DOCSLIB.ORG

The Populist Politics of Recognition

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Populist Politics of Recognition The Populist Politics of Recognition A Cross-Regional Study on Inclusiveness and Exclusiveness in the Contemporary Populist Party Discourse in Africa and the European Periphery Master Thesis by Mitchell Kortboyer Email address: [email protected] Student number: s4330080 Comparative Politics, Public Administration and Society Supervisor: dr. Jan Pieter Beetz 13 August 2018 Table of contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 3 Abbreviations .......................................................................................................................................... 4 List of figures .......................................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.1. Populism as an exclusionary threat or an inclusionary corrective? ......................................... 6 1.2. Aim and research question ...................................................................................................... 7 1.3. Significance ............................................................................................................................. 8 1.4. The structure of the study ...................................................................................................... 10 Chapter 2: Theoretical framework......................................................................................................... 11 2.1. Origins, historical manifestations and definitional problems ................................................ 11 2.2. Populism as a thin-centered ideology .................................................................................... 14 2.3. Populist parties ...................................................................................................................... 18 2.4. Inclusionary and exclusionary populism ............................................................................... 19 2.5. In- and exclusion on the material, symbolic and political dimension ................................... 22 2.6. Expectations .......................................................................................................................... 23 Chapter 3: Methods ............................................................................................................................... 26 3.1. The case study approach ........................................................................................................ 26 3.2 Case selection ........................................................................................................................ 27 3.4. Discourse analysis ................................................................................................................. 30 3.5. Material selection .................................................................................................................. 32 3.6. Operationalization of the theoretical concepts ...................................................................... 33 Chapter 4: The analysis of the cases...................................................................................................... 37 4.1. Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) ............................................................................... 37 4.2. Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance (Fidesz).......................................................................... 43 4.3. Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) ....................................... 50 4.4. Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) ....................................................................................... 56 4.5. Comparison of the cases ........................................................................................................ 62 Chapter 5: Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 64 5.1. Main findings ........................................................................................................................ 64 5.2. Wider significance of the findings ........................................................................................ 65 5.3. Limitations and further research ............................................................................................ 67 Sources and references .......................................................................................................................... 70 2 Abstract Despite the fact that inclusion and exclusion are seen as key aspects of populism, often they are not the main topic of research. Furthermore, studies wherein these aspects are at the core, have resulted in strongly opposing conclusions. Therefore, the current (case) study will perform a discourse analysis, focusing on the in- and exclusiveness of four populist parties from Africa and – from a geographic perspective – the European periphery. Populism in Africa is a relatively new research topic and there is no study to date that deals with the ‘inclusion/exclusion issue’ in Africa. Additionally, a significant amount of manifestations of populism have emerged in the European periphery this century. While there is a general lack of focus on Africa, the European periphery has been the subject of many studies on populism. However, the in- and exclusiveness issue within this latter region has largely been ignored. In sum, the main aim is to distinguish how in- or exclusionary contemporary populism is in Africa and the