Introduction: Christian “Civilizing Missions” of the Past and Present 1

NOTES

Introduction: Christian “Civilizing Missions” of the Past and Present 1. Such studies are critical of the commonly held assumption that a high degree of “participation” by local people inevitably leads to their “empowerment” (Chambers 1983, 1994; Arnstein 1969; Pretty 1995; Cornwall 1996). 2. One of the reasons for the lack of historical comparison is the appar- ently significant changes in the way the Chinese government has dealt with Christianity over time. In particular, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) expelled Christian missionaries from the country in 1953. Since this time, foreign religious activity has been strictly controlled. However, despite these controls, since the late 1980s, international aid and development NGOs have been working in China, and many of them are either explicitly Christian in their orientation or affiliated with Christianity in some way. 3. In this regard, Rosemary Foot (2000) and Ann Kent (1999) provide representative studies from an international relations perspective. Foot (2000) explores the process of the diffusion of the international human rights norm in China and the importance of the notion of “global community” to China. Kent (1999) investigates China’s gradual socialization into the international human rights regime. 4. Also see Oakes’ (1995) discussion of “internal colonialism” and Schein’s (1997) discussion of “internal orientalism” in a Chinese context. 5. The main focus is on the interaction between international Christian agencies and ethnic communities in China, although the study also takes into account the importance of the Chinese central and local governments when and where appropriate. During the Maoist era, the Chinese central and local governments were deeply enmeshed in ethnic communities, a fact that has left an indelible mark on the collective consciousness within the communities. In addition, the activities of NGOs are controlled and have to be approved by both the central and local governments. 210 Notes

6. The introduction to part II will explain each of these three broad themes, but it is important to briefly touch on the second theme here. The author does not assume that the case-study NGOs reformulate their identity in mainland China. Rather, the main enquiry in relation to this theme is whether, and if so how, they reformulate their identity in mainland China. 7. Julia Berger (2003) also suggests that characteristics of religious NGOs can be determined by a complex set of analyses of such things as its self-identity, structure, financing, and output, among others. 8. Oxfam has Quaker origins and, as explored later, Quakerism and secularism are intricately connected. From this point of view, evangelism and secularism should not be completely dichotomized. Rather, they should be understood as lying at two ends of an evangelism-secularism spectrum. 9. In recent years, there has existed an official taxonomy of social organizations in China. Fei zhengfu zuzhi is not used by Chinese organizations; instead they use minjian zuzhi. Ma (2003) mentions that the term NGO started to become more widely known after the 1995 Fourth World Women’s Conference in Beijing. “To prepare Chinese women’s organizations to understand the meaning and practice of fei zhengfu zuzhi, the All-China Women’s Federation launched a campaign to train women leaders at all levels.” As a result of the campaign, most of the 1,910,000 women leaders and activists learnt the term fei zhengfu zuzhi for the first time. 10. The problem in attaching a religious label to an NGO is by no means unique to China. Irrespective of whether it is in China or other parts of the world, from a practical point of view, many NGOs are reluctant “to use the term ‘religion’ in describing themselves and their activities” because of “the potentially negative connotations associated with religious references as well as legal obstacles that arise when applying for public funding” (Berger 2003: 17). 11. China has a number of mass organizations (for example, the All- China Women’s Federation) and so-called GONGOs (government- organized NGOs) (for example, the China Family Planning Association). Some studies argue about the extent to which GONGOs can play an important role in China’s civil society (Ma 2002b; Wu 2003; Jackson et al. 2005). For example, Fengshi Wu (2003) argues that gradually GONGOs have become independent of the state from a funding point of view. Other scholars argue that NGOs in general are at risk of becoming mere service utility providers—namely, suborganizations of the government—because they lack sufficient autonomy to advocate for Chinese society, and to challenge the Chinese state (Unger and Chan 1995). 12. One of the case studies of this book, The Salvation Army, actually claims to be an “international movement” in the context outside Notes 211

mainland China. An international movement is quite distinct from NGOs in discussions within transnational civil society literature (Khagram et al. 2002). However, within mainland China, The Salvation Army identifies itself as an “international NGO.” 13. This definition draws on Berger’s (2003) definition of religious NGOs and Patrick Kilby’s (2006) focus on NGOs as value-based entities that desire a “better world.” 14. The mixture of the religious and secular values is pointed out in some literature dealing with Christian missionaries. See, for example, Comaroff and Comaroff (1991) and Comaroff (1993).

1 “Civilizing Missions” and Ethnic Communities in China 1. The distinction between the unitary and pluralist conceptions of civilization relates to the etymology of civilization in French and German languages. Brett Bowden’s (2004b) study traces the etymo- logical origins of civilization in the French, English, and German languages. 2. Samuel Huntington defines a civilization as “a culture writ large,” or as “the broadest cultural entity” (1996: 41, 43). A number of studies that also take the pluralist conception of “civilization” criticize Huntington as essentialist, however, because he describes civilization as a “billiard-ball”-type entity that contains a fixed set of values (Cox 2002; Delanty 2003; Mandalios 2003). These critical studies instead regard a civilization as an essentially porous and fluid entity— that is, a set of “symbolic frontiers, not iron curtains” (Mandalios 2003: 74). 3. This form of phonetic use of Chinese pictographs has no meaning beyond the representation of a sequence of sounds as they occur in the Chinese mind. 4. Many neologisms were introduced into China at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, for exam- _ ple, sovereignty, nation, ethnic, and mediation (Chiu 1970; Kato and _ Maruyama 1991; Liu 1995, 1999; Maruyama and Kato 1998). Although some of these terms appear in classics of a few thousand years ago, their meanings were “new” at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries when China was increasingly exposed to Western political and social thought. 5. The term bunmei can be identified in the literature of seventeenth century Japan. In his writing, “The True Facts concerning the _ _ _ Middle Kingdom” (Chucho Jijitsu), Yamaga Soko implies a Japan- centric worldview (antecedent to a Sino-centric worldview). In so doing, he uses the term bunmei. For example, “[Japan] has flourished 212 Notes

with bunmei (civilization), and the imperial line has never ended, and will never end” (Yamaga 1939: 37–9). Another interesting example is _ _ his use of the term Chuka bunmei. In Japanese, Chuka usually means China, but Yamaga, in his attempt to spread the Japan-centric _ worldview in his seventeenth-century work, used Chuka bunmei to refer to a Japan-centric civilization (21). Fukuzawa (1931) understood civilization as the result of progress through stages from barbarianism through semiopenness to civilization, and understood the West to be the world’s most civilized zone. His formulation leaves no room for the coexistence of different civilization, but holds Western civilization up as the ultimate civilization (Yamamuro 2001). In exploring the Japanese understanding of civilization, a Japanese translation of Henry Wheaton (1936) reveals _ _ “all civilized nations” translated as “Christian countries” (Yaso d o shu _ no kuni). Maruyama and Kato (1998: 135) claim that Wheaton himself understood civilized nations as Christian nations. 6. For a detailed discussion of the differences and similarities among the theories, see Hutchinson and Smith (1996) and Mount (2003). 7. This point coincides with Benedict Anderson (1983) in dealing with nationalism as a mode of political imagination. 8. For other explanations of conscious resistance, see Scott (1990) and Colburn (1989). 9. In discussing a people’s consent to a superior ideology, Antonio Gramsci’s “hegemony” is important; but this book takes an approach different from his. In his Prison Notebooks he contends that “hegemony” is produced as a result of “the ‘spontaneous’ consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group; this consent is ‘historically’ caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and function in the world of production” (1971: 12). However, Gramsci concentrates on the particular situation in which people give “spontaneous consent” to the dominant group, which, if such consent is not forthcoming, resorts to coercive force. He does not discuss the situation in which people give nonspontaneous consent; in other words, the people are able to give their consent after due consideration of the civilizational ideology of the dominant group. 10. David Beetham’s (1991) definition of legitimacy provides a useful reference here. In defining legitimacy as not only a “top-down” construction generated by dominant groups, but also a “bottom-up” construction generated by subordinate groups, his emphasis is on the interaction between the two groups and particularly the extent to which subordinate groups give their consent to the dominant group’s projects, that is, the ideologies implicit in any particular development project. Notes 213

11. A number of China studies also use “resistance” in the context of state-society relations. See Perry and Selden (2003).

