Pennsylv~ni~ lltennonite
Number 1 1995 Volume XVIII, January
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.,·. ·. -1 '· ·. ..:., ' - ~ .• Contributors to This Issue Neil Ann Stuckey Levine S. Michael Wilcox J. Samuel Thomas Noah G. Good Neil Ann Stuckey Levine is a historian specializing may be contacted at Institute of Religion, 1800 South in Amish Mennonite immigration to North America Campus Drive, Salt Lake City, Utah, 84112. from Europe in the early nineteenth century. A native of J. Samuel Thomas, presently pastor of Landisville Butler County, Ohio, she is a descendant of Joseph Mennonite Church, Landisville, Pennsylvania, was born Stuckey, Amish bishop of McLean County, Illinois. She and raised in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. He grad received a B.A. degree from Cornell University, Ithaca, uated from Eastern Mennonite College, Harrisonburg, New York, and M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from Columbia Virginia, with a major in Bible and Psychology. Further University, New York City. She has taught classical lan education includes a Certificate of Theology from guages at Hunter College in New York City, and Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminaries, Elkhart, American University and George Washington Indiana. He was Director of Voluntary Service and University in Washington D.C. From 1980 to 1994 she Discipleship Ministries at Eastern Mennonite Board of served on the staff of the Institute for Advanced Study Missions and Charities in Salunga, Pennsylvania, from (School of Historical Studies) in Princeton, New Jersey. 1976 to 1986. From 1986 to 1988 he taught in the Bible An editorial committee, of which she is a member, is Department at Lancaster Mennonite High School, preparing an English translation of Amish Mennonites in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. He and his wife live at 1316 Germany by Hermann Guth for publication in 1995. She Nissley Road, Landisville, PA 17538. has begun to work on a book-length study of the Amish Noah G. Good was ordained to the ministry of the Mennonite community in Butler County based on origi Lancaster Mennonite Conference in 193 7 and later nal documents. She and her husband, who have two served at the mission in Reading, Pennsylvania, and also grown sons, live at 108 Parkside Drive, Princeton, NJ congregations in Lancaster and Ephrata, Pennsylvania. 08540; (609) 921-1632. He taught and served as dean and principal at Lancaster S. Michael Wilcox is currently on the faculty of the Mennonite High School from 1942 to 1977. As an avoca Institute of Religion adjacent to the University of Utah in tion he translates and transcribes German script and Salt Lake City, Utah. He teaches in the Church teaches courses on Pennsylvania German dialect. He did Education System of the Church of Jesus Christ of the his undergraduate studies at Eastern Mennonite College Latter-Day Saints (Mormon). He received a B.A. degree in Harrisonburg, Virginia, Elizabethtown College in in English and French from Brigham Young University, Elizabethtown, Pennsylvania, and Franklin and Marshall Salt Lake City, a M.A. degree in Media Technology from College in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and received a ~· Arizona State University, and a Ph.D. degree from the Ed. from the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. University of Colorado in Educational Philosophy. Most He created the character Henner for Pennsylvania of his genealogical activities have involved records from Mennonite Heritage. He and his wife live at 2180 Germany, France, Denmark, and Colonial America. He Millstream Road, Lancaster, PA 17602. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage (ISSN 0148-4036) is the quarterly and titles, every name, and errata-addenda: 1978-1982 at $14.95 ppd. magazine of the Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, 2215 1983-1987 at $18.95 ppd. and 1988-1992 at $18.95 ppd. Address Millstream Road, Lancaster, PA 17602. It focuses on the historical changes, including old and new addresses, should be forwarded to background, religious thought and expression, culture, and genealogy Lancaster at least six weeks in advance. of the Mennonite-related groups originating in Pennsylvania. Articles Direct editorial mail to 2215 Millstream Road, Lancaster, PA 17602. appearing in this magazine are annotated and indexed in Historical The editor will be pleased to consider unsolicited manuscripts and Abstracts, America: History and Life and Genealogical Periodical Annual photographs sent for publication but accepts no responsibility for man Index. Second class postage paid at Lancaster, P A. uscripts not accompanied by return postage. Phone (717) 393-9745. Single copies, $8.00 each ppd., $6.00 at Society. Regular, annual Copyright 1995 by the Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, 2215 membership $25.00. Five-year cumulative indexes of authors-subjects Millstream Road, Lancaster, P A 17602. 'J)ennsyl"~n1a ittennonite STAFF Editor David J. Rempel Smucker Editorial Assistant Lola M. Lehman e1'itage Copy Editor Volume XVIII, Number 1 January 1995 Alice W. Lapp Language Consultant NoahG.Good IN THIS ISSUE Circulation Catherine (Miller) Verly's Lament 2 Judith A. Stahly by Neil Ann Stuckey Levine Editorial Council Landis Families of Canton Zurich, Switzerland 13 Ervin Beck by S. Michael Wilcox Eugene K. Engle The Anabaptist Vision and Congregational Life 19 Galen R. Horst-Martz by J. Samuel Thomas S. Duane Kauffman Kent E. Richard Die Silwer Barrig Rebelle 23 Lorraine Roth The Silver Hill Rebels . E. Morris Sider by Noah G. Good John E. Sharp Queries 24 MaryS. Sprunger Tips 27 Book Reviews 28 Piety and Tolerance: Pennsylvania German Religion, 1700-1850, by Stephen L. Longenecker by Charles H. Glatfelter Henry and Susanna Rudisill Hursh: Their Ancestors and Descendants, by Ruth P. Hursh and Sally L. Hursh by Kent E. Richard The Fortunate Years, by AaronS. Glick by John E. Sharp THE COVER This letter was written by Catherine (Miller) Verly in France to her cousin Christian Dienner in Pennsylvania on October 18, 1846. The first article of this issue includes a translation of the let ter, in which the writer pleads for news about her birth family in North America, whom she never knew. Her moving words are supported by detailed information about her extended family abroad. The letter was mailed from Catherine's home, Lafrimbolle, in the department of Moselle, and received by her cousin in Lancaster County on December 1, 1846. Written on a single sheet of paper measuring 15 3j4 x 12 inches, the letter is now held by the Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Illustration credits: author, pp. 2, 4; Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, p. 5; Clarke E. Hess, p. 13; David J. Rempel Smucker, p. 18; Archives of the (Old) Mennonite Church, Goshen, Indiana, p. 19. Abandoned at birth in France, a 29-year-old Anabaptist housewife writes of the continuing pain caused by her parents' decision to immigrate to North America in 1818 without her. Catherine (Miller) Verly's Lament by Neil Ann Stuckey Levine atherine (Miller) Verly, a 29-year-old Anabaptist farm wife and mother in rural Lorraine in northeastern France, wrote a C poignant letter to her cousin Christian Dienner in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in the fall of 1846. She put pen to paper eight years after Christian Dienner and his eight orphaned siblings immigrated to Pennsylvania. Originally the letter-writer had been included in the Dienners' plans as a tenth traveller. Instead she stayed behind and married a local farmer, a property-owner. She writes with anguish and bewilder ment of being abandoned by her parents "almost at birth" and of toiling for those who raised her and ruining her health in the process. Although now satisfied with her marriage, she still longs for information about her real family. And, in an emotional outburst, she regrets not having left France with her cousins when she had the chance. But let Catherine (Miller) Verly speak for herself. The mayor's office (mairie) of Lafrimbolle, Moselle, France, holds the original 1838 civil marriage record of Catherine Translated Letter of 1846 Miller and Jean Verly. From that rural village in the foothills Lafrimbolle [Moselle] of the Vosges Mountains, Catherine in 1846 wrote the letter October 18, 1846 to her cousin Christian Dienner in Pennsylvania on which My dear cousin, this article is based. I take pen in hand to let you know that I have received your letter. My dear cousin, I want to tell you am at ease in my household and hard-working. But what that I am in good health, and so are my husband and my saddens me greatly is that my husband's relatives are children. Now, my dear cousin, I'm going to tell you a rich, and I'm afraid they look at my husband askance bit about my life. You know, of course, that my parents because he married a poor woman. abandoned me at such a young age, almost at birth. But Finally, dear cousin, I'll tell you that, as far back as I God took pity on me, and He has always been my can remember, no one has ever given me any news of my Protector. They left me believing that I would be happy, parents. Although I have tried to find out about them, I but actually the opposite happened. I will tell you that I have never learned anything. Just think, my dear cousin, have suffered a lot and endured hardships from the how it hurts me to have no one, to be abandoned by my rough work. After having worked hard for the parents close relatives. And those who brought me up pay me no who brought me up and having ruined my health, I have heed, now that the father is dead. I pray you, as a favor, been poorly rewarded. Because avarice and greed moti to find out about my father and mother and to inform vated them so much, after I helped them to pay their them about me. Ask them on my behalf to send me their debt, they let me leave home with practically nothing. news. Let them think that they left behind so young a Seeing that I was out of the house, I got married to a child. Maybe they never think of me. 0 God, if only I man - not rich but with some assets, good, and honest, could hear from them, I would be happy! and respected by everyone. And so this gives me much My dear cousin, you give me news of all my uncles. I pleasure. Eight years of marriage, and I have two chil am well pleased with that. You ask me about my aunt dren, two girls, one seven and the other five years old. I Marie. She is still fine. You give me pleasure by letting Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 2 January 1995 me know that you are accumulating property and that as a result. But the childless relatives did not remain so you are happy. for long. As time passed, how convenient it must have My dear cousin, I'll tell you that I greatly regret not been that the eldest "daughter" in their burgeoning having left with you. Were it not for those slanderous household could serve as a virtual live-in domestic, since tongues who advised against it, I would be with you. her real family was thousands of miles away. You will