European periphery, to achieve a better understanding of these types of populism. As a secondary benefit, this study is designed as such that the results will provide information about less exposed regions, thereby enabling a (new) cross-regional comparison. The analyzed cases are: Fidesz (Hungary), SYRIZA (Greece), EFF (South Africa) and ZANU-PF (Zimbabwe). This study shows inclusionary and exclusionary elements in both regions. A more general conclusion is therefore that the notion of an inclusive-exclusive dichotomy should not be pushed too far. The populist discourse in the European periphery is variable: SYRIZA’s populist discourse could be labeled as strictly inclusionary, whereas Fidesz’ populist discourse could be labeled as mostly exclusionary. However, the populist discourse in the African region is largely exclusionary, excluding particularly the white population. Hereby, the current study adds to existing cross-regional research on the in- and exclusiveness of populism. Keywords: Africa, discourse, European periphery, inclusion, exclusion, populism 3 Abbreviations ANC African National Congress DIMAR Democratic Left Dimokratiki Aristera EC European Commission EU European Union ECB European Central Bank EFF Economic Freedom Fighters Fidesz Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance Fidesz – Magyar Polgári Szövetség FN National Front (National Rally) Front (Rassemblement) National FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs IMF International Monetary Fund LAOS Popular Orthodox Rally Laikós Orthódoxos Synagermós MAS Movement for Socialism Movimiento al Socialism M5S Five Star Movement Movimento 5 Stelle ND New Democracy Nea Dimokratia NL Northern League Lega Nord (Lega) PASOK Panhellenic Socialist Movement Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima PSUV United Socialist Party of Venezuela Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela SYRIZA Coalition of the Radical Left Synaspismós Rizospastikís Aristerás ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front 4 List of figures Figure 1: Number of books in English in which the word “populism” or “populist” appears in the title Figure 2: Analytical framework used for the initial focus of the discourse analysis. 5 Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Populism as an exclusionary threat or an inclusionary corrective? “The growing interest in populism arguably is due to the common opinion that populism embodies a dangerous trend, which, by emphasizing the idea of popular sovereignty, may pursue problematic goals such as the exclusion of ethnic minorities. However, populism can also be conceived of as a kind of democratic corrective since it gives voice to groups that do not feel represented by the elites, and forces them to react and change the political agenda” (Kaltwasser, 2012, p. 184-185). Populism is a hot topic. It is spreading across the world and in some countries and regions populism is dominating politics. The election of Donald Trump in 2016 was a clear and recent example of this. This election made a populist – or at least a politician with some populistic characteristics – the President of the United States (U.S.). After this (for many) surprising election result, a lot of media attention was devoted to the national elections in the Netherlands, Germany and France in 2017. A lot of important media were speaking of “a populist crossroad” and the “year of the truth” for Europe (Adler, BBC, 9 February 2017). Everybody wanted to know whether the rise of populism in Europe would continue or stop after the U.S. elections. The results of these elections were ambiguous. None of the populist parties succeeded to become the biggest party in their country. Yet, all of these three countries experienced an increase of their populist vote share. Meanwhile, it seems
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download (515Kb)
    European Community No. 26/1984 July 10, 1984 Contact: Ella Krucoff (202) 862-9540 THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT: 1984 ELECTION RESULTS :The newly elected European Parliament - the second to be chosen directly by European voters -- began its five-year term last month with an inaugural session in Strasbourg~ France. The Parliament elected Pierre Pflimlin, a French Christian Democrat, as its new president. Pflimlin, a parliamentarian since 1979, is a former Prime Minister of France and ex-mayor of Strasbourg. Be succeeds Pieter Dankert, a Dutch Socialist, who came in second in the presidential vote this time around. The new assembly quickly exercised one of its major powers -- final say over the European Community budget -- by blocking payment of a L983 budget rebate to the United Kingdom. The rebate had been approved by Community leaders as part of an overall plan to resolve the E.C.'s financial problems. The Parliament froze the rebate after the U.K. opposed a plan for covering a 1984 budget shortfall during a July Council of Ministers meeting. The issue will be discussed again in September by E.C. institutions. Garret FitzGerald, Prime Minister of Ireland, outlined for the Parliament the goals of Ireland's six-month presidency of the E.C. Council. Be urged the representatives to continue working for a more unified Europe in which "free movement of people and goods" is a reality, and he called for more "intensified common action" to fight unemployment. Be said European politicians must work to bolster the public's faith in the E.C., noting that budget problems and inter-governmental "wrangles" have overshadolted the Community's benefits.
