Pacifism in the Constitution of Japan and Strategies of National Security
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context
Washington International Law Journal Volume 26 Number 1 Special Issue on the Japanese Constitution 1-1-2017 Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context John O. Haley University of Washington School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation John O. Haley, Article 9 in the Post-Sunakawa World: Continuity and Deterrence Within a Transforming Global Context, 26 Wash. L. Rev. 1 (2017). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol26/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2016 Washington International Law Journal Association ARTICLE 9 IN THE POST-SUNAKAWA WORLD: CONTINUITY AND DETERRENCE WITHIN A TRANSFORMING GLOBAL CONTEXT John O. Haley∗ Abstract: The 1959 Supreme Court Grand Bench (en banc) decision in Sakata v. Japan1 (the Sunakawa case) was the first Supreme Court decision on Article 9 and the constitutionality of Japan's defense policies. In the precedent-setting decision, all fifteen justices endorsed the view that under Article 9 Japan retained a fundamental right of self-defense and could enter into treaties for mutual security. In the absence of an apparent or "clear" violation, the courts, Sunakawa held, must defer to the judgment of the political branches on the issue of constitutionality. -
The Process of Restructuring the Imperial Household Ministry in Occupied Japan
Hitotsubashi Bulletin of Social Sciences. Vol.5., 2013. The Process of Restructuring the Imperial Household Ministry in Occupied Japan Hajime Sebata The purpose of this paper is to shed light on the restructuring of the organization of Japan's Imperial Household Ministry in 1945-1949. The Emperor was the absolute sovereign and the supreme commander under the Meiji Constitution. The Imperial Household Ministry was independent from the government, authorized by imperial law and separate from the constitution. After WWII, General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Allied Forces wanted to reform the government of Japan. They took over the Emperor's authority and the property of the Imperial House, and set the Emperor as a "symbol" in the new constitution. Thereafter, all acts of the Emperor in matters of state would require the advice and approval of the Cabinet. The Imperial Household Ministry (Kunai-sho) lost much of its authority and was reorganized as the Imperial Household Offi ce (Kunai-fu). However, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida strove to maintain the independence of the Imperial Household Offi ce. He believed its offi ce should be under the "jurisdiction" (not "management") of the Prime Minister. In Emperor Hirohito's "Postwar Tour," the officers in the Government Section of GHQ criticized the Imperial Household Offi ce as a violation of their policies. They believed that the views of the offi cers in the Imperial Household Offi ce were unchanging and therefore decided to introduce further reforms. Then Prime Minister Tetsu Katayama and Hitoshi Ashida had the same idea. Ashida reorganized the Imperial Household Offi ce as the Imperial Household Agency (Kunai-cho) under the "management" of the Prime Minister. -
Constitutional Reform in Japan
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2019 Constitutional Reform in Japan Nobuhisa Ishizuka Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Nobuhisa Ishizuka, Constitutional Reform in Japan, 33 COLUM. J. ASIAN L. 5 (2019). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/2714 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 2019] CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN JAPAN 5 CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN JAPAN Nobuhisa Ishizukm INTRODUCTION Over seventy years ago it would have seemed inconceivable in the aftermath of a calamitous war that a complete reorientation of Japan into a pacifist society, modeled on Western principles of individual rights and democracy, would succeed in upending a deeply entrenched political order with roots dating back centuries.2 The post-war Japanese constitution lies at the heart of this transformation. Drafted, negotiated and promulgated a mere fourteen months after Japan's formal surrender, 3 it has remained a model of stability amidst transformational changes in the domestic and international political landscape. 4 In the seventy-plus years since its adoption, it has not been amended once.s 1 Executive Director, Center for Japanese Legal Studies, and Lecturer in Law, Columbia Law School. The author would like to acknowledge the research assistance of Nicole Frey, Columbia Law School LL.M. -
