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RANGELAND GOVERNANCE in a SUBURBAN AREA of POST-SOCIALIST MONGOLIA Takahiro Tomita Kinugasa Research Organization, Ritsumeikan

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RANGELAND GOVERNANCE in a SUBURBAN AREA of POST-SOCIALIST MONGOLIA Takahiro Tomita Kinugasa Research Organization, Ritsumeikan “The authors agree to allow the Digital Library of the Commons to add this paper to its archives for IASC conferences.” RANGELAND GOVERNANCE IN A SUBURBAN AREA OF POST-SOCIALIST MONGOLIA Takahiro Tomita Kinugasa Research Organization, Ritsumeikan University Kyoto, Japan E-mail: [email protected] The way in which to ensure compatibility between development and environment preservation is one of the most crucial issues for pastoral societies. In suburban areas of the capital and secondary cities of Mongolia, the influx of herders who have migrated in search of a better life after Mongolia transitioned from a socialist to a market economy in the early 1990s, has caused problems in rangelands such as pasture degradation by overgrazing and shortages of water and forest resources. To address this problem, the “Peri-Urban Rangeland Project” was launched in 2008 by the Mongolian government with the help of funding from the U.S. The key objective of this project was to determine a sustainable environmental and economic model for the pastoral economy by changing the extensive, nomadic pastoral economy into an intensive, sedentary one. However, the specific objective of the project, which involves admitting a small number of herders to use land exclusively for long periods, differs from Mongolia’s tradition of open access pasture use that enables co-management of multiple, overlapping, and contingent resources. For example, in Orkhon district, a suburban area in Bulgan province, Mongolia, which is one of the project sites, many herder groups have already signed pasture land use contracts for fifteen years, and this has generated a new problem that these plots overlap with other herders’ seasonal campsites and public meadows. In this presentation, I will discuss how the introduction of settled and semi-settled herding impacts rangeland use and management in suburban areas of Mongolia based on the case of Peri-Urban Rangeland Project. KEY WORDS: nomadic pastoralism; development; resource management; postsocialism; Mongolia 1. INTRODUCTION The way in which to ensure compatibility between development and environment preservation is one of the most crucial issues for pastoral societies. Mongolia experienced a transition from a socialist economy to a market economy in the early 1990s. This has led to some environmental problems, such as pasture 1 degradation, which is caused by overgrazing and shortages of water and forest resources. Especially, in suburban areas of the capital and secondary cities of Mongolia, immigration of herders in search of a better life makes pasture degradation a more serious problem. To address this problem, the “Peri-Urban Rangeland Project” was launched in 2008 by the Mongolian government with the help of funding from the U.S. The key objective of this project was to determine a sustainable environmental and economic model for the pastoral economy by changing the extensive, nomadic pastoral economy into an intensive, sedentary one. However, the specific objective of the project, which involves admitting a small number of herders to use land exclusively for long periods, differs from Mongolia’s tradition of open access pasture use. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate how this project impacts natural resource management and use in suburban areas of Mongolia. The purpose of this paper is to reveal how the change from nomadic herding to settled and semi-settled herding impacts pasture land use in suburban areas of Mongolia. This paper is based on research I conducted in the 2nd subdistrict, Orkhon district, Bulgan province, where it is one of the sites of the Peri-Urban Rangeland Project. In this paper, I first explain the historical change of pastoral society in Mongolia in the 20th century by focusing on the establishment and collapse of pastoral cooperatives. I then examine the characteristics and problems of the pastoral economy after the transition from a socialist to a market economy. Finally, I discuss how the introduction of settled and semi-settled herding impacts rangeland use and management in suburban areas of Mongolia based on the case of the Peri-Urban Rangeland Project. 2. PASTORAL SOCIETY IN TRANSITION 2-1. Modernization experience of herders In Mongolia, there were two waves of collectivization during the socialist era. In the first, radical leftists of the Mongolian People’s Party (later renamed the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party) tried to defeat feudal authorities, such as nobles and monasteries, and collectivize traditional nomadic pastoralism. The old feudal authorities lost political power to the Mongolian People’s Republic, which was established in 1924; nevertheless, they maintained their economic power1. Therefore, the government’s first challenge was to confiscate feudal property. The confiscation of feudal property was implemented in a concentrated manner between 1928 and 1931; moreover, the government tried to establish and force herders to join collective farms. However, they had to abandon this attempt 1 According to the official records of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, feudal authorities—such as nobles and monasteries—had more than 3 million heads (i.e., about 35% of the total number of livestock heads at that time) [The Institute of History, the Mongolian Academy of Science 1988 (1969): 208] 2 because of fierce resistance from both feudal authorities and herders. The Mongolian government restructured the national economy in order to enter the Second World War in alliance with the Soviet Union. The livestock procurement system was established for the first time under particular circumstances, such as wartime emergencies. Most livestock products were exported to Soviet Union [Sakamoto 1969: 28]. After the Second World War, the first and second five year plans (1948–52 and 1953–57, respectively) were formulated to stimulate the pastoral economy, which had been struck by the war and the harsh, cold weather. During this period, the government took measures to promote the pastoral economy and demanded payment of taxes and livestock products (e.g., meat, milk, and fiber) from herders. However, it did not achieve the expected results. As a result, the former system based on individual livestock production was accused of causing the slump in the pastoral economy2. In this situation, the Mongolian government began to collectivize agriculture again. The second wave of collectivization started in a 1955. The three year plan formulated in 1958 determined to join individual herding households into pastoral cooperatives. As a result, the number of households belonging to pastoral cooperatives increased from only 10.8% in 1955 to 97.7% in 1959. The new form of the collective, which is called negdel, was considered as a considerably more advanced stage of collectivization than were the old voluntary associations. The government and the party came to play an important role in the instruction and supervision of pastoral cooperatives. Each pastoral cooperative had to fill the annual production quota set by the Ministry of Industrial Procurement. In this way, communization of the pastoral sector was successful in the late 1950s, but that did not necessarily expand pastoral production—in fact, the pastoral economy has languished for more than a few decades. The Mongolian government first officially admitted the slump in the pastoral economy in 1987. It has implemented economic reforms, and some positive results were obtained. However, the government could not stop the transition to a market economy. The agricultural sector began to be privatized in 1991, when pastoral cooperatives were dismantled. Livestock products began to be traded under the principle of freedom of contract and price instead of the livestock procurement system, which has continued for about half a century. Of course, these “shock therapy” reforms caused confusion and difficulties in pastoral society. 2-2. Foundation of local community In the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, the structure of traditional society was changed to conform to socialist control after the socialist revolution. In Mongolia, the government established pastoral cooperatives as the basic unit 2 One reason is the fact that most socialist states (except Poland) had collectivized agricultural sectors by the late 1950s [Futaki 1993: 116]. 3 of social unity and pastoral production in the socialist era; these were intended to create new communities and a new economic structure. The establishment of pastoral cooperatives changes the life of people in rural areas. The administrative village was constructed in the center of each pastoral cooperative; it enabled people who live in rural areas to take on jobs other than livestock raising. In fact, the population has grown rapidly, and they have worked at local government offices, hospitals, and schools newly constructed in the settlements. They have engaged in supplemental work, such as distribution and processing of livestock products. As a result, the settlements came to serve as social and economic hubs for rural areas. Livestock products from rural areas were sent to urban areas as food products and industrial materials, while various products and services were sent from urban to rural areas. This production system based on the domestic division of labor between rural and urban areas formed the basis of the pastoral economy during the collective period. Although the pastoral economy during the collective period was maintained by this homogeneous productive system, there
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