Kasselstrand2014.Pdf

This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. “Tell the Minister Not to Talk About God:” A Comparative Study of Secularisation in Protestant Europe Isabella Kasselstrand PhD in Sociology The University of Edinburgh 2013 2 Declaration This is to certify that the work contained within this thesis has been composed by me and is entirely my own work. No part of this thesis has been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. Isabella Kasselstrand 3 4 Abstract Secularisation is at the centre of a vibrant debate in the sociology of religion. In the last two decades, literature has started to challenge old predictions and interpretations of the future of religion, but few studies present a detailed contextual examination of religious change in contemporary societies. Offering a comparative analysis of Scotland and Sweden, two nations in the relatively secularised Northern Europe, this thesis argues that diverse historical and political trajectories shape distinct patterns of religious beliefs and practices. Scotland and Sweden are two secularising nations characterised by historically dominant Protestant churches, but which nonetheless differ largely in their experiences of religious decline. In order to discern and differentiate key aspects of religious change in each nation as well as to explore contextual meanings of religion, a mixed methods approach was adopted, comprised of secondary quantitative data analysis as well as in-depth interviews. Data analysis identified and highlighted broader patterns and individual understandings of religious beliefs as well as three dimensions of religious belonging: church attendance, religious identification and membership, and participation in rituals. Results show that on measures of religious beliefs and church attendance, Sweden appears further secularised than Scotland. Arguably, Sweden has seen rapid and relatively early secularisation, with important social structural and political changes that occurred in the second half of the 19th century. With noticeable generational differences, data on Scotland point towards the mid-20th century as a crucial time of religious decline. Additionally, the remaining functions of the national churches differ considerably in the two nations. A majority of Swedes identify with the Church of Sweden, which serves a largely secular purpose as part of a cultural heritage and as a provider of life cycle ceremonies. By contrast, the Church of Scotland has maintained a stronger commitment to religious doctrine in a nation that is more religiously diverse. The findings ultimately draw attention to the importance of context in the study of diverse and complex processes of religious change. As a result, they reveal limitations to attempts in the contemporary sociology of religion set out to generalise and dichotomise European trends of religious belief and belonging. 5 6 Acknowledgements I am very thankful for all the people who have supported me before and during this PhD. Without them, this thesis would not have been possible. First and foremost, I want to thank Michael Rosie and Barbara Bompani, the best supervisors I could have asked for. I am incredibly grateful for all the time and effort they have devoted to guiding me through this process. Their continuous encouragement and thoughtful feedback have been invaluable. I also want to say thank you to Phil Zuckerman and Lindsay Paterson, who served as examiners for this thesis. I am so appreciative of their encouraging remarks and helpful advice. The initial steps on this journey were taken before I arrived to Edinburgh. I would like to express my gratitude to the faculty members at California State University, Bakersfield who have helped me along the way. I am especially indebted to Oliver Rink for inspiring me to pursue a career in academia, to Alem Kebede for his ever- present enthusiasm, support, and advice over the last six years, and to Vandana Kohli for challenging me to strive beyond any goals I had set for myself. During my time in Edinburgh, I am fortunate to have met a number of PhD students who have since become close friends. As a fellow first time mother in 2011, Kerstin Maier Barcroft has been a source of support and motivation through the challenging experience of juggling motherhood with a PhD. Additionally, I would like to give special thanks to my great friend and colleague, Mor Kandlik Eltanani. She has been there for me in so many ways both professionally and personally with daily discussions, honest feedback, and successful collaboration on various projects. I