    [Show full text]
  • Italy and the Regulation of Same-Sex Unions Alessia Donà*
    Modern Italy, 2021 Vol. 26, No. 3, 261–274, doi:10.1017/mit.2021.28 Somewhere over the rainbow: Italy and the regulation of same-sex unions Alessia Donà* Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Trento, Italy (Received 11 August 2020; final version accepted 6 April 2021) While almost all European democracies from the 1980s started to accord legal recogni- tion to same-sex couples, Italy was, in 2016, the last West European country to adopt a regulation, after a tortuous path. Why was Italy such a latecomer? What kind of barriers were encountered by the legislative process? What were the factors behind the policy change? To answer these questions, this article first discusses current morality policy- making, paying specific attention to the literature dealing with same-sex partnerships. Second, it provides a reconstruction of the Italian policy trajectory, from the entrance of the issue into political debate until the enactment of the civil union law, by considering both partisan and societal actors for and against the legislative initiative. The article argues that the Italian progress towards the regulation of same-sex unions depended on the balance of power between change and blocking coalitions and their degree of congru- ence during the policymaking process. In 2016 the government formed a broad consen- sus and the parliament passed a law on civil unions. However, the new law represented only a small departure from the status quo due to the low congruence between actors within the change coalition. Keywords: same-sex unions; party politics; morality politics; LGBT mobilisation; Catholic Church; veto players.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
    REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
    Transnational networking and cooperation among neo-reformist left parties in Southern Europe during the Eurozone crisis: SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos Vladimir Bortun The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. March 2019 Abstract European parties to the left of social democracy have always lagged behind the main political families in terms of transnational cooperation at the level of the EU. However, the markedly transnational character of the Eurozone crisis and of the management of that crisis has arguably provided a uniquely propitious context for these parties to reduce that gap. This research project aims to establish whether they achieved that by focusing on three parties that were particularly prone to seeking an increase in their transnational cooperation: SYRIZA from Greece, Bloco de Esquerda from Portugal and Podemos from Spain. For these parties not only come from the member states most affected by the crisis, both economically and politically, but they also share several programmatic and strategic features favouring such an increase. By using a mix of document analysis, semi-structured interviews and non-participatory observation, the thesis discusses both the informal and formal transnational networking and cooperation among the three parties. This discussion reveals four key findings, with potentially useful insights for wider transnational party cooperation that are to be pursued in future research. Firstly, the transnational networking and cooperation among SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos did increase at some point during the crisis, particularly around SYRIZA’s electoral victory in January 2015. Secondly, since the U-turn of that government in July 2015, SYRIZA’s relationship with both Bloco and Podemos has declined significantly, as reflected in their diverging views of the EU.
    [Show full text]
  • Massive Fish Losses in Rainbow Trout Cultures of Louros River (N.W. Greece) After Strong Summer Rainfall
    Bull. Eur. Ass. Fish Pathol., 29(2) 2009, 66 Massive fish losses in rainbow trout cultures of Louros River (N.W. Greece) after strong summer rainfall. Implication of the sycamore lace bug Corythucha ciliatα (Hemiptera: Tingidae) G. Savvidis*1, Z. Zartaloudis2 and G. Vafeas1 1 National Agricultural Research Foundation, Veterinary Research Institute of Thessaloniki, P.O.B. 60272, P.C. 57001 Thermi-Thessaloniki, Greece; 2 National Agricultural Research Foundation, Plant Protection Institute of Thessaloniki, P.O.B. 60324, P.C. 57001 Thermi-Thessaloniki, Greece. Abstract This study aims to investigate cases of sudden fish death in rainbow trout farms located along the Louros River (region of Ioannina Prefecture, N.W. Greece) during the summer months. All of the cases have been preceded by a downpour and appeared with common and identical characteristics concerning the symptomatology (swimming behaviour, dark coloured large spots on the fish body surface) and final result (sudden death regardless of size, age and weight). The same cases were repeated many times in units located along the riversides of Louros. After conducting in situ experiments, it has been demonstrated that the phenomena are strongly correlated with the presence of the insect Corythucha ciliatα (Hemiptera: Tingidae) (Say, 1832) (common name, sycamore lace bug), which massively affects the platanus trees (common name, plane trees) along the river during the spring and summer period. The rainwater washes the leaves of the trees, and thus, an enormous number of insects (nymphs and adults) and their secretions fall down into the running river water, which is the supplier of the rainbow trout farms located in this area.
