SYRIZA, Bloco and Podemos
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First Thoughts on the 25 January 2015 Election in Greece
GPSG Pamphlet No 4 First thoughts on the 25 January 2015 election in Greece Edited by Roman Gerodimos Copy editing: Patty Dohle Roman Gerodimos Pamphlet design: Ana Alania Cover photo: The Zappeion Hall, by Panoramas on Flickr Inside photos: Jenny Tolou Eveline Konstantinidis – Ziegler Spyros Papaspyropoulos (Flickr) Ana Alania Roman Gerodimos Published with the support of the Politics & Media Research Group, Bournemouth University Selection and editorial matter © Roman Gerodimos for the Greek Politics Specialist Group 2015 All remaining articles © respective authors 2015 All photos used with permission or under a Creative Commons licence Published on 2 February 2015 by the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) www.gpsg.org.uk Editorial | Roman Gerodimos Continuing a tradition that started in 2012, a couple of weeks ago the Greek Politics Specialist Group (GPSG) invited short commentaries from its members, affiliates and the broader academ- ic community, as a first ‘rapid’ reaction to the election results. The scale of the response was humbling and posed an editorial dilemma, namely whether the pamphlet should be limited to a small number of indicative perspectives, perhaps favouring more established voices, or whether it should capture the full range of viewpoints. As two of the founding principles and core aims of the GPSG are to act as a forum for the free exchange of ideas and also to give voice to younger and emerging scholars, it was decided that all contributions that met our editorial standards of factual accuracy and timely -
The Rise of Syriza: an Interview with Aristides Baltas
THE RISE OF SYRIZA: AN INTERVIEW WITH ARISTIDES BALTAS This interview with Aristides Baltas, the eminent Greek philosopher who was one of the founders of Syriza and is currently a coordinator of its policy planning committee, was conducted by Leo Panitch with the help of Michalis Spourdalakis in Athens on 29 May 2012, three weeks after Syriza came a close second in the first Greek election of 6 May, and just three days before the party’s platform was to be revealed for the second election of 17 June. Leo Panitch (LP): Can we begin with the question of what is distinctive about Syriza in terms of socialist strategy today? Aristides Baltas (AB): I think that independently of everything else, what’s happening in Greece does have a bearing on socialist strategy, which is not possible to discuss during the electoral campaign, but which will present issues that we’re going to face after the elections, no matter how the elections turn out. We haven’t had the opportunity to discuss this, because we are doing so many diverse things that we look like a chicken running around with its head cut off. But this is precisely why I first want to step back to 2008, when through an interesting procedure, Synaspismos, the main party in the Syriza coalition, formulated the main elements of the programme in a book of over 300 pages. The polls were showing that Syriza was growing in popularity (indeed we reached over 15 per cent in voting intentions that year), and there was a big pressure on us at that time, as we kept hearing: ‘you don’t have a programme; we don’t know who you are; we don’t know what you’re saying’. -
Balkanologie, Vol. 15 N° 2 | 2020 the Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’S “One of Five Million” Pr
Balkanologie Revue d'études pluridisciplinaires Vol. 15 n° 2 | 2020 Pour une approche socio-historique de l'action collective dans les Balkans The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie Jelena Pešić and Jelisaveta Petrović Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/2576 DOI: 10.4000/balkanologie.2576 ISSN: 1965-0582 Publisher Association française d'études sur les Balkans (Afebalk) Electronic reference Jelena Pešić and Jelisaveta Petrović, “The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests ”, Balkanologie [Online], Vol. 15 n° 2 | 2020, Online since 01 December 2020, connection on 22 April 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/balkanologie/2576 ; DOI: https:// doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.2576 This text was automatically generated on 22 April 2021. © Tous droits réservés The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Pr... 1 The Role and the Positioning of the Left in Serbia’s “One of Five Million” Protests Le rôle et le positionnement de la Gauche dans le mouvement « Un sur cinq millions » en Serbie Jelena Pešić and Jelisaveta Petrović 1 The Great Recession (2008) provoked a series of demonstrations around the globe. In many countries of the European Union (EU), protests initiated by the Institutional Left and various autonomous actors manifested as a synergy of anti-austerity and pro- democracy demands. A significant change in the political and economic landscape, especially in those countries heavily affected by the financial crisis, opened a window of opportunity for greater public receptiveness to critiques of neoliberal capitalism. -