Kobe University Repository : Thesis
Kobe University Repository : Thesis Justice on Trial:The International Military Tribunal for the Far East 学位論文題目 Reevaluated, 1946-1956(試される正義:極東国際軍事裁判の再評 Title 価1946-1956年) 氏名 BABOVIC, ALEKSANDRA Author 専攻分野 博士(政治学) Degree 学位授与の日付 2018-03-25 Date of Degree 公開日 2020-03-25 Date of Publication 資源タイプ Thesis or Dissertation / 学位論文 Resource Type 報告番号 甲第7086号 Report Number 権利 Rights JaLCDOI URL http://www.lib.kobe-u.ac.jp/handle_kernel/D1007086 ※当コンテンツは神戸大学の学術成果です。無断複製・不正使用等を禁じます。著作権法で認められている範囲内で、適切にご利用ください。 PDF issue: 2021-10-07 博士学位論文 論文題目: Justice on Trial: The International Military Tribunal for the Far East Reevaluated, 1946-1956 (試される正義:極東国際軍事裁判の再評価 1946-1956 年) 神戸大学大学院法学研究科 専攻:政治学専攻 指導教授:簑原俊洋 学籍番号:135J036J 氏名:BABOVIC ALEKSANDRA 提出年月日:2018年1月10日 ABSTRACT The present research will argue that the IMTFE, considered as a strategic legalism tool, can be explained only when placed within broader context of the Allied powers’ postwar policies both at international and regional level. Japan ascendance to the role of Western ally and its strategic value did not result in the prompt release of Class A war criminals, quite the contrary, it reached a deadlock in which legalism no longer played a strategic role. This issue exposed the inconsistencies in US expectations regarding Japan’s rearmament and started to inhibit progress on the important security agenda in US-Japan diplomatic relations. The dynamics of US-Japan negotiations regarding the Class A war criminals within the broader war criminals agenda, as it will be shown, placed in the hands of Japanese government a powerful tool to instigate its own visions of security vis-à-vis the US. -
Strategic Forum
SF213_201-887.qxd 11/30/04 9:26 AM Page 1 No. 213 Strategic Forum November 2004 Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University http://www.ndu.edu/inss Japan’s Constitution and Defense Policy: Entering a New Era? by Rust Deming Japan’s postwar defense policy was set by (1) Aspiring sincerely to an international peace Key Points the 1947 constitution. Early in the occupation, based on justice and order, the Japanese people hanges in the security environment and General Douglas MacArthur and his staff con- forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the th the rise of a new generation have cluded that the 19 -century Meiji constitution nation and the threat or use of force as a means of Cended Japan’s taboo on discussion of needed to be revised or entirely replaced if settling international disputes. amending the 1947 “peace constitution.” Japan were to become a true democracy, with (2) In order to accomplish the aim of the pre- While many wish to maintain the current the Emperor removed from any political role. ceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as document, the center of gravity in the debate In January 1946, convinced that the elitist and well as other war potential, will never be main- has shifted. authoritarian Japanese establishment was tained. The right of belligerency of the state will The movement to amend the constitu- incapable of producing a democratic constitu- not be recognized. tion is connected to and stimulated by a tion, MacArthur ordered his staff to produce a draft. One week later, an entirely rewritten Ashida later testified that the new phrase parallel debate on defense policy. -
9, 1980 1 ENROUTE to TOKYO, JAPAN I-NE '3 Jr‘U' I 12:10 P.M.WEDNESDA
THE WHITE MJUSE THE DAlLY DIARY OF PRESIDENT JIMMY CARTER LtX.‘lC&i OHE I MO.. Z+al\;, k’r.t I WSOARD AIR FORCE ONE 1lT.Y 9, 1980 1 ENROUTE TO TOKYO, JAPAN I-NE '3 jr‘u' i 12:10 p.m.WEDNESDA ACTIVITY Air Force one arrived at Haneda International Airport, Tokyo, Japan. I’ The President was greeted by: Masayoshi Ito, Acting Prime Minister of Japan Ii Michael J. Mansfield, Ambassador of the U.S. to Japan I1. Mrs. Michael J. (Maureen) Mansfield I Nobuyuki Nakasthima, Chief of Protocol, Japan. i- f 12:18 The President, escorted by Ambassador Mansfield, went to the speaking platform, I 12:20 12:23 The President addressed the crowd gathered for his arrival in Japan. Members of the press 12:26 The President went to his motorcade. He was accompanied by: 1 Edmund S. Muskie, Secretary of State Ambassador Mansfield I: George R. Ariyoshi (D-Hawaii) I? 12:26 12:51 The Presidential party motored from Haneda International Airport I. to the residence of Ambassador Mansfield. I 1 ;i .'I The President went to his suite. I i f I 1:37 The President returned to his motorcade. He was accompanied by:! Secretary Muskie I I Ambassador Mansfield Ii Governor Ariyoshi The Presidential party motored from the Ambassador's residence t to the Budokan Sports Arena. I i The President was greeted by: 1 Saburo Okita, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan Keizo Obuchi, Minister of State in Charge of ! Prime Minister's Office, Japan Japanese Protocol Officer I * lt47 The President went to his seat. -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