2 The Chinese State as a Civilizer of Ethnic Minorities: Civilization and Religion in Chinese History 1. In 1611, Nurhaci (1559–1626), a Manchu, established the Jin dynasty, the antecedent of the Qing state, by unifying thirteen different tribes. These various tribes were not connected by blood relations or ethnic links. In other words, as Takao Ishibashi (2000: 66–7) points out, the Jin dynasty was the first step in establishing a multiethnic Qing state. This story in fact highlights the complexity of ethnic relations. The Qing state is often described as a Manchurian state, but it was Nurhaci who created the category “Manchu.” After Nurhaci died, his eighth son Hong Taiji (1592–1643) succeeded him and decided to rename the dynasty “Qing.” In 1644, the Qing army rallied its troops and con- quered Beijing, the capital of the Ming dynasty. See Crossley (1997). 2. The concepts of ethnicity and race were introduced to Chinese audiences in the late nineteenth century. Therefore, it is ques- tionable whether the “Manchu” identity, as an “ethnic” identity, existed in the early Qing period. Pamela Crossley (1990a: 225) states that “applying the term to earlier periods is anachronistic and distorts the historical reality.” But she argues that this does not mean that the Qing rulers did not have their own identities, but that the concept of “Manchuness” is important. Mark Elliott (2001) claims that the “ethnic sovereignty” of the Manchu was increasingly evident by the end of the eighteenth century. For discussion on “ethnic labeling” of the Manchu, see Shelley Rigger (1995). 3. The term “sinicization,” the translation of the Chinese term hanhua or “to become Han,” is also problematic. It fails to “make much distinction between assimilation and acculturation . . . ‘[S]inicization’ is silent on the self-identification that is so fundamental to a sense of ethnicity in China or anywhere else” (Crossley 1990a: 223). 4. The ceremony included the ritual of kowtowing, which provoked some opposition among Europeans, most famously Lord Macartney, in the late eighteenth century. A study by Crossley reveals that “Ming ‘ethnologists’ were concerned not with race or language as determinants of civilized peoples, but with modes of livelihood; agriculturalists were deemed more civilized than herders of the steppes” (Quoted in Harrell 1995: 19). 214 Notes

5. Moreover, Dorgon issued another decree to adopt the Manchu style of dress—now called the “China dress”—and to stop wearing the loosely hanging robes of the Ming. 6. This decree also played a role in ensuring the surrender and submission of the Han to the Manchu. After the Qing fought against the Ming, the Qing forced hostages and those who surrendered to wear the Manchu-style queue as a token of submission. After the Qing overthrew the Ming, the former forced the Han to do the same. Nevertheless, as time passed, the mandated pigtail gradually became the norm among the Han, and interestingly, the pigtail became a symbol of “Chinese” civilization by the middle of the eighteenth century. This is supported by the fact that the Qing attempted to ban the wearing of pigtails by Chinese Muslims and barbarians, to distinguish them from the civilized Han (Abe 1971: 41). 7. The translation of zhonghua requires a cultural understanding of the term. Zhonghua is usually translated as Chinese, but literally, zhong means “the center” and hua means “civilized.” 8. In the Republican period, the inability of the government to bring its military power to bear in controlling ethnic minorities was a more significant issue, and the distance between the ideal of civilizational ideology and its realization was considerable. 9. For example, his novels criticize Confucian feudal society in China. See Lu (1933, 1990). 10. Furthermore, the state monopolized the performance of rituals in the worship of Heaven. The laws of the Qing clearly mention that “those who make private appeal to Heaven and worship the Seven Mansions, burning incense at night, lighting the Heavenly Lamp and the Seven-Star Lamp, shall be punished with eighty strokes of the stick” (Yang 1961: 183). 11. For studies on Confucian culturalism, see Ebrey (1996), Bol (1987), Langlois (1980), Crossley (1990b), and Duara (1993). 12. Religious groups of ethnic minorities often held political and military power. If the state thought it could not control them, or that its own security was under threat, it did not hesitate to fight wars against ethnic minorities to retain control (Waley-Cohen 1998). The state’s attempt to retain its control over religions was due to a need to not only control ethnic minorities, but also to control heretical sects, the potential of which to become rebellious sects was considered very high—as in the case, for example, of the White Lotus Buddhists of the 1770s. For the relationship between heretical sects and rebellions, see Suzuki (1974) and Yang (1973: 657–60). 13. For the anti-Manchurian sentiment at the end of the Qing period, see Rhoads (2000). Notes 215

14. Sun Yat-sen used the term “nationalities” to refer to the Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui, and Tibet. This section, therefore, uses “nationalities” and “ethnic minorities” interchangeably. 15. The five equal stripes of the colors—red, yellow, blue, white, and black—stood for the Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui, and Tibetan peoples respectively. This flag was used until 1928, when the current flag of the Republic of China (Taiwan), the White Sun Banner (Qingtian Bairi Qi), became its national flag. See Harrison (2000). _ 16. Ken’ichiro Hirano (1988: 58) argues that because China’s priority was to build a strong nation-state, Sun took an anti-imperialist view of outsiders and a “Republic of Five Nationalities” view of insiders, and his views acknowledged the right to self-determination but not the right to separation. 17. Nedostup (2001) provides a good overview of religious policy in the Republican period. 18. The Law of The People’s Republic of China on the Autonomy of Minority Nationality Regions, Beijing Xinhua in English, FBIS Transcribed Text, May 16, 2002. 19. The CCP did not endorse the right to self-determination out of a fear of the threat of imperialism. Zhou Enlai discussed this issue in 1949 as follows: “Any nationality has the right to self-determination. There is no doubt about that. Today, however, imperialists are attempting to separate Tibet, Taiwan and Xinjiang [from China], and I hope each nationality will not rise to the bait offered by the imperialists’ provocation. For this reason, the name of our country is the People’s Republic of China, and not Federation” (1984: 140). 20. For studies on the impact of the Cultural Revolution on Inner Mongolia, see Sneath (1994) and Woody (1993). 21. There is extensive literature on this Program. China Quarterly, 178 (June 2004) has a discussion on the Program in each province and autonomous region. The Xibu Dakaifa is variously translated as the “Great Western Development” Program (Sines 2002; Yeung and Li 2004), “Open Up The West” (Goodman 2004), and so on. The “west” refers to the six provinces of Sichuan, Gansu, Qinghai, Yunnan, Guizhou, Shangxi, all five autonomous regions of Tibet, Xinjiang, Ningxia, Guangxi, and Inner Mongolia, and the Chongqing municipality. With regard to problems with the term “west,” particularly in relation to the diversity of the west and the state’s intention to homogenize issues in the “west,” see Goodman (2004) and Sines (2002). For the history of development in Tibet, see Dreyer (2003). For the impact of development on traditional cultures of peripheral people, see Lemoine (1989). 22. In the original version, “Chinese nation” is written as Zhonghua minzu, and the English translation of this is rendered as “people.” However, I have changed it to “nation” because I have adopted the 216 Notes