European Left Info Flyer
United for a left alternative in Europe United for a left alternative in Europe ”We refer to the values and traditions of socialism, com- munism and the labor move- ment, of feminism, the fem- inist movement and gender equality, of the environmental movement and sustainable development, of peace and international solidarity, of hu- man rights, humanism and an- tifascism, of progressive and liberal thinking, both national- ly and internationally”. Manifesto of the Party of the European Left, 2004 ABOUT THE PARTY OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT (EL) EXECUTIVE BOARD The Executive Board was elected at the 4th Congress of the Party of the European Left, which took place from 13 to 15 December 2013 in Madrid. The Executive Board consists of the President and the Vice-Presidents, the Treasurer and other Members elected by the Congress, on the basis of two persons of each member party, respecting the principle of gender balance. COUNCIL OF CHAIRPERSONS The Council of Chairpersons meets at least once a year. The members are the Presidents of all the member par- ties, the President of the EL and the Vice-Presidents. The Council of Chairpersons has, with regard to the Execu- tive Board, rights of initiative and objection on important political issues. The Council of Chairpersons adopts res- olutions and recommendations which are transmitted to the Executive Board, and it also decides on applications for EL membership. NETWORKS n Balkan Network n Trade Unionists n Culture Network Network WORKING GROUPS n Central and Eastern Europe n Africa n Youth n Agriculture n Migration n Latin America n Middle East n North America n Peace n Communication n Queer n Education n Public Services n Environment n Women Trafficking Member and Observer Parties The Party of the European Left (EL) is a political party at the Eu- ropean level that was formed in 2004. -
A Radical Greek Evolution Within the Eurozone
A radical Greek evolution within the eurozone For John Milios, seen as the most hardline of Alexis Tsipras’s advisers, the country’s humanitarian crisis is the top priority John Milios’s phone rings a lot these days. There are hedge funds and financial institutions and investors, all curious to know what the German-trained professor thinks. As chief economist of Syriza, the far-left party that has sent markets into a tailspin as it edges ever closer to power in Greece, the academic has had a prominent role in devising the group’s financial manifesto. He is the first to concede the programme is radical. “I am a Marxist,” he says. “The majority [in Syriza] are.” Sipping green tea in his favourite Athens cafe, he explains: “Alternative approaches to the economy and society have been excluded by the dominant narrative of neoliberalism.” Milios, who attended Athens College, the country’s most prestigious private school – graduating in the same class as the former prime minister George Papandreou –is part of an eclectic group of experts advising Syriza’s leader, Alexis Tsipras, on the economy. Others include the Oxford-educated Euclid Tsakalotos, the political economist and shipping family heir Giorgos Stathakis, the leftwing veteran Giannis Dragasakis and the Texas-based academic Yanis Varoufakis. If the Athenian parliament fails to elect a new head of state by 29 December, the Greek constitution demands that snap polls are called. The ruling coalition’s narrow majority has made it unlikely that the government’s candidate, Stavros Dimas, will get the presidency. With the radicals in the ascent, Milios and his fellow Marxists are likely to take the reins of the EU’s weakest economy. -
Austerity, Collapse, and the Rise of the Radical Left in Greece