    [Show full text]
  • 51St National Day of Mourning Agribusiness “Farm Bill,” but the Farmers Are Also in Full Solidarity with the Workers
    ¡Acusamos de genocidio! 12 Crecientes amenazas 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 62, No. 49 Dec. 3, 2020 $1 India’s working class unites 250 million strike! By Martha Grevatt postal workers] observed a 100 percent strike.” (tinyurl.com/y4wsthaw) For the second time this year, a class- wide mobilization in an “All-India strike” A working-class united front brought out 250 million workers. With Strikers held sit-ins and mass rallies, one in four working-age people in India and blocked traffic and train tracks. They participating, this 24-hour work stoppage burned an effigy of right-wing President can again claim the status of “world’s big- Narendra Modi. There was massive par- gest strike.” The first record-breaking ticipation by the unemployed, unorga- general strike had taken place on Jan. 8. nized, self-employed and informal sector Ten of India’s labor federations took workers, as well as students. Women part, uniting under the “joint platform.” played a prominent role. Five states—Kerala, Puducherry, Odisha, The labor federations’ joint plat- Assam and Telangana— were completely form put forth demands for a minimum shut down, while daily activity was cur- income, food for poor families, a guaran- tailed in many others. teed number of workdays, higher wages, News Click, a progressive Indian news pensions for everyone, and the end of source, reported on Nov. 26: “The strike Women were a major force in the All-India strike, Nov. 26. forced early retirements. It called for the saw stoppage of work in
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin Produced at St
    acas ASSOCIATION OF CONCERNED AFRICA SCHOLARS BULLETin Produced at st. Augustine's College, Raleigh, NC 27610-2298 Fall 1990 Number 31 SPECIAL ISSUE: THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN ZAIRE TABLE OF CONTENTS Note from the Guest Editor •.....••••••••••••••••.•••.••• 1 Jacques Depelchin, "Is This A Time To Forget?" ....•••••• 3 Deborah Green, "The Democratic Challenge to Fascism" •••• 8 Musifiky M~anasali, "The state and Grassroot Develop- ment Initiatives: The Coffee Sector in Zaire .•.... 15 Robert Mortimer, "Report From Lubumbashi" •••••....••..•• 25 Jane Hunter, "Ignoring Zaire" ••..•.•••....••••.•.•.••••• 27 ~ ~ ~ ACTIONS ACAS at Baltimore ..................................•... 31 ACAS Actions in 1990 •••••••••.•••••••...•••.••••••••••. 32 Letter to the Editor 37 Announcements ..•••......•.•.•.•..••.•.•.•.•.....•••••.• 38 1 NOTE FROM THE GUEST EDITOR THE-STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN ZAIRE A new political awakening is under way in Zaire. Since January of this year, when President Mobutu Sese Seko dared his compatriots to tell him what was wrong with the system, people from all walks of life have come forth to demand radical political change. Mobutu has been overwhelmed by the reaction to the half-hearted liberalization measures he announced in April, May and June. Over 60 political parties have been formed, and a free press with a dozen or more newspapers is now publishing in complete defiance of the dictatorship. This transformation process is irreversible. However, a dying dictatorship, like a wounded animal, can be very ferocious, indeed. The massacre of over 50 students at the University of Lubumbashi in May and countless acts of security force repression against the democratic opposition are a testimony to the desperate attempts of the Mobutu regime to retain political control. The main features of this issue of the Bulletin attempts to apprise the concerned scholar of developments in the struggle for democracy in Zaire together with their worldwide significance.
    [Show full text]
  • To the Crucible II
    To the Crucible II: A Further Irish Engagement with the Greek Crisis and the Greek Left Helena Sheehan This is a sequel to http://www.irishleftreview.org/2013/01/21/crucible-irish-engagement-greek- crisis-greek-left/ The Dominant Narrative “Things have gone very quiet in Greece, haven’t they?” So many people said that to me in the past six months or so. I responded that there was a lot going on, even if international media weren’t covering it. There were civil mobilisations of teachers and transport workers, as well as rising unemployment, emigration and impoverishment, being met with continuing protest, strikes, occupations. Even so, I sensed a lull in the rhythm of resistance, since the big demonstrations opposing the passage of the third memorandum last autumn. Obviously people couldn’t keep going at that pitch all the time, but how many were succumbing to exhaustion, despair, defeat? How many were quietly going about their work in solidarity networks, policy development, political education? The story circulating in May, promoted by its government, was that Greece had stabilised and protest had subsided. Grexit had given way to Grecovery. Antonis Samaras, who was most actively articulating this, touring the world with the good news, even heralded a Greek ‘renaissance’. The feeblest of economic indicators were offered as evidence, although international commentators, even ones who wanted to believe this story, found it hard to get past the fact that most indicators still pointed in the opposite direction. In other statements, Samaras conceded that they hadn’t really changed the numbers yet, but insisted that they had eliminated the ‘negative psychology’.