translation “Chinese nation” in my discussion of the discourse on the Chinese nation in the Republican period. 23. Many works discuss the problems with the ethnic identification project and its impact on identities of ethnic minorities. For example, see Wellens (1998), Diamond (1995), Gladney (1991), Harrell (1990), and McKhann (1995). 24. Article 36 of the 1982 Constitution states that Citizens of the People’s Republic of China have the right to religious belief. No state organ, social organization or individual may compel citizens to believe in any religion or not believe and neither may they discriminate between citizens who are believers and those who are not. The State protects normal religious activities. No-one may use religion to destroy social order, damage the health of citizens or obstruct the activities of the state educational system. Religious organizations and religious work must not be controlled by foreign forces. (Translated by Dillon 2001: 4) 25. During the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961), and the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), religion was seen as representative of the old “feudal” order. Religious activities were totally banned; temples, churches, statues, and properties were destroyed; and most clergy and religious practitioners were arrested and prosecuted. The turbulence ended with the death of Mao and the arrest of the Gang of Four in 1976, and the CCP reconsidered its religious policy. 26. The RAB changed its name to the State Religious Affairs Bureau (Guojia Zongjiao Shiwu Ju) in March 1998. 27. Document 19 is entitled “The Basic Viewpoint and Policy on the Religious Question during Our Country’s Socialist Period,” pro- mulgated in March 1982. For an English translation of the text, see MacInnis (1989: 10–26). 28. In September 1992, the Chinese Catholic Bishops’ Conference adopted its formal constitution, which placed the Chinese Church Administrative Committee under the Bishops’ Conference. I am grateful to Dr Jean-Paul Wiest for this point. 29. For regulations on contact with foreign religious actors, see Zhonggong Zhongyang Wenxian Yanjiushi Zonghe Yanjiushi and Guowuyuan Zongjiao Shiwuju Zhengce Fagui Si (1995: 273–4). 30. However, Dillon (2001: 15) claims that “the simplistic division of the Catholic Church in China into the official and the underground, the ‘patriots’ and the ‘faithful,’ masks a complex and changing reality.” Both churches often cooperate at the local level. In addition, the view, which is often emphasized in the media, that Communist China’s relationship with the Vatican has deteriorated since the beginning of the Communist regime, begs a more careful examination of the transformation of the relationship, although the Vatican Notes 217

supports the underground churches, and officially announced in March 2000 the canonization of the 120 martyrs of China, who were put to death in the nineteenth century. The conflict between the two has eased to some extent, and now two-thirds of Catholic “patriotic” priests are also recognized by the Vatican (I thank Fr. Jeremy Clarke S.J. for this information). Significantly, the pope also made an historic apology to China, admitting that followers of the Church had been responsible for faults and errors in their past dealings with China (Willan 2001). Nevertheless, non-religious factors, such as the Vatican’s dealings with Taiwan, sometimes aggravate the relationship between Communist China and the Vatican. For example, the Chinese government expressed “strong dissatisfaction” at Taiwan President Chen Shuibian’s (2005) invitation to the funeral of Pope John Paul II. See People’s Daily, April 8, 2005.

3 Evangelism and Its Unintended Consequences: Christian Missionaries in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries 1. In 1874, according to Latourette (1929: 406), 48 percent of Protestant missions were American, and 44.5 percent were British. Only 7.5 percent were German. In 1889, 56.5 percent were British, and 39.5 percent were American. Only 4 percent came from the Continent of Europe. 2. The literature is very much divided into research on French Catholics and research on British Protestants. There exists scant literature comparing the two. As noted by Lutz (1996: 99), this is “partly because of difference in the locales of resource materials and differences in the native languages of the missionaries and their writings.” As a consequence, there is little sense of proportion and balance in analysis that aims to generate a broader understanding of missionary ideology. 3. For the text of all articles in the 1842 Treaty of Nanjing in Chinese, see Wang (1957: 30–2). 4. For the text of all articles in the 1858 Treaty of Tianjin in Chinese, see Wang (1957: 104–12). 5. In the nineteenth century there was a sense of urgency about the Protestant missions. The end of the world was to come soon, so the missionaries had to spread the message of the Gospel as quickly as possible. 6. There are numerous biographies of Hudson Taylor, for example, Pollock (1962). 7. The majority of literature uses the term “fundamentalist,” as opposed to “liberal.” “Liberalism” and “modernism” have theologi- cally different meanings but they are often used interchangeably 218 Notes

in the sociological and historical literature. A similar movement went on within Catholicism, but the papal encyclical Pascendi Gregis served to halt the progress of the Catholic modernists (Whyte 1988: 136). 8. Within the theological literature there are numerous studies on the development of modernism. See Sawyer (1998). Also, for material on the relationship between Christian missions and the Enlightenment, see Stanley (2001a) and Bosch (1991). In Stanley’s edited book (2001a), Stanley (2001b), Erlank (2001), and Maxwell (2001) explore the relationship between civilization and Christianity in the context of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 9. The Social Gospel appeared in the context of the emerging urbani- zation of eighteenth-century Britain and nineteenth-century America. The industrial revolution thrust the problems of urban society upon nations that had until then been primarily rural, and brought about poverty, injustice, and oppression. Liberal Protestants attempted to apply biblical principles to these problems (Cui 1998: 8; Sawyer 1998: 10). 10. Anecdotally, the Social Gospel opened up opportunities for an increasing number of Chinese to participate in mission activity. This can be seen in the increasing involvement of Chinese Christians in the Social Gospel Movement, represented by the YMCAs and the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA), and the Student Relief Committees associated with them. The Social Gospel led to a greater indigenization of Christianity than occurred by purely evangelical mission activity. In fact, many church leaders in Communist China emerged from the Social Gospel Movement (Hunter and Chan 1993: 125). For example, Bishop K. H. Ting, a founder of the Amity Foundation, was working on one of the Student Relief Committees. This point is very important to an understanding of the continuation of Christian activity throughout the twentieth century, even after the significant breakdown of religious activity at the beginning of the Communist period. 11. In the English literature, jiao’an is translated as missionary cases (Sweeten 2001, 1996), anti-Christian incidents (Daigle 2005), and sectarian cases (Litzinger 1983). The jiao’an refers to the situation in which “conflict occurred as a result of actions between religious groups and local people, and invoked negotiations” at the local and/ or national levels (Chen 1991: 3). Usually local officers dealt with such incidents in the first instance. When they could not settle them, higher levels of government dealt with them (156). In fact, sys- tematic and basic studies on missionary cases are underdeveloped. There remain questions including how many incidents the central Notes 219