tell Uncle Andre that I thank him very much In 1837, nine orphaned Dienner cousins of the 19- for his kindness and the offer that he made to us. But I year-old Catherine, some of the last of the extended also thank the Good Lord. If our produce [?] would sell a Muller family in France, petitioned relatives in little, we would make enough and go find him. It's no Pennsylvania for travel money to emigrate. They asked use to me. My dear cousin, I should so love to know whether funds for Catherine could be procured from her from whom I received a handkerchief. I know, of course, parents, who had settled in Ohio, so that she too could that it is from one of my sisters, but I do not know which emigrate. Eventually, however, relatives in Pennsylvania one. For I shall keep it as long as I can - until death, if offered to pay Catherine's fare as well as the Dienners'. If possible. But I would love to know which one, so that I she could go, should she? She had heard not a word would be able to thank her. from or about her birth parents in nearly twenty years My dear cousin, this is a letter I wrote myself so that I and did not even know how many children they had. would be able to tell you what I wanted and so that my Instinctively she must have turned to her surrogate par husband Jean Verli [sic] does not know, because already ents for advice. They stood to lose a valued member of several times I have sent something and received no the household if she left. And so a local groom was reply. found and her marriage arranged prior to the departure I close my letter by embracing you with all my heart. of the Dienners in 1838. Catherine (Miller) Verly's fate I am your dear cousin for life, and I ask that you give my after the vivid snapshot provided by her letter of 1846 is compliments to all my relatives. unclear. Since Catherine (Miller) Verly's letter of 1846 is a nat Catherine Milert [sic] ural complement to one written by Christian Dienner in 1837, published recently in Pennsylvania Mennonite P.S. Try to answer me as soon as possible. Heritage,2 let us begin her story by reviewing documenta tion about the decision that Catherine Miller would not Written in a quasi-literate French patois with numer immigrate to Pennsylvania with the nine Dienner ous phonetic spellings, this letter comes from the orphans. Christian Diener Papers in the archives of the Lancaster Two published letters which Christian Dienner (1811- Mennonite Historical Society.l Even out of context, the 1859)3 sent from France to relatives in Lancaster County letter-writer's narrative is arresting. Studied in the light contain highly pertinent details about Catherine (Miller) of data from French etat civil records of the locations in Verly. The earlier letter,4 dated May 4, 1837, and which she lived, Catherine (Miller) Verly's lamentation addressed to the writer's maternal uncle Christian Muller takes on a deeper meaning. The simple words of her (1779/84-1837),5 states that Catherine Miller too would autobiographical missive lead to new information about like to immigrate with the Dienners. But, because the the extended family of her maternal grandparents, Ludwig Muller and Maria Sommer - including positive I I am indebted to Julia Bernheim for invaluable assistance with identification of the Sommer family to which Maria Catherine (Miller) Verly's French. And I should like to thank David J. Sommer belonged. Furthermore, other letters and docu Rempel Smucker, staff member of the Lancaster Society, for making the ments held by the archives of the Lancaster Society bear Miller Collection of photocopied documents available for study there. Also I am grateful that Elmer J. Kennel donated the Christian Diener on Catherine (Miller) Verly's plaint. Supported by docu Papers to the archives of the Society. mentary evidence of this kind, the writer's tale becomes 2 N.A.S. Levine and Anne A. Schmidt-Lange, "An 1837 Letter from all the more telling. Moved and intrigued by her letter, I the Nine Dienner Orphans in France," Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage set out to learn more about Catherine (Miller) Verly. This 17.3 (1994), pp. 15-22. 3 Dienner is the spelling Christian Dienner himself used when writing essay is the result. his surname, although Diener came later to predominate in North America. For a summary of the Dienner family, see Hugh F. Gingerich and Rachel W. Kreider, Amish and Amish Mennonite Genealogies Catherine (Miller) Verly (Gordonville, Pennsylvania; 1986), pp. 62-63, DN. For corrections and Catherine Miller was the third of her parents' first supplements to the data presented there, see now Levine and Schmidt three children, all females, born within four years. Her Lange, "An 1837 Letter," (n. 2 above). 4 See Levine and Schmidt-Lange, "An 1837 Letter" (n. 2 above). father was a 38-year-old miller named Jacob Muller, her Catherine (Miller) Verly is called by the nicknames Katzen and Katei in mother a 30-year-old homemaker named Maria (Bechler) Christian Dienner's letter. Muller. The family had moved frequently within their 5 On the family of Ludwig Milller and Maria Sommer, see Gingerich native Lorraine and had not lived for long in the town and Kreider, Amish Genealogies (n. 3 above), pp. 318-19, MLF. Catherine where she was born. North America beckoned. Right (Miller) Verly is MLF43, p. 318. Unless noted otherwise, data on mem bers of the Muller family given here are taken from this source. Another after Catherine arrived, her mother and father decided to Muller offspring, the "Aunt Marie" mentioned in Catherine (Miller) emigrate. Facing a long and hazardous journey to the Verly's letter, is not listed by Gingerich and Kreider and remains to be New World with two toddlers in addition to the infant identified. Christian Muller's date of birth is given as January 15, 1784, Catherine, the Muliers chose to leave their newborn in Gingerich and Kreider and in Descendants and History of Georg Petersheim Family (Gordonville, Pennsylvania; 1979), p. 55, #2, but French daughter behind with relatives who were still childless civil records he witnessed prior to emigration suggest a somewhat earli after some three years of marriage. Apparently the er year of birth. For full details, see N.A.S. Levine, "The Family of Muliers believed that the two families would be happier Ludwig Milller in French Records" (forthcoming). Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 3 January 1995 This modern map of northeastern France, centered upon the community of Badonviller where Catherine Miller grew up, shows the following loctions mentioned in this article: Diane-Capelle, Lafrimbolle, Repaix, Neuviller-les-Badonviller, Thiaville, le Saulcy, St. Benoit-la-Chipotte, Salm, Natzwiller, Neuville-la-Roche, Belmont, Saulxures, Saales, Bourg-Bruche, and Climont. parents who had left her in France were already settled in 6 See Menno A. Diener, History of the Diener Family (Aylmer, Ontario, North America, Christian Dienner sensibly requests that 1964), pp. 11-14. The whereabouts of the original letter are unknown, so funds for her travel be sought from her father. For him Menno Diener's transcription and translation are used here. self and his eight brothers and sisters, however, Christian 7 "Andre Muller" was born to Ludwig Miiller and Maria Sommer Dienner asks Muller relatives for money to cover trans in the town of Bourg-Bruche, Bas-Rhin, due north of Sainte-Marie-aux Mines, Haut-Rhin, on 1 frimaire XII (November 23, 1803), according to Atlantic passage, to be repayed through informal inden his French civil birth record. This correct date of birth replaces "ca . ture arrangements. 1804" given for him by Gingerich and Kreider, Amish Genealogies (n. 3 The second published letter by Christian Dienner,6 above), p. 318, MLFa. With a few exceptions, all French documents Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 4 January 1995 written to another maternal uncle, Andreas Muller (1803- 1872),7 on February 16, 1838, when the orphans' immigra tion to Lancaster County had already been orchestrated, announces a change in plans for Catherine Miller. No longer is she eager to go to North America, he writes, because the trip now seems to her "too long and danger.: ous." She is soon to be married and have "a nice home," according to Christian Dienner's account, which contin ues, "People think her husband will be worth about 10,000-18,000 francs.8 He is said to be Christian Wiebe's boy [Weibe as translated from the transcribed Werli] from Frimbihl [i.e., Lafrimbolle, in the French department of Moselle].... I think they will stay here [i.e., in France] for the present time." Catherine (Miller) Verly's Own Family These two signatures of Catherine (Miller) Verly - one (bot Jean Verly and Catherine Miller were married at tom) in German Gothic script from her French civil marriage document of 1838 and the other (top) in Roman letters from 23, 1838.9 Lafrimbolle on June Their civil marriage record her letter of 1846 - illustrate her transition from the describes the groom as a maker of and/ or dealer in oil Anabaptist background of her upbringing to her later life as (huilier), 26 years old, residing still at Lafrimbolle, his an acculturated French housewife. place of birth. He had been born there on February 21, 1812. His parents were the late Christian Verly, a former property-owner ( proprietaire) at Lafrimbolle ("La Her parents were Jacob "Miller," formerly a miller at Frimbonne") who had died there on May 28, 1835, and Sainte Agathe, Neuviller-les-Badonviller, and "Marie the widowed Catherine Eversole ("Evresaul"), 62, now Pechler." This document then states unequivocally that herself a property-owner at Lafrimbolle. The groom's the bride's parents had lived in North America for more mother attended the couple's wedding ceremony and than twenty years before the wedding date. gave her consent. Unable to write her name, Catherine Catherine Miller was married with the official con (Eversole) Verly signed the couple's marriage certificate sent of Christian Litwiller ("Lidviller"), 41, a farmer liv with her mark. ing at the farm le Chamois near Badonviller. He is This document states that the groom's father had described as the bride's designated guardian (tuteur ad passed away in 1835 - well before Jean Verly was hoc nomme). Legal formalities for Christian Litwiller's recruited to marry Catherine Miller. Thus she must have consent to Catherine Miller's marriage were completed been referring to the entire family of her husband - and on May 5, 1838, by the Justice of the Peace at Baccarat, not just to her widowed mother-in-law- when she capital of the administrative district or canton of wrote in 1846 to her cousin Christian Dienner, as she did, Meurthe-et-Moselle in which Badonviller is located. that her mate's relatives10 "look at my husband askance Banns for the couple's marriage were posted in because he married a poor woman." The widowed Lafrimbolle on the successive Sundays of May 27 and Catherine (Eversole) Verly could have remarried after June 3, 1838. Official proof of two comparable postings at 1835 and thereby acquired a step-father-in-law for our Badonviller