Austerity, Collapse, and the Rise of the Radical Left in Greece This article and its title are based on a presentation made at the Mapping Socialist Strategies Conference, hosted by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung–New York Office at the Edith Macy Conference Center, New York, August 1-4, 2014. 2010-2014: The Establishment of Austeritarianism as the “New Normality” and Its Lethal Consequences Although signs of financial and fiscal instability became more than evident in the last decade, the global crisis officially struck Greece in 2010 under a government of the Panhellenic Socialist Party (PASOK), the forty-year-old social democratic party led by George Papandreou. Papandreou’s was the first eurozone government to invite the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to interfere in Greece’s internal European Monetary Union affairs through the formation of the troika (the IMF, the European Union, and the European Central Bank). During the period of the implementation of the first “Memorandum of Understanding” with the troika (May 2010), the government quickly understood that it would be almost impossible to maintain social peace and consensus while applying the barbaric austerity provisions of this framework. That’s why it decided to unleash an unprecedented smear and terror campaign against its own citizens. As always, major corporate media immediately became the pioneers of this new neoliberal crusade. Their main argument was that the application of the memorandum was the only solution to avoid an imminent Greek exit from the eurozone. They embellished this narrative by building up a sense of collective guilt: The crisis was presented as a “Greek particularity,” because a) Greeks had been living beyond their means; and b) public spending had grown excessive due to an “over-sized,” “non- efficient,” and corrupt public sector. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today. -
A VOICE from the DEAD Philosophical Arabesques
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DCU Online Research Access Service A VOICE FROM THE DEAD Helena Sheehan Introduction to Philosophical Arabesques by Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin (1888-1938) published by Monthly Review Press and New York University Press New York 2004 This is a voice from the dead. It is a voice speaking to a time that never heard it, a time that never had a chance to hear it. It is only speaking now to a time not very well disposed to hearing it. This text was written in 1937 in the dark of the night in the depths of the Lubyanka prison in Moscow. It was completed in November on the 20 th anniversary of the socialist revolution to which its author had given his life, the revolution that was in the process of devouring its own true believers, the revolution that was not only condemning him to death but demanding that he slander his whole life. This text lay buried in a Kremlin vault for more than half a century after its author had been executed and his name expunged from the pages of the books telling of the history he had participated in making. After decades, his name was restored and his memory honoured in a brief interval where the story of the revolution was retold, retold in a society to which it crucially mattered, just before that society collapsed to be replaced by one in which the story was retold in another and hostile way, a society in which his legacy no longer mattered to many. -
Janice Godrich - Why I’M Standing for Election As the Left Unity Candidate for PCS Assistant General Secretary
Janice Godrich - Why I’m standing for election as the Left Unity candidate for PCS Assistant General Secretary It has been a privilege to have been elected annually by members since 2002 as PCS President. I am standing for election as the Left Unity candidate for the post of PCS Assistant General Secretary and ask that you consider voting for me. It is the most important decision I have taken in over 35 years as a PCS activist. I am standing for election on the basis of my experience, my record of achievement and most importantly our policies set by our democratic conference for the future direction of our union. If elected I pledge to only take an average workers wage. I have vast experience as an activist. I have been a PCS rep and activist since 1981. I began like most of you as a workplace rep in what was then the Employment Service, now DWP. I was soon elected as a regional rep and then served as Group President before being elected by PCS members as our national president a record 17 consecutive times. Nobody has been elected by all PCS members as often as me. I am clearly the most electable candidate and best placed to secure this post for Left Unity. My record of achievement is second to none. I have negotiated at all levels of the union and on a wide range of issues. From my beginning as a local rep, through my leadership of the Employment Service to 17 years as President I have negotiated, campaigned and won for our members. -
A Critical and Comparative Analysis of Organisational Forms of Selected Marxist Parties, in Theory and in Practice, with Special Reference to the Last Half Century