government dealt with as court cases and how many incidents there existed in which conflict occurred that was settled without government intervention. 12. Pollard chose the Province of Yunnan as a project site after consul- tation with the CIM (Hayes 1947: 11). The CIM played a consultancy role in relation to projects by Protestant missions in China’s inland. Even though various denominations working in China’s inland had different origins and theoretical standpoints, they cooperated with each other, and their work merged into a similar kind of activity in practice. In other words, the denominational difference did not really matter in the local context, at least within the Protestant community (Hutchison 1974: 110). 13. The A Hmao (also known as Da Hua Miao [Big Flowery Miao]) fall under the category of the “Miao” nationality under the Communist regime. However, as Nicholas Tapp (2002: 75) argues, “several ethnic groups (like Hmong, Hmu, Kho Xiong, and A Hmao) were grouped together under the one formal category (‘Miao’)” in the process of the ethnic identification project of the Communists in the 1950s. The Hmong is also known in Chinese as Bai Miao (White Miao), Qing Miao (Blue Miao), or Xiao Hua Miao (Small Flowery Miao). See Tapp (2001: 71; 2002: 71–5). Other materials quoted in this chapter occasionally use the term “Hua Miao,” to refer to A Hmao. 14. The Nosu called themselves “Nosu” (Clarke 1911: 113), but are now categorized by the Chinese government as “Yi” nationality. 15. The Nosu maintained chieftainship (tumu, or tingmu) even though the Qing undertook the policy of gaitu guiliu (chapter 2) (Grist 1921: 158–60). 16. “Pollard Script” can be seen in R. Keith Parsons and P. Kenneth Parsons (“The Symbols and Sounds of the Ahmao Script”). This script is different from “Pollard Hmong Script,” which he first invented for the Hmong Bo people of Sichuan, in his translation of the Gospel of St. Mark in 1922. See Enwall (1994) for “Pollard Hmong Script.” 17. For more on the struggle for official recognition by the A Hmao elite in the 1930s and 1940s, see Cheung (2004). The concept of “state,” new to the A Hmao language, grew to become significant in the minds of at least some of the A Hmao. Just after the Republic of China was established in 1911, one of the A Hmao cre- ators of the Pollard Script, Yang Yage, changed his name to Yang Yaguo, to celebrate the new state, guo (Shi 2000; Shen 1999: 43; Zhang 1992: 149). 18. Tapp (1989) raises the A Hmao search for millennialism as one of the reasons for their mass conversion. 220 Notes Part II Contemporary “Civilizing Missions?” 1. This percentage is calculated based on the population figures in 2001. See Yunnan Sheng Tongji Ju (Yunnan Province Statistics Bureau) (2003: 668–71). 2. It is almost impossible to obtain accurate statistics on which province or autonomous region has accommodated how many projects conducted by international NGOs. However, it is suggestive that the “Directory of International NGOs” (China Development Brief 2006) reveals that Yunnan has the most projects (forty-six). 3. Interview with a program officer for the Ford Foundation in Beijing, September 3, 2003.

4 Christian Evangelism in a Tibetan Buddhist Community: The Jian Hua Foundation 1. JHF can still be classified as an international NGO, regardless of the fact that Hong Kong is now a part of China, for two good reasons. First, although analysts have questioned the extent to which Hong Kong is likely to maintain a degree of independence from China’s central government after the latter regained sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, thus far, Hong Kong’s social and civil legal systems still operate with relative independence. Thus, neither JHF’s status in Hong Kong, nor its associates’ religious affiliation, has changed significantly since its establishment. The second reason is that mainland China recognizes JHF as a foreign institution. As Brady (2000: 944) explains, “from an administrative point of view ‘foreigners’ includes overseas Chinese, Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan ‘compa- triots’ regardless of whether they are foreign nationals.” In fact, JHF registered itself with the State Administration of Foreign Experts Affairs (SAFEA) (Guojia Waiguo Zhuanjia Ju), a Chinese government agency overseen by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2. Interview with one of the founders of JHF, Hong Kong, December 13, 2005. 3. Ibid. 4. Written correspondence with International Director of JHF, December 1, 2005. 5. For example, three of the four founders were directors of the Fellowship of Evangelical Students since 1963. One of the objec- tives of the organization was to bring university and high school students in Hong Kong to understand what the Christian faith is. One of the founders is the former chief executive officer of the Notes 221

CEDAR Fund, a Christian NGO, and was also a standing committee member of the Chinese Coordination Centre of World Evangelism (Chinese Coordination Centre of World Evangelism 2001). Another founder was Chairman of the China Bible Seminary, and taught science and theology at several other semi- naries. Interview with one of the founders of JHF, Hong Kong, December 13, 2005. 6. Ibid. 7. Written correspondence with one of the founders of JHF, May 5, 2006. 8. Interview with one of the founders of JHF, Hong Kong, December 17, 2005. 9. Written correspondence with one of the founders of JHF, May 5, 2006. 10. Interview with one of the founders of JHF, Hong Kong, December 13, 2005. 11. Interview with one of the founders of JHF, Hong Kong, December 17, 2005. 12. Telephone interview with one of the founders of JHF, May 5, 2006. 13. A small number of projects conducted by JHF receive Western government funding, for example, from the New Zealand government. It seems that there is no particular policy in JHF as to which kind of projects may receive government funding. In any case, the portion of Western government funding of JHF’s entire project funding is only a small part of overall JHF funding. 14. The Cedar’s mission statement reveals that the “CEDAR Fund ministers holistically to the poor and disadvantaged in partnership with churches and Christian groups, through education, development, advocacy and relief programmes, to share the good news of God’s kingdom with them and to demonstrate God’s love, compassion and justice to the world” (Cedar Fund “Mission Statement”). 15. This is so unless Christian organizations specialize in a particular area, such as blindness. 16. Interview with International Director, JHF, December 2, 2004. 17. According to Chinese government statistics, in Zeku County 95.93 percent of the population is Tibetan, and 3.18 percent is Han (Huangnan Zangzu Zizhi Zhou Zhi Bianzuan Weiyuanhui 1999: 170). 18. The final audit totaled HK$66,380. 19. Interview with Project Coordinator, Tongren Office, JHF, November 3, 2004. 20. I am grateful to the Project Coordinator for his suggestion on this point. 222 Notes

21. Some of my interviewees (who work for a Christian organization) thought that a “holistic” approach related to religious values, whereas a “wholistic” approach referred to secular values. 22. Interview with International Director, JHF, December 2, 2004. 23. Other villages within Xibusha Township were named in a similar way, such as Unity (Tuanjie) Village, and Leap Forward (Yuejin) Village. Interview (anonymous), November 5, 2005. 24. Interview (anonymous), November 5, 2004. 25. Ibid. 26. Interview with Project Coordinator, Tongren Office, JHF, November 5, 2004. 27. Interview with Project Coordinator, Tongren Office, JHF, November 3, 2004. 28. The seasonality diagram is used for “rainfall, cropping patterns, fodder use and availability, food availability, busy farming days, milk production, animal diseases and expenditures. The most valu- able data revolve around the cropping patterns and busy farm days, since these data were found to be essential in the detailed planning of activities implementation” (Chapa et al. 1997). The historical time line exercise provides “information on ethnohistory, and history of forest, cropping systems, livestock, and issues like major landslides” (ibid.). 29. Interview with International Director, JHF, December 2, 2004. 30. Interview with Project Coordinator, Tongren Office, JHF, November 5, 2004. 31. Interview with Project Coordinator, Tongren Office, JHF, November 4, 2004. 32. Interview with Project Coordinator, Tongren Office, JHF, November 5, 2004.