    [Show full text]
  • Undermining the “Rainbow Nation”? the Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-Wing Populism in South Africa
    Undermining the “Rainbow Nation”? The Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-wing Populism in South Africa Stephen R. Hurt* & Mikko Kuisma† Paper prepared for 66th Political Studies Association Annual International Conference Hilton Brighton Metropole, Brighton 21st – 23rd March 2016 Consider as work in progress Not for citation in this form, but comments very welcome * Senior Lecturer in International Relations, Department of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University, Gipsy Lane, Oxford, OX3 0BP, UK. Tel: +44 (0)1865 483972; E-mail: [email protected] † Senior Lecturer in International Relations, Department of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University, Gipsy Lane, Oxford, OX3 0BP, UK. Tel: +44 (0)1865 483995; E-mail: [email protected] The Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-wing Populism in South Africa Undermining the “Rainbow Nation”? The Economic Freedom Fighters and Left-wing Populism in South Africa Abstract Historically, three waves of populism are often identified: agrarian populism in the US and Russia in the 19th century, post-war Latin American populism and new populism, which has been a predominantly European right-wing phenomenon. However, the third wave of populism, even in Europe, now needs to be supplemented with the recent emergence of populist left parties and movements like Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece, Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia. There are also good reasons for broadening the focus beyond Europe and Latin America. This paper looks at the recently formed Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) led by Julius Malema in South Africa. We argue that EFF could be understood as a particularly African articulation of left-wing populism.
    [Show full text]
  • European Climate and Energy Experts
    Journalism for the energy transition EXPERT EUROPEAN CLIMATE AND ENERGY EXPERTS Filters: Expert Type: Any, Topic: Elections & Politics, Location: Any Progressive, social-liberal, pro-European and green political party. Not represented in Parliament. Twitter: @progresivne_sk Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Media office [email protected] Ľ Far-right neo-Nazi political party. Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Office [email protected] ľ Conservative liberal political party. Twitter: @Veronika_Remis Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Press office [email protected] Liberal and libertarian political party. Eurosceptic, advocates the liberalisation of drug laws and same-sex marriage. Rejects strict solutions to climate change. Member of the governing coalition. Twitter: @stranasas Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Ondrej Šprlák, spokesperson [email protected] +421 910579204 Right-wing populist political party opposed to mass immigration. Second largest party in the governing coalition. Twitter: @SmeRodina Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Office [email protected] +421 910444676 Led by former Prime Minister Robert Fico, left-wing populist and nationalist party with a socially conservative and anti-immigration stance. Twitter: @SmerSk Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Press office [email protected] Ľ Won the last election and is the largest party in the governing coalition. Non-standard party without fixed party structures. Twitter: @i_matovic Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Peter Dojčan, media officer [email protected] Largest political party in terms of public support. Since the last election, it is represented by 11 deputies in Parliament. Location: Slovakia PRESS CONTACT Patrícia Medveď Macíková, spokesperson [email protected] +421 91716221 Social-liberal and populist party, one of the two largest political parties in Estonia.
    [Show full text]
  • Cards on the Table
    cDIREoCTIONmFOR THE pass DEMOCRATIC LEFT CARDS ON THE TABLE by Michael Prior August 2010 6 6 6 Tr hink e b m u N N PIECES 6 6 Tr hink e b m u N PIECES by Michael Prior CARDS ON THE TABLE The small increase in turnout seems mainly to have been previously Labour voters responding, perhaps a little wearily, certainly “hesitantly, to the old call to Keep the Tories Out which had become the drum“ beat of most Labour-inclined commentators in the weeks before the election. This was almost certainly the reason for the dreadful results of all the left alternatives to Labour. Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. Cards on the table www.compassonline.org.uk PAGE 1 Cards on the table independents and various ‘protest’ This unexpected result, a ‘normal’ election candidates, flat-lining for the nationalists but one which has turned British politics in and electoral catastrophe for small parties a totally new direction has provided the he author is someone who left the of the left. In other words, business as Labour Party and the wider left with the Labour Party in despair fifteen or so usual with the, historically, not uncommon difficult problem of how to respond to t years ago and has never for a final result of the arrow of the two-party coalition politics. The immediate, knee-jerk moment regretted it. Now a member of wheel-of-fortune coming to rest in that response has largely been what might be the Green Party, he will never, ever, vote sector marked No Overall Majority.
    [Show full text]