was received in Lafrimbolle on June 14, 1838. subject. But Catherine (Miller) Verly's criticism of her Both bride and groom were able to sign their civil husband's family seems broader than a veiled rebuke marriage certificate. Jean Verly's signature is formed of targeted at just her mother-in-law, who at that date clear Roman letters. In stark contrast to the signature on would have been about 70 years old, if she was still alive. her letter in 1846, however, Catherine Miller wrote her The Verly-Miller marriage document from name on this important document as "Catharina Muller" Lafrimbolle states that Catherine Miller was then only 20 in old-fashioned and proper Gothic script. German (if years old and still a minor, had .no profession, and lived handwritten, in Gothic letters) was the language of her at Badonviller at the time of her marriage at Lafrimbolle. Anabaptist heritage, to be sure, but not the tongue in She had been born in the town of Neuviller-les which she wrote to Christian Dienner, of like heritage, Badonviller, Meurthe-et-Moselle, on December 10, 1817. eight years after her marriage. used for this essay were read on microfilms made in the archives of 9 Unfortunately, microfilmed civil records for the present French various departmental capitals under the auspices of the Church of department of Moselle are not yet available at Family History Centers Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormon) Family History Library in run by the Mormon Church. As an alternative, I wrote to the mayor's Salt Lake City, Utah, and rented for study at a branch Family History office in Lafrimbolle about Catherine (Miller) Verly, requesting photo Center. Microfilmed records are cited by Mormon film number, year, copies of relevant civil documentation on file there. With my letter I and folio/page reference or document number. Andreas Muller's civil enclosed a copy of her letter of 1846 and a 20-franc note. A swift reply birth record may be found on film 0745903, year XII, #9. brought back my letter and hers (without comment, but minus the 8 This must have been a substantial sum. It is several times the francs), plus copies of the civil records of her marriage there to Jean amount of money calculated as necessary to cover the cost of immigra Verly in 1838 and of the births of the couple's two daughters who are tion to North America for the nine Dienner orphans. Muller relatives mentioned in her letter. in Lancaster County sent the Dienners in France a bank draft from 10 The plural French noun parents, written as mes or les parans by Philadelphia for 1,5371/2 francs, dated December 15, 1837, and made Catherine (Miller) Verly, means first "mother and father" and, more out to Christian ("Christophe") Dienner. For a facsimile of this docu generally, "relatives." The letter-writer uses the word in both senses ment, see Diener, Diener Family (n. 6 above), p . 16. Also cf. n. 32 to refer to her two birth parents, her two surrogate parents, her below. inlaws' family, and her own extended family of relatives. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 5 January 1995 It is worth emphasizing that German, penned in four immigrated to North America, any researcher would Gothic script, is the language of every other personal let turn to microfilmed civil records of Neuviller-les ter by any coreligionist in the Old World now in the Badonviller, Meurthe-et-Moselle. As expected, this docu Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society's Miller mentation shows that Catherine Miller had been born Collection or among the Christian Diener Papers. And there on December 10, 1817, to Jacob "Miler," miller at German is the language of many letters written by first the mill of Sainte Agathe in or near that community, and generation immigrants in the New World, also now to be "Marie Peclere," his wife. Two male acquaintances of found in these two collections. Christian Dienner's Jacob Muller witnessed this document, which is dated the leather-bound day book from the Christian Diener Papers following day.12 Regrettably, this civil record holds the reveals that the writer kept records in both French and sole mention of Catherine (Miller) Verly's family in the German, as appropriate, before immigration to documentation of that town. And there are no readily Pennsylvania in 1838. identifiable Anabaptist surnames in all the indexes to the Yet in 1846 Catherine (Miller) Verly wrote to her records of this location. The documented presence of rel cousin Christian Dienner not in German but in French. atives and/ or coreligionists might offer some clue as to Had she forgotten her first spoken language by that time? why Catherine (Miller) Verly's parents settled there for a Or did the language she doubtless acquired in rudimen short time. tary schooling and apparently used daily at home after Jacob Muller's stint at the mill named for Saint marriage seem to her then the more natural vehicle for Agatha must have been quite brief, for the births of his communication? The acculturation evident in Catherine two eldest daughters, in 1814 and 1815, were not regis (Miller) Verly's letter had already distanced her from the tered at Neuviller-les-Badonviller. Catherine (Miller) linguistic, cultural, and religious background that was Verly's parents had married at Badonviller in 1813, as we her birthright, heightening for all time the melancholy shall soon see, but her two older sisters were not born and remorse expressed in her letter. within that jurisdiction either. Catherine (Miller) Verly's Christian Litwiller was the only other member of parents must have lived in one or more different loca Catherine Miller's family to sign her civil marriage record tions, as yet unidentified, when her two elder sisters in 1838. The two official witnesses representing the came along. The handkerchief one of these two sisters bride, described as her acquaintances, were natives of sent to her before she wrote to Christian Dienner in 1846 Lafrimbolle, probably hurriedly pressed into service. - so precious, as she confided in her letter - was her These witnesses had to affirm that, although they were only tangible link to a family far away in North America. acquainted with the bride, they had no knowledge of her "As far back as I can remember, no one has ever given me ancestors. any news of my parents." Her heart-wrenching admis The Verly family swiftly grew to include two daugh sion continues, "Although I have tried to find out about ters. On August 24, 1839, Catherine Verly was born to them, I have never learned anything." Jean Verly and Catherine Miller. This birth was regis It so happened that, after immigration to North tered at Lafrimbolle on the following day by Jean Verly, America, the family of Jacob Muller chose to live not in with two male friends as witnesses. The birth document Lancaster County- a magnet for numerous other Muller gives Jean Verly's occupation as farmer. More than two relatives - but in a relatively newly settled section of years later, on November 14, 1841, Marie Verly arrived. central Ohio. This information comes from a letter by The next day Jean Verly registered this second daughter's Jacob Muller, now accessible in photocopy among the birth with civil authorities at Lafrimbolle; again two male Miller Collection in the archives of the Lancaster acquaintances served as official witnesses. The second Mennonite Historical Society. From Green Township, birth record gives Jean Verly's occupation as property owner. In the civil birth records of both daughters, Catherine (Miller) Verly is described as having no profes 11 Without access to all civil records from Lafrimbolle, not just the sion. These two girls are the two daughters, "one seven three I received that exactly corroborate details of Catherine (Miller) and the other five years old," about whom Catherine Verly's letter, there is no ready answer to this question or some others (Miller) Verly wrote to Christian Dienner in 1846. Did suggested by her letter: cf. n. 9 above. 12 Film 1118408, 1817, fol. 3r. she have more children subsequently?11 13 The full text of Jacob Muller's letter gives a glimpse of ties The Verly-Miller marriage document from between the Muller brothers in Ohio and Pennsylvania in 1823 and is Lafrimbolle supplies valuable information about published here in my translation from the German original. "Green Catherine Miller's background: her date and place of Township, Wayne County, Ohio, February 18, 1823. A friendly greet ing to you, my dear brothers Moses, Christian, and Andreas. I want birth and the fact that, as of June 23, 1838, her parents had you to know that we are all still in good health, so long as the Lord is lived in North America for more than 20 years. This willing, and I hope these few lines find you well also. Brother would fix the Muller family's emigration from France Andreas, I want you to know that I have sold my land and wish to with certainty to the first half of 1818, if not to December buy a larger piece. I know a piece of 200 acres, and [it is] good land. I of the previous year. Catherine (Miller) Verly was born have money for one 100-acre [parcel], and I would like you to join with me and buy the other 100-acre [parcel] because it cannot be sold that December. "My parents abandoned me at such a separately. If you want to buy it and are not willing to come up here young age, almost at birth," she lamented to Christian yourself, you can send the money with Christian Stucki. I can buy the Dienner. And data from her French civil marriage record 200 acres for 300 dollars. It is now still reasonable, but the price will at Lafrimbolle most certainly support her complaint. probably go up. I expect an answer as soon as possible. I would like you to see if there is a letter at Wenger's and to send it with Stucki. On the track of Catherine (Miller) Verly's civil birth Nothing further but a friendly greeting to all friends, relatives, and record and in the hope of learning more about her par acquaintances. So much from your brother, who wishes you well, ents and two older sisters in the five years before these Jacob Miller." Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 6 January 1995 Wayne County, Ohio, on February 18, 1823, Jacob Muller 1854),15 Maria Sommer was obviously of child-bearing wrote one communication addressed to three of his age by 1778. After a career spent on censes (fee-farms) brothers, Moses Muller (1797-1871), Christian Muller, under the jurisdiction of various villages dotted through and, in particular, Andreas Muller, all then living in out the foothills of the Vosges Mountains of France, Pennsylvania. To the latter Jacob Muller proposed part Ludwig Muller and his wife moved to Baden, as the mar nership in a joint land purchase that he could not swing riage record of Jacob Muller and Maria Bechler proves. by himself, so as to close the deal before a price Mention of Freiburg as the Miillers' place of resi increase.13 Since this was to be Jacob Muller's second dence in 1813 must certainly mean that they were then purchase of land in Wayne County, it may be inferred affiliated with the nearby Hochburg Amish congregation. that his family- minus daughter Catherine- had made Numerous individuals named Muller belonging to this a successful adjustment to life in the New World. congregation are listed in Hermann Guth's book, Amish Was Jacob Muller in a financial position to have sent Mennonites in Germany.l6 One Jacob Muller represented relatives in Lancaster County money for Catherine to the Hochburg congregation at the meeting of Amish immigrate with the Dienners in 1838? Was there even elders and ministers convened at Essingen in the sufficient time for negotiation on the subject, via corre Palatinate in 1779. spondence between her surrogate father and cousins in Ludwig Muller was over 60 years old in 1813. His northeastern France and her birth father in central Ohio, youngest offspring- Andreas Muller, the eventual before Catherine Miller allegedly lost interest in emigra Lancaster County immigrant called Uncle Andre in tion and was married off to Jean Verly? Did her real fam Catherine (Miller) Verly's letter- was only 10 years old ily ever know - or care - that she had once longed to at the time. Did the youngest member of the family, per come find them in North America? "Maybe they never haps together with other siblings not yet able to live inde think of me," she wrote to Christian Dienner in 1846. "0 pendently, accompany his parents to Baden? Did some God, if only I could hear from them, I would be happy!" premonition of the impending immigration of almost all Did she ever receive information about her birth parents, of their offspring to North America prompt Ludwig as she so craved? That handkerchief- for her symbolic Muller and Maria Sommer to relocate across the Rhine, of sisterly affection never personally enjoyed- must possibly to be near Muller relatives? have come to her indirectly, via Muller relatives in According to the French civil death certificate of their Lancaster County, and without explanation. daughter Anna (Muller) Kropf,17 both Ludwig Muller To continue the story of Catherine (Miller) Verly, let and Maria Sommer died abroad (a l'etranger), which us return to French civil documentation for much addi could certainly mean across the Rhine in Baden. tional information about her Old World background Although Ludwig Muller had spent his first six decades information that applies equally, of course, to her siblings in a section of Alsace and Lorraine where Muliers and many relatives, such as all the Mullers and Dienners abound, it now seems clear, based on information in the who came to North America before or after Catherine Muller-Bechler marriage document and Anna (Muller) (Miller) Verly was- twice! -left behind in northeastern Kropf's civil death certificate, that individuals interested France. in identifying the precise Muller ancestry of this family ought to consult records about the Hochburg congrega Family of Jacob Miiller, tion. Catherine (Miller) Verly's Birth Father Jacob Muller married Maria Bechler at Badonviller on Family of Maria Bechler, January 4, 1813. Information in the couple's civil mar Catherine (Miller) Verly's Birth Mother riage document,14 combined with data about a sister of Maria Bechler's birth surname, which has been trans the bride from other sources, permits correction and mitted incorrectly as Pecheur, was spelled "Bai:hler" by amplification of the outline of the family of Ludwig the scribe who wrote down her 1813 civil marriage record Muller and Maria Sommer known heretofore. at Badonviller. She signed that document as Maria Jacob Muller, 33 years old when he wed and there Bechlerin, employing Gothic script and the common fore almost certainly born in 1779, was a native of La German suffix "-in" to denote the feminine form of her Broque, Vosges, i.e. Salm, now in the French department surname. She was 25 years old when she married and of Bas-Rhin. He was living in Badonviller in 1813, according to this civil document. His parents were Ludwig Muller ("Louis Muller" in the spelling of this 14 Film 1077913, 1813, #1. 15 A birth year of 1778 for Anna Muller is suggested by information record), a farmer at "Fribourg," i.e. Freiburg-im-Breisgau in the French civil record of her marriage to Johannes Kropf at Bourg in Baden in Germany, and "Marie Sommer." The Bruche, Bas-Rhin, on 10 nivose X (December 31, 1801): film 0745903, groom's parents furnished their consent to this marriage, year X, marriage #5. For her French civil death certificate, see n. 17 presumably via a notary at or near Freiburg. below. Gingerich and Kreider, Amish Genealogies (n. 3 above), p. 318, Jacob Muller, named for his maternal grandfather MLF9, give no dates for Anna (Milller) Kropf, presumably because she and her husband never came to America. Jacob Sommer and perhaps for some Muller forebear(s) 16 Amische Mennoniten in Deutschland: Ihre Gemeinden, ihre Hofe, ihre as well, was the eldest male offspring of Ludwig Muller, Familien (published privately by the author; 4th ed., 1993), Ch. 6, himself born ca. 1752, and Maria Sommer. Maria "Hochburger Gemeinde," esp. pp. 37-38. An English translation of the Sommer's age is not stated in any one of the numerous book, to be co-published by the Illinois Mennonite Historical and Genealogical Society and the editors of Mennonite Family History, is due French civil records mentioning her known to me. But, out in 1995. since the firstborn child of Ludwig Muller and Maria 17 Anna (Muller) Kropf died in the town of le Saulcy, in the depart Sommer was their daughter Anna (Muller) Kropf (1778- ment of Vosges, on January 3, 1854: film 1116848, 1854, death #1. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 7 January 1995 thus almost certainly born in 1787. At the time of her Barbara Bechler filed at Vignot in September, 1834.19 marriage, she was living at the cense called le Chamois Thus data collected for the marriage of Barbara Bechler outlying Badonviller. Other members of the family of her at Vignot may be utilized as well to illuminate the back husband-to-be lived at le Chamois then too, among them ground of both parents of her sister Maria Bechler, the couple who would raise Catherine Miller there after Catherine (Miller) Verly's mother. her parents abandoned her and went to North America, Michael Bechler died at Vignot on June 5, 1826, at the as we shall see. age of 65. Johannes Eymann, his son-in-law- in effect, Maria Bechler was a native of "Neuviller pres if not yet in fact - registered this death with civil Saverne," i.e., Neuviller-les-Saverne just to the northwest authorities. Michael Bechler, described as a native of of the town of Saverne in Bas-Rhin. She was the daugh "Carbary, Meurthe," i.e. Sarrebourg, Moselle, in his ter of Michael Bechler ("Michel Bai:hler"), a miller, and death certificate, would have been born in 1760 or 1761. the late Maria ("Marie") Mosimann. In January, 1813, His parents are given as Michael Bechler and "Marie Michael Bechler lived in the village of Saint Mard, located Mauzimann." It is quite reasonable that Michael Bechler on the Moselle River in the department of Meurthe-et was named for his father but unlikely, although not Moselle, a very few miles southwest of Luneville. He impossible, that his mother and his wife bore identical sent consent for the marriage of his daughter at given names and maiden names. Badonviller through a notary at Bayon, the capital of the Michael Bechler's first wife Maria Mosimann died at canton in which Saint Mard is located. There were no rel Bourscheid, due west of Phalsbourg in the French atives of the bride among the four official witnesses to department of Moselle, on 10 brumaire VI (November her civil marriage record at Badonviller. 30, 1797) at the age of 33. Thus she was probably born in Because Maria Bechler had been born before the 1764. Maria Mosimann's death came just eight months inception of French civil recordkeeping in 1792/1793 and after the birth of her daughter Barbara Bechler at because in 1813 her widowed father no longer lived in Bourscheid. Maria (Bechler) Muller- the elder daugh the village where she had been born, one could not ter who figures in our story- would have been 10 years expect to find additional documentation about Catherine old at the time. Regrettably, the civil death certificate of (Miller) Verly's mother's family at their home-of-record Maria Mosimann (1764-1797) does not name her parents. in 178 7, N eu willer-les-Sa verne. Catherine (Miller) But her place of birth is recorded: "Scharmi," without Verly's mother's trail would be cold indeed, but for an further identification. On the basis of this reference, I extraordinary cache of documentation I discovered, in would argue that "Scharmi" means the cense le Chamois connection with other research, at Vignot in the depart near Badonviller, a refuge for Anabaptists since the ment of Meuse. inception of civil recordkeeing and probably earlier.20 Another daughter of Michael Bechler and Maria When Maria Bechler married Jacob Muller at Mosimann- thus a true sister of Maria (Bechler) Muller Badonviller, she dwelt at le Chamois - far away from - was married at Vignot on September 11, 1834.18 her father and his second wife, her known sibling, and Barbara Bechler ("Barbe Beeler") and Johannes Eymann her half-siblings. Perhaps she was living then in this had lived together at the mill in Vignot, as miller and location because of remote ties to her late mother's fami miller's wife, for more than a decade before they finally ly. In any event, it was on the fee-farm le Chamois that completed the formalities necessary to marry legally. Maria (Bechler) Muller's daughter Catherine Miller grew Documentation from Vignot demonstrates that, early in up, "working hard" and "ruining her health" to assist her the 1820s, Johannes Eymann moved into the mill at greedy and ungrateful surrogate parents, as she herself Vignot with the miller Michael Bechler, now widowed wrote. for the second time, and his offspring from two mar Thus records from Vignot permit more detailed iden riages. tification of the parents of Maria Bechler - Michael Johannes Eymann had professed his intention to Bechler (1760/1761-1826) and his first wife, Maria marry Barbara Bechler in the spring of 1824 and set about assembling the necessary documentation to do so legally. Both his parents were deceased by that date and so could 18 Film 1352618, 1834, marriage #6. The six supporting documents not affirm in person their approval of this marriage. The soon to be cited appear on this microfilm at the very end of data for groom had therefore to pay for three essential documents 1834, following death records for that year, and are labelled in the top to be copied and forwarded to Vignot: proof of his own left corner as referring to marriage #6. For more information on this birth, which antedated French civil recordkeeping, as important collection of documents, see N.A.S. Levine, "The Family of Johannes Zendner (b. 1803), Younger Brother of Journal-Keeper well as a civil death certificate for each of his parents. Christian Cencier," Illinois Mennonite Heritage 21.3 (1994), pp. 45, 56-67, Johannes Eymann and Barbara Bechler and the children esp. pp. 60-61, and "Genealogical Gold" (forthcoming). born to them continued to reside with the family of 19 By an extraordinary stroke of luck, almost unprecedented in my Michael Bechler, yet the couple delayed marrying for ten experience of reading microfilmed French civil records, copies of all years. By the time they determined finally to be wed seven documents appear on the filmed copy of records from Vignot available for rent through Mormon Family History Centers. Films for legally, however, Barbara Bechler's father, like her moth individual towns were made in departmental capitals. The original er, was deceased. Thus she too had to pay for duplica copies of supporting documents like these would normally have been tion of copies of three critical records: her civil birth cer retained in Vignot and not forwarded to Bar-le-Duc, capital of the tificate as well as death documents for her mother and department of Meuse, where records from Vignot were microfilmed. 