5 Presence Evangelism: The Salvation Army 1. Catherine Booth, William’s wife, was a cofounder of the Army. Her role in its foundation was particularly notable for the enormous amount of work she carried out caring for women, something for which the Army was well-known. 2. Booth’s enthusiasm for revivalism eventually led him to become a preacher in the Reform Movement in 1852, a movement derived from Methodism but excluded from mainstream Methodist churches because it paid too much attention to working-class people. However, he left the Reform Movement after a year or so because he realized that “unless the Reform Movement became organized and set up a central authority he would have to leave it and attach himself to some Church that possessed these essentials of stability” (Booth, quoted in Horridge 1993: 14). His quest for an Notes 223

organized central authority in the Movement is an early hint at the establishment of the Army in 1878. After he withdrew from the Reform Movement, he became a preacher of the Methodist New Connexion in 1854. 3. Booth described the Home Mission Movement as “a miniature Salvation Army” (1889: 9). With regard to the characteristics and activity of the Home Mission Movement, Booth wrote: “Our [Booth’s and his ‘comrades’] plan of operation was simplicity itself. We obtained the loan of cottages, and in these held meetings every night, always commencing with an open-air address, fine weather or foul, all the year round, inviting the people indoors for another meeting. Here again we had lively songs, short and sharp exhorta- tions insisting upon decision for Christ upon the spot, which was to be signified by coming out and kneeling at the round table that stood in the middle of the room. These efforts were accompanied by visitation of the sick and of the convents, whose names and addresses were always recorded, together with processions to the big chapel on the Sunday, which the respectable authorities of the society soon compelled us to take in at the back door where the free seats were. When our converts died, we had Salvation funerals; placing the cof- fin in the street, singing around it, and holding another meeting at the grave when the parson had done” (Quoted in Horridge 1993: 17). 4. The name of the Home Mission Movement changed several times in the period 1865–1868—from Christian Revival Association, to East London Revival Association, to East London Christian Mission, and to the Christian Mission. This latter name lasted until 1878, when Booth renamed it The Salvation Army. 5. Because of its military style, the Army describes its religious activities in military terms. For example, “corps” refers to church and “to invade” refers to “send missionaries.” 6. Pamela Walker (2001: 117–19) reveals that, when the Army was established, it instructed all officers to offer communion monthly. However, its attention to the equality between men and women posed a challenge to explain why women were permitted to perform the sacrament ritual. The Army answered with its theological understanding that the Lord’s own principle there being “neither male nor female” in Christ Jesus is fully acted upon. Pamela Walker (118) explains that “[p]aradoxically, the very theological understanding that made it possible for women to offer communion also led Salvationists to believe that it was redundant.” 7. Other relatively minor reasons for this include: (1) The Bible does not have the basis for regarding the sacraments as essential to salvation or Christian living, nor does it show that Jesus intended that sacra- mental practices should have become fixed ceremonies; (2) The sacraments had been a divisive influence in the Church throughout 224 Notes

Christian history, and at times the cause of bitter controversy and abuse; (3) Some churches do not allow women to administer the sacraments. The Army, however, believed that women could play an equal part in its ministry, and did not want to compromise this stance; (4) The Society of Friends (the Quakers) had managed to live holy lives without the use of sacraments; (5) Many early-day converts to the Army had previously been alcoholics. It was considered unwise to tempt them with the wine used in Holy Communion (Salvation Army United Kingdom with the Republic of Ireland 2005). 8. The forty officers represented nine different countries: England, Canada, America, Scotland, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland, Australia, and New Zealand (Jeffries 1918: 302). 9. I cannot identify the exact process of translation of the name to “Jiu Shi Jun.” However, according to the Dictionary of History of Christianity in Japan (Nihon Kirisutokyo- Rekishi Dai Jiten), Ozaki Yukio wrote a newspaper article on the Army, and translated it as _ “Kyu Sei Gun” (The Army of World Salvation), Japanese reading using the same Chinese characters, in 1879. When Ozaki was the Mayor of Tokyo City from 1903 to 1912, he welcomed William _ _ Booth’s visit to Tokyo (Nihon Kirisutokyo Rekishi Dai Jiten Henshu Iinkai 1988: 372–3). As the Army did not go to China until 1918, and there were so many other English terms translated into Japanese first, which spread to China in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the term “Jiu Shi Jun” might have been adopted from a Japanese translation. The Officer Commanding The Salvation Army, Hong Kong and Macau Command, also stated that the term “Jiu Shi Jun” came from the Japanese, because before the Army “invaded” China in 1918, some Japanese members of the Army visited China (Interview with the Officer Commanding The Salvation Army, Hong Kong and Macau Command, Hong Kong, December 16, 2005). 10. This work, pioneered by Majors Dorothy Brazier and Doris Lemon, was initially (until the establishment of the South China Command in Guangdong in 1935) directed from Beijing in order to promote broad ranging evangelistic and welfare operations. 11. Interview with an officer of Overseas Services, The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, Sydney, February 22, 2006. 12. Ibid. 13. Telephone interview with an officer of The Salvation Army Japan (anonymous), January 16, 2006. 14. Interview with the Officer Commanding The Salvation Army, Hong Kong and Macau Command, Hong Kong, December 16, 2005. 15. Ibid. Notes 225

16. Interview with Manager of NGO Program, Community Programs Section, AusAID, Canberra, January 18, 2006. 17. Interview with the Officer Commanding The Salvation Army, Hong Kong and Macau Command, Hong Kong, December 16, 2005. 18. Ibid. 19. It is important to identify a distinction between working for the Army and being a part of the Army. Chinese people may work for the Army as secular employees throughout their entire career and need never become religious members. However, this differs from the relationship enjoyed by non-mainland Chinese who may join as religious “soldiers” undertaking an oath to be a soldier for life. 20. Interview with the Officer Commanding The Salvation Army, Hong Kong and Macau Command, Hong Kong, December 16, 2005. 21. In 1995, there were 122 so-called poor townships (out of 173 townships), and 1,004 so-called poor administrative villages (out of 1,221 villages). Out of an agricultural population of 4,160,400, there were some 1,620,000 people who did not have enough food and clothing, including 302,000 people in extreme poverty, and lacking basic sur- vival resources (Yunnan Sheng Zhaotong Shi Nianjian Bianji Weiyuanhui 2001). 22. One of the project officers, who works in different projects for the Army, revealed that because of the Army uniform, and its unusual name as “The Army of World Salvation (Jiu Shi Jun),” villagers know that it is a Christian organization. In the course of informal conver- sations between the Army officer and villagers, the officer has been asked what Christianity means, and who Jesus is. He has stated that this is not a problem from the government’s perspective, because this is a friendship and no more than a casual conversation, and does not imply evangelizing. 23. Although the law was established in 1987, it was finally codified by the Ninth National People’s Congress Standing Committee in 1998. 24. Interview with a villager of Fangmaba Village, Zhaotong, November 25, 2004. 25. Ibid. 26. Interview with Acting Regional Coordinator, Southwest Regional Project Office, The Salvation Army Hong Kong and Macau Command, Kunming, November 19, 2004. 27. Interview with a villager of Fangmaba Village, Zhaotong, November 25, 2004. 28. One of my Miao interviewees stated that she had had some diffi- culty understanding the training provided by the Army because it was conducted in Mandarin. 226 Notes

29. Interview with Acting Regional Coordinator, Southwest Regional Project Office, The Salvation Army Hong Kong and Macau Command, Kunming, November 19, 2004. 30. Amity Foundation is a domestic NGO with its headquarters in Nanjing. 31. Interview with Acting Regional Coordinator, Southwest Regional Project Office, The Salvation Army Hong Kong and Macau Command, Kunming, November 19, 2004. 32. Interview with Local Coordinator, Southwest Regional Project Office, The Salvation Army Hong Kong and Macau Command, Zhaoyang, November 25, 2004. 33. Ibid. 34. Interview with a villager of Fangmaba Village, Zhaotong, November 25, 2004. 35. Interview with Acting Regional Coordinator, Southwest Regional Project Office, The Salvation Army Hong Kong and Macau Command, Kunming, November 19, 2004.