owe thanks to all participants for taking part in my research and to Kristin Pousette and everyone else who helped me recruit interviewees. I do not know what I would have done without their kind help. Furthermore, this process was facilitated by a tuition fee scholarship and a conference grant from the School of Social and Political Science at the University of Edinburgh. I am lucky to have the support of my amazing friends and family. Thank you to my dad for his belief in me and for sharing a competitive spirit by never letting me win without a fight. To my mum whose love and care help me through trying times, and to my farmor who was always there for me. Thank you also to farfar, to all my friends, and to my American family. There are not words to describe the love and encouragement I receive from my husband Derek. This thesis is as much a result of his hard work as it is of my own. I would not have been able to pursue my dream without his commitment to our family. Finally, this thesis is dedicated to our two wonderful girls, Josefine and Matilda, who are my daily reminders of the importance of perseverance. 7 8 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 13 1.1 Introduction 13 1.2 The Research Problem 14 1.2.1 Secularisation in Europe? 14 1.2.2 A Secularising Church? 15 1.3 Contexts of Study 16 1.3.1 Protestant Europe 16 1.3.2 Scotland and Sweden 18 1.4 Thesis Outline 19 Chapter 2: Contextual Background 23 2.1 Introduction 23 2.2 Protestantism and Secularisation 23 2.3 Sweden 27 2.3.1 The Early Christian Period 27 2.3.2 The Reformation in Sweden 28 2.3.3 The Church of Sweden in the 17th-19th Century 29 2.3.4 Industrialisation and Social Change 32 2.3.5 The Church and the Welfare State 33 2.3.6 The Church of Sweden 1960-2000 36 2.3.7 Disestablishment of the State Church 38 2.4 Scotland 41 2.4.1 Religion in Scotland Pre-Reformation 41 2.4.2 The Reformation in Scotland 42 2.4.3 The Struggle for Presbyterianism 43 2.4.4 Divisions within the Presbyterian Church 45 2.4.5 Increasing Religious Diversity 46 2.4.6 Unification of Scottish Presbyterianism 47 2.4.7 Religion in Scotland at a Time of Social Change 48 2.4.8 Religion in Scotland since 1950 51 2.4.9 Religion in Scotland Today 53 2.5 Conclusion 54 Chapter 3: Theories and Concepts 57 3.1 Introduction 57 3.2 Definitions of Religion and Religiosity 58 3.2.1 Defining Religion 58 3.2.2 Dimensions of Religiosity 60 3.3 Secularisation Theories 62 3.3.1 Defining Secularisation 62 3.3.2 Classical Secularisation Theory 64 3.3.3 Criticisms of Secularisation Theory 66 3.4 Believing and Belonging 68 3.4.1 Davie’s Typology 68 3.4.2 Conceptualising Believing and Belonging 69 3.4.3 Non-Belief and Atheism 70 3.5 Theory of the Religious Economy 71 3.5.1 Definition 71 3.5.2 Pluralism and Religious Vitality 72 9 3.5.3 Europe and the Theory of the Religious Economy 74 3.6 Religion and Security 75 3.6.1 Deprivation Theory 75 3.6.2 Social Security 76 3.6.3 Welfare Spending 77 3.7 Religion, Culture, and Society 79 3.7.1 Religion, Society, and Nation 79 3.7.2 Religion, Nation, and National Identity 80 3.7.3 Cultural Religion 83 3.8 Religion and Community 85 3.8.1 Cultural Defence 85 3.8.2 Religion and Social Capital 87 3.9 Conclusion 89 Chapter 4: Methodology 91 4.1 Introduction 91 4.2 Key Methodological Issues and Dilemmas 92 4.2.1 General Concerns in Measuring Religion 92 4.2.2 Language and Interpretation 93 4.2.3 Contextual Differences 95 4.2.4 The Role of the Researcher 96 4.2.5 Researching Secularity 99 4.3 Research Design 100 4.3.1 Mixed Methods 100 4.3.2 Combining Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches 103 4.3.3 Strengths and Limitations of the Research Design 105 4.4 Quantitative Data Collection and Analysis 107 4.4.1 Survey Data 107 4.4.2 Quantitative Data Analysis 108 4.4.3 Strengths and Weaknesses of Secondary Data Analysis 109 4.5 Qualitative Data Collection and Analysis 110 4.5.1 Planning the Interviews 110 4.5.2 Constructing the Interview Schedule 112 4.5.3 Sampling Strategy 114 4.5.4 Conducting the Interviews 116 4.5.5 Ethical Considerations 118 4.5.6 Data Analysis 119 4.6 Conclusion 120 Chapter 5: Religious Beliefs 123 5.1 Introduction 123 5.2 Current Levels and Patterns 124 5.2.1 Measures of Subjective Religiosity 126 5.2.2 The Meaning of Spirituality 131 5.3 National Church and Religiosity 135 5.3.1 Religious Identification and Beliefs 136 5.3.2 Modelling Subjective Religiosity 140 5.3.3 Sweden: “In the Church of Sweden you’re not expected to believe” 145 5.3.4 Scotland: “Most people can marry in the Church of Scotland.

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