20 On other Anabaptists at le Chamois, see Levine and Schmidt father. Lange, "An 1837 Letter" (n. 2 above), and N.A.S. Levine, "The True These six vital records were required to be appended Origins of Johannes Vordemwald and Anna Wagler," forthcoming in to the civil marriage document of Johannes Eymann and Mennonite Family History (January, 1995). Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 8 January 1995 Mosimann (1764-1797) -than is to be found in the Elisabeth Sommer was born. This civil record fails to record of her civil marriage to Jacob Muller at Badonviller make explicit any family connections of the witnesses. on January 4, 1813. Three members of the groom's But Ludwig Muller was Moses Sommer's brother-in-law. extended family served as official witnesses to this docu And Christman Bansept was the name of Moses ment: Jacob Muller's two maternal uncles, Moses Sommer's father-in-law. Yet, since this Christman ("Moyse'~) Sommer, 55, and Christian ("Christianne") Bansept was only 44 years old in 1799, he may perhaps Sommer, 48, both farmers at le Chamois; and Georg have been a brother-in-law. This document demon ("Georges") Dienner, 30, a miller at Badonviller and Jacob strates that Ludwig Muller knew from her birth the Muller's brother-in-law. Nothing further is known about woman who would eventually rear one of his many Christian Sommer, but the families of both Moses grandchildren, our subject, apart from her birth family. Sommer and Georg Dienner played significant roles in Sometime early in the nineteenth century, the family Catherine (Miller) Verly's life. of Moses Sommer moved from Saulxures to le Chamois near Badonviller. Until their own deaths Moses Sommer Family of Moses Sommer, and Innocence Bansept stayed on at le Chamois, watch ing their only grandchildren- and Catherine Miller, Maternal Great Uncle and Surrogate Maternal their grand-niece and surrogate granddaughter- grow Grandfather of Catherine (Miller) Verly up. "Moyse" Sommer died at "Charmois" on May 10, Moses Sommer was a brother of Maria (Sommer) 1816, and his civil death certificate22 was signed by his Muller, as the civil marriage record of Jacob Muller and son-in-law Christian Litwiller ("Lidvily"). This docu Maria Bechler from Badonviller demonstrates. Therefore ment names the widow of the deceased as "Marie information about Moses Sommer's parents would iden Innocent Baindzette" but does not record his parents' tify as well the parents of Maria (Sommer) Muller. And, names or place of birth. Moses Sommer's age is given as as we shall soon see, Moses Sommer had long-standing 60, and this would mean a birth year of 1755 or 1756. ties to the family of this sister and brother-in-law. The Innocence Bansept, his considerably younger mate, story of Moses Sommer's family too is essential back lived another two decades at le Chamois. She died on ground for a full appreciation of Catherine (Miller) January 2, 1837, at the approximate age of 66, according Verly's letter. to the civil death certificate23 for her filed at Badonviller In January, 1813, at the time of the Muller-Bechler by her son-in-law Christian Litwiller. Therefore marriage, Moses Sommer and his wife, named Marie Innocence Bansept was probably born ca. 1770. This doc Innocence Bansept, and their sole offspring, a daughter ument does not name her parents but gives her birth called Elisabeth Sommer, were also living at le Chamois, place as Belmont, a village in southwestern Bas-Rhin, in north of Badonviller. Less than two years later, on the foothills of the Vosges Mountains. Innocence December 1, 1814, Elisabeth Sommer became- at the Bansept never remarried after Moses Sommer died. tender age of 15-the bride of Christian Litwiller. Death records for Moses Sommer and Innocence The Litwillers, Catherine (Miller) Verly's surrogate Bansept at Badonviller do not give their parents' names. parents, spent their entire married life at le Chamois. The most important potential source of information During her formative years, our letter-writer grew up in about these individuals - their own civil marriage the Litwillers' care, enduring "hardships from the rough record - as yet eludes researchers, since the locale of work." Eventually she grudgingly helped them "to pay their wedding is unknown. The couple did not marry at their debt," as she herself explained, prior to the time Saulxures, the wife's family's home in 1799, or in her they let her leave home "with practically nothing." This native Belmont. But banns for their forthcoming mar means without much of a dowry. Eight years after riage were filed in Urbeis, Bas-Rhin, northeast of Sainte embarking upon an admittedly satisfactory married life Marie-aux-Mines, Haut-Rhin, on 13 frimaire VII in her husband's home town, Catherine (Miller) Verly (December 3, 1798).24 Although the couple did not wed reflected, "But what saddens me greatly is that my hus at Urbeis, the abbreviated civil notice there of their band's relatives are rich, and I'm afraid they look at my intended marriage names the couple's parents, all four of husband askance because he married a poor woman." whom were deceased by 1798. Before reconstructing the Litwiller family from civil Moses Sommer, 40, a farmer, was the son of Jacob records at Badonviller, however, let us backtrack in time ("Jacques") Sommer and Barbara Gerig ("Barbe Kerich"), to review civil documentation about Moses Sommer's who had lived in "Neuwiller," i.e. Neuviller-la-Roche, family from Badonviller and other locations. southeast of Schirmeck/la Broque in Bas-Rhin. Elisabeth Sommer, only child of Moses Sommer and Innocence Bansept, 28, was the daughter of Christman Innocence Bansept, was born at Saulxures on the western Bansept and Margaret ("Margueritte") Morel, at one time border of the department of Bas-Rhin south of Saales, on 11 brumaire VIII (November 2, 1799). Her civil birth document,21 filed the day following her birth, states that Moses Sommer, a farmer, lived then on a farm near 21 Film 0796885, year VIII, birth #4. 22 Film 1077915, 1816, #17. Saulxures described as being between two hills (entre les 23 Film 1077916, 1837, #1. The death of Maria Innocence (Bansept) deux mont [sic], in this record). The two mandatory wit Sommer is mentioned in Christian Dienner's letter to Christian Muller, nesses to this record were our Ludwig Muller (Louis dated May 4, 1837: cf. Levine and Schmidt-Lange, "An 1837 Letter" (n. Miller), 40, a farmer at le Palais ("Paleuse") in the nearby 2 above), p. 19 and n. 31. 24 Film 1069740, year VII, fol. 1r. Inexplicably, the Sommer-Bansept canton of Saales, and Christman ("Chrismann") Bansept, banns were recorded in the ledger for marriages at Urbeis, rather than 44, a farmer living, like her parents, at the farm where in the record book for marriage banns, to be found on film 1069741. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 9 January 1995 residents of Belmont. Innocence Bansept was living in with the family of Moses Sommer and other Anabaptists 1798 at Climont near Urbeis, hence the posting of banns before he wed his teenaged bride at Badonviller. In any for her forthcoming marriage in this location. event, after marriage the couple took up residence at le The civil record of Sommer-Bansept banns at Urbeis Chamois, where both stayed until their deaths. Seven proves conclusively that Catherine (Miller) Verly' s children were born to the Litwillers over the course of Sommer forebears- including her real paternal grand time, but the first did not come along until the autumn of mother Maria (Sommer) Muller and her surrogate mater 1819, nearly five years after the couple's marriage. nal grandfather Moses Sommer - descended from Jacob This may have been nature's way of shielding so Sommer and Barbara Gerig. Anyone interested in pursu young a wife from becoming an equally young mother. ing this Sommer family further should begin with the But might it not also be possible that Jacob Muller and 1780 French census of Anabaptists in Alsace and Maria Bechler, whose own union at riper ages had pro Lorraine.25 That highly informative record documents duced three daughters in four years, conceived the idea the household of Jacob Sommer and his wife "Barbe of handing over the newborn Catherine to the childless Guerigin" on the feudal manorial fee-farm ( cense Litwillers before they themselves set out for America? seigneuriale) named Haute Goutte, which is located due The trip, probably to be initiated with overland travel in south of Natzwiller, just to the east of Neuviller-la-Roche winter, would be strenuous for all involved, particularly in Bas-Rhin. When the census-taker called at their home a baby. The Litwillers' home at le Chamois, inhabited at in 1780, the family of Jacob Sommer consisted of six male that time by potential grandparents living with their only and three female offspring in addition to the parents. offspring and her husband, had not yet been blessed with Three Sommer families lived together then on this estate, children. and all -by virtue of common ancestry? - were said to Catherine (Miller) Verly's explanation of her aban have come to that location in 1736. donment in her letter to Christian Dienner was probably Information about Moses Sommer (1755/58-1816) also addressed to herself: "They left me believing that I and Marie Innocence Bansept (1770-1837) not only identi would be happy." This may have been close to the truth fies the correct Sommer ancestry for Catherine (Miller) in 1818. But, she continued, "Actually the opposite hap Verly and her extended family but also permits discovery pened." Such was our letter-writer's version of the truth of precisely where and with whom her birth parents as she saw it in 1846. deposited her when they emigrated from France with her The Litwiller family at le Chamois eventually grew to two older sisters. Examination of the family of Catherine include three sons, two daughters, and a set of fraternal , Miller's surrogate parents, Christian Litwiller and twins. Three offspring died young, the female twin after Elisabeth Sommer, is now in order. A close reading of only ten days of life. Civil records from Badonviller con civil records about