6 Secular Use of Local Religion: Oxfam Hong Kong 1. Oxfam exists in Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hong Kong, Ireland, Netherlands, New Zealand, Québec, Spain, and the United States. 2. This figure does not include Oxfam America totals or management costs, which were not available at the time of going to print. 3. The extent of Quaker representation varied from affiliate to affiliate. Some affiliates had quite separate histories, and the Quaker connection was not obvious in their respective beginnings. Written correspondence with former Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, March 4, 2008. 4. Interview with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, December 19, 2005. A staff member who started working for Oxfam HK just a few years after its establishment noted that she was unaware of Quakerism and its influence on Oxfam HK. Written correspondence with a staff member (anonymous), Oxfam HK, March 28, 2006. 5. Although there were many Quakers at the meeting, the Anglican Reverend Theodore Richard Milford, Vicar of St. Mary the Virgin (also known as the University Church), eventually chaired the meeting. 6. In spite of the significance of the topic to many influential NGOs whose origins are associated with Quakerism, there is scant literature on the relationship between Quakerism and secularism. The Quakers were involved in founding and supporting other well-known Notes 227

large-scale NGOs, including Amnesty International, Care, Christian Aid, Greenpeace, Save the Children Federation, Shelter and the Fellowship of Reconciliation, and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. For a more comprehensive list of such organizations, see Rickerman (2005). 7. Written correspondence with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, March 27, 2006. 8. However, some scholars discuss other criteria to clarify the different kinds of participation. The criteria include (1) number of people involved (Farrington and Bebbington 1993; Gujit and Shah 1998); (2) role of the people involved (Jiggins 1993: Cornwall 1996); and (3) goal of participation (Landre and Knuth 1993). 9. Written correspondence with a staff member (anonymous), Oxfam HK, March 28, 2006. 10. Written correspondence with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, March 27, 2006. 11. Ibid. 12. Interview with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, December 19, 2005. 13. Ibid. 14. Cross funding occurs when two Oxfam offices bilaterally fund each other. For example, Oxfam HK agreed to fund Oxfam Australia’s projects in Africa for approximately the same amount of funding that Oxfam Australia provides Oxfam HK for projects in mainland China and in Vietnam. The amount of so-called cross funding is not neces- sarily always equal. By way of a particular example, Oxfam Novib (Netherlands) receives a high level of grant funding direct from the Netherlands government that needs to be disbursed in relatively large tranches, so the amount of funding from this Oxfam affiliate to other offices is usually more than it receives from them in return. This hap- pens for two reasons. First, each Oxfam has a rather different program profile, and different kinds of partnership arrangements. Some have a much stronger established presence and partnership network in some sectors, or regions, than others. Some fund through large, established partner organizations; others implement a lot of programs directly themselves; and yet others focus on small, emerging NGOs or community-based organizations. Second, funds from governments and other institutional donors are usually tied to a variety of conditions, such as limits on how much of the funding can be used to cover administrative costs. When there is a lower ceiling on administration funds, it is not possible to set up a local office. Each Oxfam thus cooperates with others in a series of bilateral or multilateral relationships for project funds so that funds can be used in the most effective way. Interview and written correspondence with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, December 19, 2005, March 27, 2006. 228 Notes

15. The proposal and report of this project are not available. Most of the data in this section are mainly based on interviews with Oxfam officials. 16. The project required finance of 1,379,400 RMB (approximately US$172,425) for a project in Dalaba natural village, and 1,556,000 RMB (approximately US$194,500) in total. Of this, Oxfam HK contributed 1,080,400 RMB for the project in Dalaba natural village, and 930,000 RMB for the project in Dabanli village. The local government contributed 299,000 RMB for Dalaba natural village and 626,000 RMB for Dabanli village. 17. Oxfam Australia funded a project in this area in the mid-1990s. Interview with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, December 19, 2005. 18. Interview with a government official, Muga Township, November 19, 2003. 19. My field research did not identify any cases in which the community management committee’s decision making contradicted that of the villagers’ committee. However, there is no mechanism for avoiding conflict between the community management committee and the villagers’ committee. Overall, the relationship between the community management committee and the villagers’ committee is ambig- uously defined by Oxfam HK. Therefore, it is, in theory, possible for the community management committee’s decisions to conflict with those of the villagers’ committee. 20. Interview with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, December 19, 2005. 21. This project was also funded by Oxfam Australia (Oxfam Australia 2003). 22. Interview with Regional Manager, East Asia, Oxfam Australia, Melbourne, December 19, 2005. 23. Ibid. 24. This section uses “villagers” to refer to the “community members” used throughout this book. 25. Interview with a villager, Laba administrative village, November 18, 2003. 26. Interview with a villager, Dalaba natural village, November 18, 2003. 27. Written correspondence with a staff member (anonymous), Oxfam HK, March 28, 2006. 28. Interview with villagers’ committee members in Dalaba natural village, November 18, 2003.

Conclusion 1. As discussed in chapter 5, there were fundamentalist minorities, such as the Army, in the early twentieth century. Notes 229

2. With regard to the development of literature on the concept of civilizations after Huntington, see O’Hagan (2005). 3. Literature that deals with dialogue within and among civilizations is increasing; for example, see Khatami (2003) and Koechler (2003). For a review of traditional approaches to civilization in sociology, see Arnason (2001). BIBLIOGRAPHY

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A Hmao ethnic community, 81–93, Bogdo Khan, 55 219; see also Miao community Bohr, Paul Richard, 77–8 empowerment of, 87 Booth, Bramewell, 133, 135 sense of identity, 88–9, 91, 219 Booth, Catherine, 132, 222 Adam, James, 84 Booth, William, 131–2, 222, 223 adaptation frame of interaction, 8, 36, Boxer Uprising, 37, 73 38, 87, 203 Brass, Paul, 33 and the conflict frame of British missionaries in China, 74–5, interaction, 203, 205 78–9 importance of dialogue, 200 Buddhism, 52, 106, 115 in Jian Hua Foundation’s respect and power of lamas and community development monks, 116 project, 120, 122, 128, 199 in Oxfam Hong Kong’s community Catholicism in China, 68–9 development project, 183, 187, Caughey, Reverend James, 131 190, 199 Cedar Fund, 107, 221 in The Salvation Army’s Chambers, Robert, 167 community development Chan, Sylvia, 175 project, 156, 161, 199 Chang Chieh, 69 Amity Foundation, 151, 152 Cheung, Siu-Woo, 7, 88 Arnstein, Sherry, 168, 169 Chiang Kai-shek, 58, 59–60 Arrow War, 76 China Inland Mission, 77, 80, 84, 108, assimilation policy, 50–1, 54–5, 57, 58, 219 59, 62 Chinese Alliance Society, 54 Australian Agency for International Chinese Communist Party, 61, 66 Development, 143 Chinese Islamic Association, 69–70 autonomy, 56, 57, 60, 61 Chinese nation (zhonghua minzu), 55–7, 58–9 Baptist Missionary Society, 77 Chinese People’s Political Barth, Fredrik, 33–4 Consultative Conference, 181 Beijing Foreign Trade and Economic Christian Imperium, 133, 134 Commission, 104 Christian missionaries, 3, 37, Bell, George, 163 73–95 256 Index