Rahimi, M. (2009) A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/688/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] A critical and comparative analysis of organisational forms of selected Marxist parties, in theory and in practice, with special reference to the last half century Mohammad Rahimi, BA, MSc Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Centre for the Study of Socialist Theory and Movement Faculty of Law, Business and Social Science University of Glasgow September 2008 The diversity of the proletariat during the final two decades of the 20 th century reached a point where traditional socialist and communist parties could not represent all sections of the working class. Moreover, the development of social movements other than the working class after the 1960s further sidelined traditional parties. The anti-capitalist movements in the 1970s and 1980s were looking for new political formations. -
S Account of the Greek Crisis: a Self-Incrimination Pt 1
Yanis VaroufakisâEuros"s Account of the Greek Crisis: a Self-Incrimination Pt 1 https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article5474 Yanis VaroufakisâEuros"s Account of the Greek Crisis: a Self-Incrimination Pt 1 - Features - Economic and debt crisis - Publication date: Wednesday 25 April 2018 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/39 Yanis VaroufakisâEuros"s Account of the Greek Crisis: a Self-Incrimination Pt 1 Proposals Doomed to Fail In his latest book, Adults in the Room [1] Yanis Varoufakis gives us his version of the events that led to the Tsipras governmentâEuros"s shameful capitulation in July 2015. It essentially analyses the period 2009-2015, though it makes incursions into earlier periods. With this voluminous work (550 pages), Yanis Varoufakis shows that he is a gifted narrator. At times he succeeds in moving the reader. His direct and vivid style makes it easy to follow events. From the authorâEuros"s demonstration, we can clearly see that his behaviour and the politico-economic orientation he defended contributed to the disaster. Yanis Varoufakis clearly claims to have played a major role in working out the strategy adopted by a handful of Syriza leaders âEuros" Alexis Tsipras, Yanis Dragasakis, and Nikkos Pappas, essentially âEuros" before their victory in the January 2015 election. Varoufakis does not plead guilty. He is convinced that had Tsipras actually taken the orientation he proposed and which Tsipras had agreed to late in 2014, the result would not have been defeat for the Greek people. Contrary to the conviction Varoufakis expresses, an attentive reading of his book leads to the conclusion that he contributed to that defeat Varoufakis explains how he gradually convinced Tsipras, Pappas, and Dragasakis not to follow the orientation adopted by Syriza in 2012, then in 2014. -
Bakalářská Práce 2010
UNIVERZITA PARDUBICE Fakulta filozofická Evropské politické strany a koalice v současném Evropském parlamentu Jakub Petruţálek Bakalářská práce 2010 Tuto práci jsem vypracoval samostatně. Veškeré literární prameny a informace, které jsem v práci vyuţil, jsou uvedeny v seznamu pouţité literatury. Byl jsem seznámen s tím, ţe se na moji práci vztahují práva a povinnosti vyplývající ze zákona č. 121/2000 Sb., autorský zákon, zejména se skutečností, ţe Univerzita Pardubice má právo na uzavření licenční smlouvy o uţití této práce jako školního díla podle § 60 odst. 1 autorského zákona, a s tím, ţe pokud dojde k uţití této práce mnou nebo bude poskytnuta licence o uţití jinému subjektu, je Univerzita Pardubice oprávněna ode mne poţadovat přiměřený příspěvek na úhradu nákladů, které na vytvoření díla vynaloţila, a to podle okolností aţ do jejich skutečné výše. Souhlasím s prezenčním zpřístupněním své práce v Univerzitní knihovně. V Pardubicích dne 20. 11. 2010. Jakub Petruţálek Souhrn Bakalářská práce se zaměřuje na historii, programovou orientaci a strukturu Evropských politických stran a koalicí. Její součástí je též popis struktury, sídla a hlavních úloh Evropského parlamentu. Klíčová slova historie; politika; frakce; volby; Evropský parlament; Title European political parties and coalitions in current European Parliament. Abstract The bachelor's work is focused on history, the programmatic orientation and the structure of European political parties and the coalition. Its part is also a description of the structure, the seat and main tasks of European parliament. Keywords history; policy; fraction; election; European Parliament Touto cestou chci poděkovat doc. PhDr. Václavu Veberovi za odbornou a všestrannou pomoc v průběhu tvorby bakalářské práce. Také bych chtěl poděkovat mým přátelům a kolegům z oboru za jejich rady.