them at Badonviller sheds additional tain the following information about the family of light on Catherine (Miller) Verly's letter and may even Christian Litwiller. The eldest son Joseph, born October provide an explanation as to why our subject was left 16, 1819, died on March 5, 1837 at the age of 17. Elisabeth behind in their care. was born on November 29, 1821; Christian on August 5, 1824; Maria on August 14, 1827; and Johannes on January Family of Christian Litwiller, 19, 1835. The twins Joseph and Anna were born on November 6, 1839; Anna died ten days later, on Catherine (Miller) Verly's Surrogate Father November 16, and Joseph died on October 6, 1854, at the Both Christian Litwiller and Elisabeth Sommer lived age of 15.27 within the jurisdiction of Badonviller when they were Catherine Miller was not yet two years old in the married there on December 1, 1814. Their civil wedding autumn of 1819 when Elisabeth (Sommer) Litwiller deliv document26 describes the groom as a farmer, 23, born on ered for the first time. But, throughout her surrogate April13, 1791, in Diane-Capelle ("Dianne Cappelle") near mother's first pregnancy and even before, Catherine had Sarrebourg in the department of Moselle. His parents been, in effect, the Litwillers' firstborn child. It is easy to were Johannes ("Jean") Litwiller, a farmer, and the late imagine how, as the years rolled on, she "worked hard" Veronika Zehr ("Fronique Sera"). The groom's father in the Litwiller household, helping her surrogate mother came to Badonviller for the wedding and thus could tend a series of younger surrogate siblings. Thankfully, approve this union in person. Catherine Miller was already "out of the house," married Details about Elisabeth Sommer in the couple's civil to Jean Verly, and a new mother herself by the time twins marriage document repeat data about her already given in this essay from other sources. Since the bride was so very young, just 15 years of age, both her parents are list 25 Film 1166000. The Sommers were among families tabulated ed in her marriage record as assisting her in an official under the subdelegation of Strasbourg, and the page holding data capacity. Other relatives to sign this document were the mentioned here is numbered 49 in the bottom le(t-hand corner. same two individuals who had witnessed Jacob Muller's 26 Film 1077913, 1814, #8. 27 Joseph: birth document, film 1077911, 1819, #70; death document, wedding to Maria Bechler at Badonviller less than two film 1077916, 1837, #9 . Joseph Litwiller's death is m entioned in years earlier: Christian Sommer, a farmer, 48, and Georg Christian Dienner's 1837 letter to Christian Muuller, cf. Levine and ("Georges") Dienner, 32, a weaver. The precise relation Schmidt-Lange, "An 1837 Letter" (n. 2 above), p. 19 and nn. 33-34. ship of both witnesses to the bride is delineated in this Elisabeth: birth document, 1077911, 1821, #66. Christian: birth docu ment, film 1077911, 1824, #40. Maria: birth document, film 1077912, document. 1827, #51. Twin Anna: birth document, film 1077912, 1839, #55; death Although his civil marriage record does not so state, document, film 1077916, 1839, #50. Twin Joseph: birth document, film Christian Litwiller may actually have lived at le Chamois 1077912, 1839, #54; death document, film 1077916, 1854, #74. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 10 January 1995 were born to the 40-year-old Elisabeth (Sommer) Litwiller Muller relatives already established there. Thus it was in the autumn of 1839! natural for her to have reached out to Christian Dienner · Christian Litwiller lived less than a year after the via this letter of 1846, because, for some years while the twins' birth. He died on July 15, 1840, at the age of 51. In parents were still living, the Dienners had been part of his civil death record28 at Badonviller, which repeats Catherine Miller's extended family at Badonviller. details given in his marriage document as cited above, he Additional details concerning this branch of the family of is described as a farmer and a property-owner. This doc Ludwig Muller and Maria Sommer bear on Catherine ument, dated the day after Christian Litwiller passed (Miller) Verly's story too, and a brief summary follows.31 away, was signed by his brother Johannes Litwiller, 49, a Georg Dienner (ca. 1780-1833) and his wife farmer at Repaix,29 located to the west of Badonviller, Magdalena Muller (1788-1837) lived within the jurisdic and our Jean Verly, 28, a cousin of the deceased, living at tion of Badonviller between 1809 and 1822. As noted Lafrimbolle. Jean Verly was Christian Litwiller's cousin above, Georg Dienner was an official witness at the civil by virtue of his marriage to Catherine Miller two years marriages of Catherine (Miller) Verly's birth parents in earlier. Since two relatives from out of town witnessed 1813 at Badonviller and of her surrogate parents there in Christian Litwiller's death document in the mayor's 1814. The births of the first nine of the Dienners' twelve office of Badonviller on the day after he died, perhaps the children were recorded at Badonviller. family had gathered at le Chamois because of some fore The Dienner family did not live at le Chamois with warning of the deceased's impending passing. the Sommers and Litwillers, however, but at another fee The widowed Elisabeth (Sommer) Litwiller did not farm called les Bordes, located southeast of town about remarry. She died at le Chamois on October 12, 1854, at three miles from le Chamois. Sometime after the spring the age of 55. Her civil death document30 from of 1822, the Dienners moved to Thiaville, another cense in Badonviller was signed by her eldest living son, Christian the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle actually physically "Lidviller," a farmer, now 30 years of age. This docu closer to le Chamois than les Bordes but under the juris ment repeats particulars about the deceased already diction of neighboring Angomont. Prior to the autumn of known from other documentation cited here. She is 1830 the Dienner family relocated once more. Their final described as a property-owner, obviously by virtue of Old World home was the village of Saint-Benoit-la having inherited her late husband's status as such. It Chipotte in the department of Vosges, approximately ten should be noted, however, that Elisabeth (Sommer) miles south of both Badonviller and Angomont. Litwiller's death occurred only six days after the death of Georg Dienner was the first parent to die, four years 15-year-old Joseph Litwiller, her "baby," the second of before Magdalena (Muller) Dienner. After their wid her sons to bear that given name and the surviving frater owed mother's death on March 17, 1837, the nine Dienner nal twin. Cause of death is rarely given in French civil orphans determined to immigrate to Lancaster County records. In this case, however, one might suspect an with the help of maternal uncles there. Christian infectious disease in the household or a widow's grief Dienner, the second eldest son, was spokesman for his and loneliness at the loss of her youngest child. siblings, as is demonstrated by surviving letters he wrote Culled from the civil records of Badonviller, these and received. Catherine Miller was at first included in details offer in outline a biography of the family of the her cousins' plans to emigrate. Obviously, she never got property-owners Christian Litwiller (1791-1840) and the passage money that Christian Dienner requested Elisabeth Sommer (1799-1854), Catherine (Miller) Verly's from her father in the letter he wrote to Christian Muller surrogate parents. Against this backdrop can readily be in May, 1837. But apparently, as late as December 9, understood the drudgery that "ruined the health" of 1837, she was still considered a potential tenth traveller Catherine Miller, the eldest youngster in the Litwiller with the nine Dienners - to be funded, like them, by household - someone never actually mentioned in the Muller relatives- as an unpublished letter in the Miller civil documentation of Badonviller. "I have suffered a Collection at Lancaster implies.32 Some two months later, lot," she wrote in 1846. About the Litwillers, she contin however, she had a change of heart about the trip and ued, "Because avarice and greed motivated them so instead married Jean Verly and moved to Lafrimbolle. much, after I helped them to pay their debt, they let me Once again Catherine Miller was left behind in France leave home with practically nothing." How sad - but when relatives departed. somehow not unexpected - to learn next from her own And she lived to rue this choice - if indeed it was pen the consequence of her labors: "And those who hers to make. "My dear cousin," she wrote to Christian brought me up pay me no heed, now that the father [i.e., Christian Litwiller] is dead." 28 Film 1077915, 1816, #17. More about the Dienners' Role 29 Johannes Litwiller of Repaix was a forebear of many Litwillers in in Catherine (Miller) Verly's Story the Midwest, cf., for example, Donald W. Roth, The Family of Christian Our subject escaped the oppressive household of her and Magdalena (Springer) Litwiller (privately published by the author, 1992), p. 3. surrogate parents not by going to North America with 30 Film 1077916, 1854, #80. her Dienner cousins but by marrying Jean Verly and 31 For full details, see Levine and Schmidt-Lange, "An 1837 Letter" moving into his family's home at Lafrimbolle, as we have (n. 2 above). learned. Yet, as we have also learned, prior to marriage 32 Letter written by Christian Miiller in Lancaster County to Christian Dienner at Sainte-Benoit, Vosges, dated December 9, 1837: in 1838, Catherine Miller had initially been included in "You write and tell us that you have 15 dollars, 16 hundred francs. the plan devised by the Dienners to leave northeastern That is much more than you need to Havre de Grace for 10 persons ... " France for the New World with financial assistance from (unsigned English translation filed with a photocopy of the letter) . Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 11 January 1995 Dienner in 1846, "''ll tell you that I greatly regret not hav spurned the advance offered because, in her case, it was ing left with you. Were it not for those slanderous not really necessary. She wrote that she and her husband tongues who advised against it, I would be with you." were very nearly able to finance the trip across the Because, after eight years of marriage and two children, Atlantic without help, should they decide to emigrate. she still felt impelled to write that her husband's relatives "If our produce [?]34 would sell a little, we would make looked "askance" at him "because he married a poor enough to go find him [i.e., Andreas Muller]." But immi woman," it would seem logical that the "slanderous gration to America always seemed to elude Catherine tongues" who advised her not to leave France in 1838 (Miller) Verly. could not have belonged to the family of her potential She was not altogether forgotten by her Muller rela inlaws. No, the ruse to keep her behind must have origi tives in Lancaster County over time. A photocopy of the nated in the bustling household of her surrogate parents lengthy will of the financially successful yet childless at le Chamois. Catherine Miller's departure would Andreas Muller I Andrew Miller is among papers in the reduce by one the number of mouths the Litwillers had to Miller Collection in the archives of the Lancaster Society. feed, to be sure, but would also deprive them of a virtual This document, audited in the Lancaster Court House on live-in servant who had no other career option. December 9, 1874, accords "Catharine Verley" a share "I will tell you that I have suffered a lot and endured equal to that granted each of her seven living siblings. hardships from the rough work," is her own description These offspring of Jacob Muller- save Catherine (Miller) of the life she led prior to marriage. In 1846, laboring in Verly's two older sisters -had been born in North her own home to raise her own two daughters, Catherine America, and all had lived there since 1818. Each of these (Miller) Verly sketched a somewhat rosier picture of her legatees received a share worth $39.46 and 6/7 cent. life for Christian Dienner. Marriage, she confessed, Catherine (Miller) Verly was also due "interest on [a] for "gives me much pleasure .... I am at ease in my house mer share" in the amount of $26.74, for a total inheritance hold and hard-working." Yet this letter was, by her own of $66.20: the fractional cent was dropped in calculations. admission, not the first she had sent to North America. It Her "former share" had been carried forward from the seems clear, however, from the opening of this missive estate of Moses Muller. that she wrote once more in October, 1846, because she Did Catherine (Miller) Verly ever receive her Muller had finally received mail from across the Atlantic. And inheritance? She should have celebrated her fifty-seventh she penned the letter herself, "so that my husband ... does birthday the day after the will of "Uncle Andre" was not know." audited in Lancaster County in 1874. Was she still alive? Christian Dienner' s day book, now in the archives of Or was her name automatically included among the legit the Lancaster Society, contains the following instructions imate heirs of the late Jacob Muller because somebody in in French for addressing mail to Jean Verly: "Mr. Werly Lancaster County still remembered how one member of [sic], Jean, oil-dealer at Lafrimbolle ("la Frimbonne"), can that family had been left behind in France more than half ton of Lorquin, department of Meurthe [today, Moselle], a century earlier? via le Havre in France." This notation is to be found on Andreas Muller's will describes Catherine (Miller) the bottom half of a leaf following a multi-page entry Verly as a widow, so she must have written other letters dated February 13, 1838. It would appear that Christian to Muller and Dienner relatives abroad subsequent to the Dienner brought Jean Verly's address with him to North emotional outpouring she penned and posted to America. Why, oh why, did he wait eight years to contact Christian Dienner in 1846.35 There is no more to be Catherine (Miller) Verly, a childhood playmate of him and learned about this isolated descendant of Ludwig Muller his siblings and very nearly their travelling companion on and Maria Sommer from the sources mined for this essay. the long voyage to the New World in 1838? And, quite by accident, Catherine (Miller) Verly herself long ago wrote a fitting conclusion to this memoir as she Miillers' Legacy to Catherine (Miller) Verly ended her letter to Christian Dienner. Across time and The Muliers in Lancaster County were quite solici space, the fervid familial affection of one so cruelly treat tous of their relatives in France. Christian Muller died in ed within her own extended family warms us still. "I December, 1837, in the midst of planning for the Dienner close my letter by embracing you with all my heart. I am orphans' and Catherine Miller's immigration together to your dear cousin for life, and I ask that you give my com Lancaster County. His younger brother Andreas Muller pliments to all my relatives." 0 then took charge of the project. After the Dienners were safely established in the New World, Andreas Muller broached the subject of emigration with other known 33 Johannes Kropf engaged a professional scribe to write a letter for members of the family of Ludwig Muller and Maria him, dated July 3, 1839, in response to one received almost a year earli Sommer still living abroad. Unpublished correspondence er, on August 28, 1838. The addressee is not stated, but the text of the among the Christian Diener Papers at Lancaster discloses letter says in part, "My dear cousins, in case things do not suit you, or if it does not go well with you, do write to us and come to us, we are that someone, probably Christian Dienner, renewed con still always here ... " (unsigned English translation filed with the letter). tact with the family of Johannes Kropf and Anna Muller, 34 This word of Catherine (Miller) Verly's text is unreadable, but the but these individuals seemed not to want to leave sense is clear. France.33 35 Civil documentation from Lafrimbolle, when accessible via Catherine (Miller) Verly was also approached by microfilm, may hold details necessary for the proper conclusion of Catherine (Miller) Verly's story - provided, of course, that she had Andreas Muller, as her letter of 1846 makes plain: "You continued to reside in that location. On the other hand, the clerk in the will tell Uncle Andre that I thank him very much for his mayor's office of Lafrimbolle may already have mailed me copies of all kindness and the offer that he made to us." She too records about her on file there. See n. 9 above. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 12 January 1995 Abstracts from Swiss documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provide a genealogical glimpse of the early Anabaptist movement there and of Landis families. Landis Families of Canton Zurich, Switzerland by S. Michael Wilcox sa member of the Church of Jesus Christ of dants of Hans Landis (LS1), the Anabaptist martyr who the Latter-Day Saints (Mormon), I have dis was beheaded on September 29, 1614. covered my Mennonite roots. I have enjoyed Hans Landis [LSI] from Horgen reports. They A many wonderful hours learning about their alone are the signs for his soul. And he searched for courage and sacrifices, and I hope that the following con the well-being of his soul. He will not turn away from tributions will be valuable to the readers.l For example, it but stay with it. To take another stand is against his in 1589 fifteen men from Canton Zurich2 were impris beliefs and he will not change. oned for their Anabaptist beliefs; among them were Heini Landis [LS6] from Horgen does report that some whose descendants would later come to Lancaster after they had met he made a statement to the people County, Pennsylvania. From Wadenswil came Rudolph and never preached after that, but simply prayed together and stated they had done nothing to anyone. Hofman, Walti Pfister, Rutsch Brupbach,3 Hans Pfister, Yet he is not ready to listen to the church and speech Petter Hon, Walti Hess, and Jos Bruppach. From Horgen es, for this is against his conscience, they will stay came Uli Sutter, Heini Landis,4 and Hans Landis5 . From with it and continue with the New Testament which Ebertswil came Gorius Weber. From Wetzwil came Jacob they understand. Hochstrasser. From Guldens came Uli Ertzinger.6 From Uli Ertzinger from Guldinen side. He wants to be Erlibach came Heinrich Bindschadler. From Surthal obedient to God and thinks that he and the others (Bernpirt) came Jagli Walti. hope to have done good works. The authorities reported on the responses of each of Jacob Hochstrasser from Wetzwyl does report. these men concerning their religious beliefs and activi They have not done anything else but pray and hope ties.? The following ones may be of interest to descen- that they have done good works. He is not ready to go to church, but will stay with his convictions. According to the 1589 reports some of the arrested men were fined, placed in the heretics tower, escaped or were released, but they remained faithful. No doubt that conviction helped later generations prove faithful. The wives of these men were no less faithful. After 1 My gathering of historical and genealogical material is not com pleted. I invite any additions or correction sent to S. Michael Wilcox, 1800 South Campus Drive, Salt Lake City, UT 84112. 2 E I 7.3 (Wiedertiiufer, 1585-1609), Archives of Canton Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland. Translation by Trudy Schenk of Salt Lake City, Utah. 3 Jane Evans Best, "Swiss Bruppachers in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania," Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 16 (July 1993): 22, 25. 4 Hans Heinrich Landis is LS6 in outline. 5 Jane Evans Best, "Swiss Origins of the Groff, Hess, Weber, Landis, and Oberholtzer Families," Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 13 (Apr. 1990): 22, has Hans Landis, the martyr, as LS3. See also Paul Klaui, Hans Landis (LS1), the last Anabaptist martyr in Switzerland, "Hans Landis of Zurich (d. 1614), the Last Swiss Anabaptist Martyr," Mennonite Quarterly Review 22 (Oct. 1948): 203-211, and Mennonite was imprisoned in the Wellenberg tower (right) which stood Encyclopedia, s.v. "Landis, Hans," vol. 3, p. 280, and Thieleman J. van in the Limmat River in Zurich, Switzerland. This map (ca. Braght, Marh;rs Mirror (Scottdale, Pa.: Mennonite Publishing House, 1580) pictures that tower approximately thirty-four years 1938), pp. 1102-1104. before Swiss authorities decapitated Landis on September 30, 6 Ulrich Ertzinger was the father of Elsbeth, spouse of LS12. 1614, for his leadership of the "heretical" Anabaptists and his 7 E I 7.3 (Wiedertiiufer, 1585-1609), Archives of Canton Zurich. refusal to leave his congregation. Translation by Trudy Schenk of Salt Lake City, Utah. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 13 January 1995 the beheading of Hans Landis in 1614, his wife LRl Barbara Landis, bap. Dec. 20, 1546, Horgen Margaretha Hochstrasser was also arrested. The follow LR2 Verena Landis, bap. Jan. 13, 1549, Horgen ing documents from 1615 chronicle her courage: LR3 Catharina Landis, bap. June 19, 1552, Horgen LR4 Ursula Landis, bap. June 19, 1552 Horgen In the matter of the widow of the beheaded Hans m. Oswald Bichler, b. ca. 1548 Landis and their children on Horgenberg. LR41 Hans Bichler, bap. Apr. 11, 1596, Horgen Confiscation of the household of Hans Landis .... LR5 Joannis Landis, bap. Oct. 8, 1555, Horgen When the head governors of Horgen met with Margaretha Hochstrasser, the widow of the late LS Hans Landis, b. ca. 1521 Hannsen Landis of the Horgenberg, after long impris m. Katharina Schinz, b. ca. 1524 onment [they] admonished her to leave her beliefs LSl Hans Landis,11 b. ca. 1544; d. Sept. 30, 1614; Anabaptist and return to the church. Although these men spoke martyr. kindly and gently with her, she would not reconsider. m.