Christian missionaries—continued of the state toward its periphery, 5, belief in superiority over local 7, 21, 43–72, 145 values and beliefs, 81 Cohen, Anthony, 34, 35 civilizational identity, 193 Cohen, Paul A., 76 close association with their Committee of Mongolian and Western governments, 74 Tibetan Affairs, 58 educational and medical work, community, 29–35 80–1, 193 anthropological perspectives on, 33–5 professionalization of, 80–1 boundary making and, 34–5, 86 secular activities, 77 definition, 31–5 secularization of, 77, 80–1, 193 development agencies and, 2, 30, 31 Social Gospel, 78–80, 218 downplayed communities, 91, 94, in the Stone Gateway area, 74, 157–8, 161, 200–1, 203 81–93 Jian Hua Foundation’s definition Christianity and Western of, 129 civilization, 76–81, 136, 193, 195 multiple communities, 115–18, Civil Affairs Bureau, 143 180–1, 201, 203 civil society, 151–2 overlapping nature of, 35, 99, 147, civilization, 40, 211 203 in Chinese history, 43–72 politically oriented, 147–8, 152, 202 Chinese notion of, 21, 22–9, 43–4, 72 preferred communities, 91, 94, and Christianity, 76–81, 136, 193, 157–8, 200, 203 195 The Salvation Army’s idea of, Confucian perception of, 44–52, 147–50 57–8, 71 sociological perspectives on, 31–3 perception of in the People’s community development projects, 10, Republic of China, 61–71 98–9 perception of in the Republic of Jian Hua Foundation’s, 110–15 China period, 53–61, 72 long-term impacts of, 120 standard of, 22 Oxfam Hong Kong’s, 173–7 Western, 22–3, 76–81, 85, 192 The Salvation Army’s, 145–7 civilizational encounters, 4, 21, 23, sustainability of, 169 205, 206 community identity, 37, 38, 40, 148, civilizational identity, 23, 28–9, 192–3 180, 185, 187, 202, 207 civilizational ideology, 66, 72, 74, 81, compassion, 105–6, 126, 128, 194, 198 192, 194 conflict frame of interaction, 8, 36, civilizing missions, 3, 28–9, 37 37, 122, 200, 203 asymmetrical relationship in, 1, 14, and the adaptation frame, 203, 205 28, 142, 145, 154, 171, 191 in Jian Hua Foundation’s change and continuity in, 6–7, community development 193–7 project, 8, 128, 199 Christianity and, 5–7 in Oxfam Hong Kong’s community and ethnic communities in China, development project, 185, 188, 21–41 190, 199 Index 257

in The Salvation Army’s Jian Hua Foundation’s, 105–6, 125, community development 128, 193, 195 project, 199 “presence evangelism,” 139–40, Confucian thought, 26, 59, 124 158–60, 197, 198 Confucian worldview, 45–7 The Salvation Army’s, 135, 139, 143, Confucianism, 58–9 147, 156, 160, 193 conscience collective, 32 constructivism, 33 Fairbank, John, 49 Cornwall, Andrea, 123, 154 Fei Xiaotong, 63–4 Cultural Revolution, 30, 62 Feng, Chia-Sheng, 45 Feng Yuxiang, General, 135 Dabashi, Hamid, 23 frames of interaction, 8, 14, 36–40, Deng Xiaoping, 63 198, 202–5; see also adaptation Open Door Policy, 68, 97, frame of interaction; conflict 104 frame of interaction; new development agencies, 2, 30, 31 consciousness frame of Diamond, Norma, 7 interaction Dorgon, 47 freedom of religious belief, 66–8, 69, Dreyer, June, 57, 60 71 Durkheim, Emile, 32 French missionaries in China, 2 education, 27, 80; see also literacy Fukuzawa Yukichi, 26 empowerment, 127 fundamentalism, 78–9, 81 equality, 61, 63 ethnic identity, 7, 34, 40, 86–91, 204, gaitu guiliu system, 51 207 Geertz, Clifford, 33, 34 ethnic minorities in China, 2, 15, 33, gemeinschaft, 31–2 34, 43–72, 213 gender equality, 35, 170, 199 Communist Party policy toward, gesellschaft, 31–2 61, 64–5 Gong, Gerrit W., 71 comprehension of the religious Gramsci, Antonio, 212 nature of the Christian Great Western Development NGOs, 198 Program, 63, 215 responses to externally generated Green Watershed, 178–9 values and beliefs, 4, 8, 14, Griffith Thomas, W. H., 79 197–8 Grist, William A., 90, 92 responses to international Guo Songtao, 24 NGOs, 13 Guomindang, 56, 59 ethnicity and race, 33, 213 evangelism, 9, 16, 84, 98, 142, 193, Hall, Martin, 23 195, 197 Hamrin, Carol, 16 in China, 73–95, 98, 142–3 Han people, 65 commitment of NGOs to, 9, 193, social status of, 86, 87 197 Hanyu, 47 258 Index

Harrell, Stevan, 5, 7, 28, learning through interaction, 206 39, 64 legitimacy of, 38, 212 Hechter, Michael, 33 and preferred communities, 200–1 Higgins, Commissioner Edward J., reformulation of identity in China, 133 97, 98, 196–7 Hmong people in Thailand, 40, 89, status of in China, 11 90 values and beliefs, 4, 9, 13, 97, 98, Home Mission Movement, 131, 223 193–6, 201 Hong Xiuquan, 70 International Cultural Exchange Hu Jintao, 103 Centre (ICEC), 102, 103, 104 Huang Zhen, 102 international relations, 2, 6, 21, 205 Huangnan Community Development Ishibashi, Takao, 48 Training Programme, 107, 110 Ishikwawa, Sadahiro, 26 human rights, 4–5, 209 Huntington, Samuel, 23, 205, 211 Jackson, Patrick Thaddeus, 23 Hutchison, William R., 78 Japan, 26 Jeffries, Commissioner Charles H., identity, 94 133, 136, 137 civilizational identity, 23, 28–9, Jian Hua Foundation (JHF), 9, 192–3 101–29, 220 community identity, 37, 38, 40, 148, adult literacy training, 119 180, 185, 187, 202, 207 Christian identity of personnel, ethnic identity,7, 34, 40, 86–91, 109–10, 122 204, 207 community development project, imperialism, 2, 3, 12, 21, 73 10–11, 110–15 instrumentalism, 33 compassion, 105–6, 126, 128, internal migration, 50 198 international Christian agencies, connections to the Chinese 8–14, 16, 98; see also government, 12–13 Jian Hua Foundation; evangelism, 105–6, 112–13, 128, 193, The Salvation Army 195 change and continuity in, 193–7 financial arrangements, 106–10, community development projects, 196, 221 10, 98 frames of interaction, 122, 128, 202 contemporary organizations, 9–11 healthcare training, 112, 118, 120, definition, 16–18 124 engagement with ethnic history, values and beliefs, 101–2 community members, 199, holistic approach to development, 202–3, 205–8 112–13, 123–4 indigenization of the values and Huangnan Community activities, 204 Development Training interactions with ethnic Programme, 107, 110 community members, 97, 191, interaction with local community 197–205 members, 115–28 Index 259

interaction with local religious liberalism, 78, 81, 164 leaders, 117–18, 122 literacy, 87, 88, 191 needs analysis, 111, 118 London Missionary Society, 77 personnel, 106–10, 196 Lu Xun, 51 politically oriented communities, Ludbrook, Colonel Arthur, 136 115–16, 120, 202 preferred community, 128–9, 201 Ma, Qiusha, 12, 17 reformulation of identity in China, Manchu identity, 44–5, 48–9, 72 106–15, 196 Mao Zedong, 63 registration with the State Marx, Karl, 66 Administration of Foreign Marxist theory, 62, 66, 72 Experts Affairs, 103 Matsumoto, Masumi, 54, 57 relationship building at the Miao community, 70, 82–5, community level, 110–11 87–8, 149, 219 relationship with local young men, ideas of “nationality” and “state,” 121–2, 128_9, 199 88–9 relationship with the Chinese and The Salvation Army government, 102–6 development project, 149, responses of ethnic community 158, 159 members to health and Ming dynasty, 47 literacy training, 118–20 missionary cases jiao’an, 81 responses to externally generated modernity, 5, 30–1, 194 values and beliefs, 120–4, 127 modernization, 30–1, 194 sense of the superiority of Mongolia, 55, 58 Christianity, 122, 128, 195 Morgan, Arthur, 164 spiritual civilization, 113–14 Morton, Katherine, 4 values and beliefs, 101–2, 105–6 Moseley, George V. H., 87 a widow’s story, 124–8, 198 Murray, Gilbert, 163 jiaohua, 24–8, 40 John, Griffith, 77 nationalities, unification of, 53–4 Kaji, Nobuyuki, 51 Nelson, Benjamin, 23, 205 Keane, John, 206 new consciousness frame of Kipling, Rudyard, 1, 171, 191 interaction, 8, 36, 38–40, 94, 191, Klopper, Martin, 105, 113 203–4, 206 in Oxfam Hong Kong’s labor rights, 178 community development Larsson, General John, 139, 158, 160 project, 201 Latourette, Kenneth, 77, 80 in Samuel Pollard’s relations with learning through interaction, the community, 87–9 206–7 non-governmental organizations, 2, 3, Li Weihan, 62, 65 6, 17 Li Yu, 65 in China, 103, 152 Liang Qichao, 26 Nosu ethnic community, 86, 89, 219 260 Index