'Japan': Prime Minister Abe's Political Rhetoric in Critical Perspective
Bringing back ‘Japan’: Prime minister Abe’s political rhetoric in critical perspective. By: Chris G. Pope A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Sheffield Faculty of Social Sciences School of East Asian Studies 27 May 2017 Abstract The thesis provides a detailed analysis of prime minister of Japan, Abe’s, political rhetoric. Adopting a critical realist approach to the analysis of political discourse,Shinzō the thesis aims to identify how Abe sought to legitimate the substantial changes to the state, its international conduct, and relationship with its citizens, including the reinterpretation of Article 9 of the constitution, Japan’s so-called ‘Peace Clause’. Abe returned to office in December 2012 promising to ‘bring back’ Japan, but under this aegis, the Abe administration has enacted wholesale changes to Japan’s social security, national economy and security agenda. While many of these changes are examined throughout, the thesis adopts depoliticization theory as an analytical tool and explanatory factor to discuss the changes in Japanese politics by parsing depoliticization into governmental, societal, and discursive forms. The analysis demonstrates how Abe relied on discursive depoliticization to legitimate changes by implementing a mixed-methods approach to discourse analysis using text-mining software to identify salient areas of speech, frame analysis to further characterize them, and critical discourse analysis for the micro- analysis of text. The thesis argues that Abe effectively depoliticized politically divisive issues by relying on the neoliberal account of globalization to justify substantial changes to Japan’s security agenda, economy and social infrastructure. -
Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member”
Appendix SCAPIN 919, “Removal and Exclusion of Diet Member” May 3, 1946 a. As Chief Secretary of the Tanaka Cabinet from 1927 to 1929, he necessarily shares responsibility for the formulation and promulgation without Diet approval of amendments to the so-called Peace Preservation Law which made that law the government’s chief legal instrument for the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, and made possible the denunciation, terror- ization, seizure, and imprisonment of tens of thousands of adherents to minor- ity doctrines advocating political, economic, and social reform, thereby preventing the development of effective opposition to the Japanese militaristic regime. b. As Minister of Education from December 1931 to March 1934, he was responsible for stifling freedom of speech in the schools by means of mass dismissals and arrests of teachers suspected of “leftist” leanings or “dangerous thoughts.” The dismissal in May 1933 of Professor Takigawa from the faculty of Kyoto University on Hatoyama’s personal order is a flagrant illustration of his contempt for the liberal tradition of academic freedom and gave momentum to the spiritual mobilization of Japan, which under the aegis of the military and economic cliques, led the nation eventually into war. c. Not only did Hatoyama participate in thus weaving the pattern of ruth- less suppression of freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of thought, hut he also participated in the forced dissolution of farmer-labor bodies. In addition, his indorsement of totalitarianism, specifically in its appli- cation to the regimentation and control of labor, is a matter of record. -
Unconditional Surrender, the Emperor and the Tokyo Trial 59
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Unconditional Surrender, the Emperor and the Tokyo Trial 59 Unconditional Surrender, the Emperor and the Tokyo Trial: Implications for the Present-Day Japan-US Alliance Kazuhiko TOGO 無条件降伏・天皇・東京裁判: 現在の日米同盟に対して有する意味合い 東 郷 和 彦 <Abstract> In August 1945, when Japan was on the brink of total defeat, opinions among Japanese top leaders on when and how to surrender were divided, although everyone agreed that one condition would have to be met before any surrender: the preservation of the Imperial House. The Potsdam Declaration had been formulated in such a manner that this issue was left ambiguous. The final US reply, however, allowed sufficient room for the interpre- tation that the Imperial House would be preserved. So the Japanese Government surrendered. Since