsula gatherings. Within international fora, Cameroon ● The need to protect the
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