Office of Border Affairs (Lifanyuan), preferred community, 201 49 reformulation of identity in China, Office of Mongol and Tibetan 171–9, 189, 196 Affairs, 55 respect for the values of the local Open Door Policy, 68, 97, 104 communities, 196 Oxfam Hong Kong, 163–90, 193 responses to externally generated administrative and natural villages, values and beliefs, 183–4, 175–6 187–9 advocacy work, 10, 178 rights-based approach to community development project, development, 166, 174, 196 11, 173–7, 181–9 secularism, 9–10, 164 community management self-mobilization, 167, 169, 175, 177, committee system, 175–7, 184, 190 177–9, 182, 185–6, 188, 228 structure of the township where Dabanli natural village, 184–7, the development project is 188 located, 173 Dalaba natural village, 182–4, values and beliefs outside China, 187–8 166–71, 177–9 engagement with religious Oxfam International, 226 community members, 15, Oxford Committee for Famine 185–6 Relief, 163 financial arrangements, 172–3, 227 frames of interaction, 183, 185, 187, participation, ladder of, 168, 178 188, 190 Participatory Rural Appraisal, 111, gender equality, 170, 176, 187–9, 121, 122_3, 167 190 Peng Chong, 103 and the Green Watershed group, pigtail decree, 47–8 178–9 political sensitivity regarding history, values and beliefs, 163–71 religious activities, 11–14, 15, 17, interaction with local government, 160, 178–9, 207 177 Pollard, Samuel, 74, 81–93, interactions with ethnic 204 community members, 179–89, beneficiary of the treaty system, 188–90 91–3 interactions with local Christians, education system, 85, 88, 219 180–1, 204 evangelism, 84 liberalism, 164, 165 impact on ethnic community multiple communities in the identity, 86–91 villages, 180 interaction with community needs analysis, 170–1 members, 75, 85, 87, 90 participation in the community missionary activities, 82–5 development project, 167–9, poverty, 166–7 181–7 poverty alleviation offices in local personnel, 172–3 governments, 144, 146 Index 261

“presence evangelism,” 139–40, and the State Religious Affairs 158–60, 197, 198 Bureau, 143 Pretty, Jules, 168, 169 Christian identity of personnel, primordialism, 33 196–7 progress, 22, 25, 27, 64 and the Civil Affairs Bureau, 143 Protestant Three-Self Movement, 67 community development project, Pye, Edith M., 164 11, 145–7, 152–6, 158–9, 161 Pye, Lucian, 5 connections to the Chinese government, 12–13 Qing period, 28–9, 44–52, 71, 192 cooperation with local Quakerism, 163, 164–5, 226 governments, 151–2 downplayed community, 157–8, 161 Rabe, Valentin, 78–9 evangelism, 135, 139, 143, 147, 156, Rapid Rural Appraisal, 167 160, 193 Rapport, Nigel, 29 financial arrangements, 143–5, 197 Rauschenbusch, Walter, 78 frames of interaction, 156, 161, 202 regional autonomy, 61 “heart to God, hand to man,” religion, 6 138–9, 159–60 in China, 60, 62, 66, 216 history, values and beliefs, 131–42 and civilizational identity, human needs, 139, 194 192–3 idea of community, 147–50 freedom of religious belief, 66–8, identity as an international 69, 71 Christian NGO, 151–2, 159 history of, 43–72 indigenization of in China, 135–6 and secularism, 206 integrated development project, and superstition, 70–1 146 top-down and bottom-up aspects interactions with ethnic of, 51–2 communities, 147–60 Religious Affairs Bureau, 66–7, 143 Miao people and Han people, religious associations, 67 149–50 Religious Society of Friends, 163 needs analysis, 149, 153–5 Republican period, 51, 53–61, 72, 133 participation of local community resistance, 37; see also conflict frame in the development project, of interaction 153–5, 156–8 Ricci, Matteo, 124 personnel, 143–5, 197 Richard, Timothy, 77–8, 85 politically oriented communities, rights, 166–7, 171, 178; see also human 147–8, 202 rights; labor rights preferred community, 157–8, 201 Russia, 55, 56–7 “presence evangelism,” 131–62, 197, 198–9 Said, Edward, 1, 21, 171 promotion of religious values, Salvation Army, The, 9, 191 140–1 administrative and natural villages, reformulation of identity in China, 148–9, 157–8, 161 133–8, 142–7 262 Index

Salvation Army—continued Treaty of Huangpu, 75 and the religious community, 150–2 Treaty of Nanjing, 73, 75 responses to externally generated Treaty of Tianjin, 76, 91 values and beliefs, 158–60 Trueblood, D. Elton, 165 secularization of activity, 147 trust, 120–3 sense of the superiority of tusi system, 46, 51 Christianity, 195 social welfare activity, 132, 138 unequal treaty system imposed on training and local needs, 152–4, China, 73–4, 75–6, 94 155–6, 156, 161 United Front Work Department, 62, use of its shield mark, 140, 141, 158, 66 160, 197 values of staff members, 138–42, values, 17 144–5, 160 imposition of, 2, 204, 207 Savage, Allan, 112 universal, 6, 14–16, 170, 189, 194, 207 Scott, James, 36 Western, 6 secularism, 77, 80–1, 193, 206, 226 Walker, Andrew, 29 self-determination, 56, 57, 62, 215 Wang, Xu, 176 self-mobilization, 167, 169 Wang Kangnian, 25 Shen, Hong, 89 welfare, 126, 127 Sheng Shicai, 61 wenming, 24–8, 40 Shiwubao, 26 Western countries’ most-favored- Social Gospel, 78–80, 218 nation status, 76 spiritual civilization, 113–15, 128 White, Richard, 39–40 Stalin, Josef, 64 Wiest, Jean-Paul, 2, 3 State Administration of Foreign Wittfogel, Karl, 45 Experts Affairs, 103 World Bank, 30 State Ethnic Affairs Committee, 63 Wright, Mary, 45 Stone Gateway area, 74, 81–93 Wu Yaozong, 67, 136 Sun Yat-sen, 53, 54, 55–7, 59–60 superstition, 70–1 Xinjiang Province, 59–60 Sweeten, Alan Richard, 90 Yang Zengxin, 60 Taiping Rebellion, 70, 73 Ye Jianying, 114 Tapp, Nicholas, 39, 70, 89, 90 yi (barbarian), 48, 50, 53–4 Taylor, Hudson, 77, 78, 85 Yuan Shi-kai, 55 Three-Self Patriotic Movement, 67, Yui, David, 79 103, 136, 138 Yunnan Family Planning Tibet, 52, 60 Association, 151 Tönnies, Ferdinand, 29, 31 Yunnan Province, 99–100, 151 training programs, 107, 110, 118–20, 124, 152, 155–6, 161 zhonghua minzu (Chinese nation), 55–7, treaties forced on China, 73–4, 75–6, 94 58–9