the surrender was only based on this interpretation, the defeated Government’s immediate efforts were concentrated on realiz- ing this condition through the establishment of a new Constitution (Article One) and the Tokyo Trial (not indicting the Emperor). Thus the final and only condition of the falling Empire was met. However, the crucial aspect of “honoring the commitment” was forgotten through a prevailing notion that Japan had made an unconditional surrender and that the US occupation was using the Emperor for the expediency of its occupation policy. After the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty even the Japanese Government itself began to acknowledge that Japan had indeed made an unconditional surrender. It is time to go back into history and recall this forgotten commit- ment in order to consolidate the contemporary Japan-US alliance. -
Captain Malcolm Kennedy & Japan, 1917-1945
CAPTAIN MALCOLM KENNEDY & JAPAN, 1917-1945 INTRODUCTION 2 FAMILY BACKGROUND AND EARLY YEARS, 1895-1917 4 ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS, 1902-1917 16 TAISHO JAPAN, 1912-1925 21 ECONOMICS & SOCIETY 21 POLITICS 23 FOREIGN RELATIONS: JAPAN AND RUSSIA 24 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: JAPAN AND THE U.S.A. 26 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: JAPAN AND CHINA 27 LANGUAGE OFFICER IN JAPAN, 1917-1920 29 ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS, 1919-1921 66 THE WAR OFFICE & THE END OF THE ANGLO-JAPANESE ALLIANCE (1921-1922) 69 RISING SUN PETROLEUM COMPANY, 1922-1924 81 CHINA AND JAPAN, 1921-1931 92 REUTERS' CORRESPONDENT IN JAPAN (1925-1934) 97 THE SOVIET UNION AND JAPAN, 1925-1939 121 JAPAN: BRITISH POLICY AND PERCEPTIONS, 1931-34 127 THE CONROY CASE AND THE BREAK WITH REUTERS, 1933-34 133 CAPTAIN KENNEDY & BRITISH WRITING ON JAPAN, 1924-1939 144 BOOKS 144 LEADING ARTICLES IN THE TIMES 153 KENNEDY & THE SINO-JAPANESE PROPAGANDA WAR, 1934-39. 157 KENNEDY & THE GOVERNMENT CODE AND CIPHER SCHOOL, 1935-44 179 INTRODUCTION Although a large volume of literature exists in the broad field of Anglo-Japanese diplomatic relations in the first half of the twentieth century, there are virtually no substantial biographical works on British citizens deeply involved with Japan during this period. Indeed, the only biographical study of such a figure is a short and uncritical work on the British scholar and diplomat, Sir George Sansom, written and edited by his wife. The major works on Anglo-Japanese relations in general have been written by Ian Nish and Peter Lowe. The former has largely concentrated on the period of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, in his monographs The Anglo-Japanese Alliance: The Diplomacy of Two Island Empires, 1894-1907 and Alliance in Decline: A Study in Anglo-Japanese Relations, 1908-23. -
Nbr Analysis
GREEN AND SAMUELS 1 ANALYSIS Volume 5, No. 4 RECALCULATING AUTONOMY: JAPAN’S CHOICES IN THE NEW WORLD ORDER Michael J. Green and Richard J. Samuels THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 2 NBR ANALYSIS © 1994 by The National Bureau of Asian Research. ISSN 1052-164X Printed in the United States of America. The National Bureau of Asian Research, a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution, conducts advanced policy research on contemporary and future issues concerning East Asia, Russia, and U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific region. NBR does not advocate policy positions, but rather is dedicated to providing expert information and analysis for effective and far-sighted policy decisions. The NBR Analysis, which is published five times annually, offers timely reports on countries, events, and issues from recognized experts. The views expressed in these essays are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. This report may be reproduced for personal use. Otherwise, its articles may not be reproduced in full without the written permission of NBR. When information from this report is cited or quoted, please cite the author and The National Bureau of Asian Research. Funding for this publication was provided by the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Publishing and production services by Laing Communications Inc., Redmond, Washington. NBR is a tax-exempt, nonprofit corporation under I.R.C. Sec. 501(c)(3), qualified to receive tax-exempt contributions. This is the nineteenth NBR Analysis. For further information about NBR, call or write: THE NATIONAL BUREAU OF ASIAN RESEARCH 715 SAFECO Plaza Seattle, WA 98185 (206) 632-7370 Fax (206) 632-7487 GREEN AND SAMUELS 3 FOREWORD Not since the Second World War has Japan faced a future fraught with so much uncertainty.