(l) by 1580, Barbara Hochstrasser; not mentioned after . .. It is to be considered what to do. She cannot be the May 29, 1580, bap. of LS11. talked to or interviewed. She will not be converted m.(2) by 1582, Margaretha Hochstrasser; b. ca. 1554; impris and it would not be good to let her stay single. That is oned in Feb. 1615 in Spital in Zurich. why she shall be taken to the Spital in the death room LSU Margreth Landis, Anabaptist, bap. May 29, 1580, Horgen and bound and only the most necessary provisions LS12 Hans Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Dec. 31, 1581, Horgen; age given. No one will be allowed to speak to her or enter 45 in 1633. the room, in hopes that she may in this wise be listen m. Elsbeth Ertzinger, Anabaptist, bap. Oct. 16, 1593, Egg; ing and converted.8 dau. of Uli Ertzinger; age 42 in 1633.12 LS121 Caspar Landis, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1614; age 19 in 1633; Outline bap. not recorded in parish records; on 1657 list of emigrants to "Jebsheim, near Colmar," in what is now France.13 These early documents breathe life into the names of m. (1) July 22, 1634, Hirzel, Susanna Pfister, Anabaptist; b. ca. the following Landis descendants.9 I have organized this 1613. material into five outlines of five progenitors who may be m. (2) June 2, 1661, Catharina Danherr; d. Feb. 15, 1687, siblings or may be related in other ways: Caspar, Hans, Diirrenentzen, Alsace. Melchior, Balthasar, Peter. Some familial relationship is LS1211 Barbara Landis, bap. Nov. 1, 1635, Hirzel suggested by the fact that they were godparents at the m. Apr. 21, 1662, Heinrich Dreichler, at Jebsheim, France. christenings of their children and that Caspar, Balthasar, LS1212 Ursula Landis, bap. May 24, 1637, Hirzel and Melchior are the traditional names of the "three wise LS1213 Rudolph Landis, bap. Oct. 7, 1638, Hirzel men" associated with the birth of Jesus Christ. Early m. (1) May 6, 1668, Elizabetha Grandhomme, at Markirch, Zurich records indicate a Hansen Landos of Uerikon in France. m. (2) Apr. 21, 1678, at Markirch, Anne Gotz; b. ca. 1642. 1372 and a Rudi Landos also there in 1415, but I do not LS12131 Rudolf Landis, bap. Apr. 19, 1679, Markirch know of any links with this outline. The first appearance LS12132 Johann Landis, bap. Aug. 4, 1680, Markirch of the name Landis in Horgen records was in 1485. 10 The LS12133 Anne Marie Landis, bap. Dec. 21, 1681, Markirch question mark within bracketed material refers to a ques LS12134 Ulrich Landis, bap. Jan. 20, 1683, Markirch tion concerning the placement of that material at that loca LS12135 Elisabeth Landis, bap. July 29, 1684, Markirch tion in the outline and is not a question concerning the LS12136 Jacob Landis, bap. Mar. 9, 1687, Markirch validity of the material within brackets. LS12137 Marie Elisabeth Landis, twin, bap. Feb. 27, 1689, Markirch LR Caspar Landis, b. ca. 1520 LS12138 Phillippe Landis, twin, bap. Feb. 27, 1689, Markirch m. Barbara Schnorf, b. ca. 1526 LS12139 Barbara Landis, bap. Feb. 5, 1690, Markirch 8 E I 7.4 (Wiedertaufer, 1610-1615), Archives of Canton Zurich, the same person, primarily wives. For example, Hans Landis' wife contains reports on Margaretha Hochstrasser, spouse of LS1, and Elsbeth Ertzinger is listed as Elsbeth Streler for the births of Elsbeth refer to following dates: Feb. 23, 1615; May 22, 1615; May 24, 1615. (Mar. 5, 1620) and Barbara (Apr. 17, 1632); yet in the census both Translation by Trudy Schenk of Salt Lake City, Utah. daughters are placed in family of Hans Landis and Elsbeth Ertzinger. 9 This outline contains data drawn primarily from the Horgen, Rudolph Landis' wife Christine Mettler was the daughter of Hans Hirzel, and Wadenswil parish registers and census records up to the Mettler and Adelheit Andres as recorded in the birth register; in the mid-1600s as found in the following microfilms held by the L.D.S. census and births of other children in the family Adelheit's last name Family History Center in Salt Lake City, Utah: 1633, #1185140; 1634, is given as Sutter. These problems make certain verification extremely #1185139; 163~ #1185141; 164~ #118514~ 1643, #1185145; 164~ difficult. #1185149; 1649, #1185149; 1654, #1185151; 1670, #1185153; Hirzel, 10 J. P. Zwicky, Schweizerisches Familienbuch (Zurich: 1947), Vol. 2, #996924; Horgen, #99632; Wadenswill, #995912; Egg, #996835. Other pp. 335-339. sources included parish registers from Eichtersheim, Germany 11 Barbara and Margaretha may have been sisters, relatives, or the (#118923, 24, 38); Berwangen, Germany (#1189142); Weiler, Germany same person. (#118097, items 5-10); Steinsfurt, Germany (#1189152, item 8); 12 Regula Ertzinger (bap. Jan. 13, 1583, Egg), sister of Elsbeth, was Durrenentzen, France (#715515); and Neckarburken, Germany on the 1633 census with her 4 ch: Margaret (b. 1609), Felix (b. 1611), (#1189215). Katharina (b. 1615), Elsbetha (b. 1622). The Jacob Ertzinger (m. The Hirzel records were contained in the Horgen parish registers Catharina Asper) on the 1639 Anabaptist list is probably a brother. until 1617 when Hirzel became its own parish. Information on Landis Jacob was also on the 1657 list of emigrants to Jebsheim, France, as persons reaches back to 1546 when Horgen began recording births. I shown in "Anabaptist Emigration Reports," L.D.S. #1185179, as was have tried to verify the earlier part of the Hirzel chart (Landis Reunion LS121 and LS126. See also Best, "Swiss Origins of the Groff, Hess, Report, no. 31, Aug. 19, 1950, pp. 25-27) and also Jane Evans Best's Weber, Landis, and Oberholtzer Families," Pennsylvania Mennonite articles which have appeared in Mennonite Family History and Heritage 13 (Apr. 1990): 19. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage. Where I have been able to detect 13 Material on LS121, LS3329, LS341 and descendants from Roland errors I have made corrections, but welcome further clarifications or M. Wagner, 1198 Brace Ave., San Jose, CA 95125, who will author an corrections to my interpretation of these difficult early records. article in the April 1995 Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage on Landis Apparently, the minister sometimes would use different names for persons in Alsace. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 14 January 1995 LS12130 Rudolf Landis, bap. July 27, 1692, Markirch LS141 Rudolph Suner, bap. Oct. 13, 1612, Wadenswil; d. ca. LS1214 Hans Landis, b. ca. 1646; age 3 in 1649; bap. not found 1643.17 in church record. LS142 Hans Heinrich Suner, bap. Aug. 14, 1614, Wadenswil m. Jan. 29, 1678, in Neckarburken, Baden, Germany, Rosina LS143 Felix Suner, bap. Jan. 25, 1617, Hirzel Catharine Bender; b. Dec. 5, 1654; d. Dec. 28, 1707; dau. of LS144 Felix Suner, bap. Sept. 26, 1619, Hirzel Hans and Anna Bender. LS145 Heinrich Suner, bap. Feb. 17, 1622, Hirzel LS1215 Jacob Landis, bap. Aug. 1, 1647, Hirzel LS15 Heinrich Landis, bap. Jan. 27, 1585, Horgen18 LS1216 Anna Landis, bap. Apr. 15, 1650, Hirzel LS16 Adeli Landis, bap. May 29, 1588, Horgen LS122 Hans Landis, bap. Mar. 3, 1616, Horgen LS17 Felix Landis, Anabaptist, bap. June 1, 1589, Horgen; d. ca. LS123 Margaretha Landis, bap. Oct. 12, 1617, Hirzel 1642.19 LS124 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Mar. 5, 1620, Hirzel m.(l) Margareth Streler, d. Jan. 11, 1629, Hirzel LS125 Hans Heinrich Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Nov. 13, 1621; m.(2) Magdalene Hess, d. Aug. 1, 1629, Hirzel on list of 1657 emigrants to "Heidolsheim two hours from m.(3) Adelheid Egli, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1593; age 40 in 1633. Selestat" in France; attended Steinsfurt meeting in 1661; living LS171 Hans Landis, bap. Nov. 21, 1630, Hirzel in Bockshaft in 1665. LS172 Anna Maria Landis, bap. Jan. 15, 1633, Hirzel m. Feb.14, 1643, at Hirzel, Barbara Bueler LS173 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Feb. 1, 1635, Hirzel LS1251 Jacob Landis, chr. Feb. 5, 1643, Hirzel; d. Apr. 28, 1645. LS18 Jagli Landis, bap. Feb. 11, 1591, Horgen; d. Jan. 16, 1636, LS1252 Jacob Landis, chr. Dec. 17, 1644, Hirzel; d. Mar. 20, 1646. Hirzel. LS1253 Catharina Landis, chr. Feb. 8, 1646, Hirzel. m.(l) Mar. 1625, Barbara Schappi; d. Jan. 17, 1632, Hirzel. LS1254 Jacob Landis, [? Hans Jacob Landis, d. Jan. 30, 1712, m.(2) May 29, 1632, at Hirzel, Elsbeth Trinckler age 64, Rohrbach; attended Steinsfurt meeting in 1661. LS181 Conrad Landis, bap. Dec. 18, 1625, Hirzel; d. Mar. 14, m. Verena Schneider, b. ca. 1649; d. Oct. 16, 1713, age 64, 1626, Hirzel. Rohrbach.]14 LS182 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. July 18, 1630, Hirzel; d. Jan. LS1255 Barbara Landis 9, 1636, Hirzel. m. Sept. 28, 1670, Markirch, Jacob Stocker LS183 Jacob Landis, bap. Jan. 17, 1632, Hirzel; d. Dec. 4, 1633, LS1256 Hans Heinrich Landis Hirzel. [?LS1257 Rudolf Landis, b. ca. 1662; d. Apr. 5, 1705, Steinsfurt, Children of m.(2) of LS18 aged43.] LS184 Rudolph Landis, bap. Sept. 15, 1633, Hirzel [?LS1258 Hans Landis, b. ca. 1664; d. 1727, Earl Twp. Lancaster LS185 Hans Landis, bap. July 5, 1635, Hirzel; d. Jan. 9, 1636, Co.,Pa. Hirzel. m. Anna Good]15 LS19 Margareth Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Dec. 1, 1594, Horgen LS1259 (Child) Landis, b. ca. 1664; d. Sept. 1665, Bockshaft. m . (1) Feb. 27, 1613, at Wadenswil, Ulrich Bruppacher, [?LS1250 Jacob Landis, b. ca. 1667; d. 1730, Lancaster Co., Pa.; Anabaptist.20 lived at Steinsfurt on Apr. 3, 1717. m. (2) Hans Rudolph Baumann, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1593; age m. Ann Witmer, b. 1671 40 in 1633. LS12501 Benjamin Landis (Preacher), b. ca. 1697; d. 1781, LS191 Elsbeth Bruppacher, bap. Oct. 27, 1616, Wadenswil Lancaster Co., Pa. LS192 Barbara Bruppacher, bap. Sept. 26, 1619, Wadenswil m. Maria Weber, b. ca. 1700 LS193 Hans Jacob Bruppacher, bap. Mar. 3, 1622, Hirzel LS12502 Barbara Landis, b. ca. 1702 LS194 Hans Bruppbacher, bap. Feb. 1, 1624 m. Theodorus (Durst) Buckwalter, b. ca. 1702; d. 1782, LS195 Caspar Bruppacher, bap. May 14, 1627, Hirzel Lancaster Co., Pa. Children of m.(2) of LS19 LS12503 Anna Landis, b. ca. 1704 LS196 Hans Rudolph Baumann, bap. May 3, 1635, Hirzel m.(l) Christian Mosser LS197 Hans Rudolph Baumann, bap. Dec. 26, 1636, Hirzel m.(2) Henry Tinkey] LSlO Welti Landis, bap. Dec. 15, 1597, Horgen LS126 Rudolf Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Nov. 23, 1623, Hirzel; LSla Rudolf Landis, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1603; age 30 in 1633. on 1657 list of emigrants to "Durrenentzen 2 hours from Breisach" in France; d. before 1670. m. Sept. 1, 1646, Christine Mettler, Anabaptist; bap. Jan. 27, 14 Karl Diefenbacher, Schweizer Eimvanderer in den Kraichgau nach dem 1622, Hirzel; dau. of Hans Mettler and Adalheit Andres Dreissigjiihrigen Krieg (Sinsheim: Heimatverein Kraichgau, 1983), p. 202 (no. 5253). The rationale for tentatively placing Rudolf Landis (ca. 1662 - Suter. Apr. 5, 1705) and Jacob Landis (ca. 1667 - 1730) as sons of LS125 Hans LS1261 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. June 4, 1648, Hirzel Heinrich Landis will be explained in the April1995 issue of Pennsylvania LS1262 Christian Landis, b. ca. 1659, Durrenentzen; bap. Oct. Mennonite Heritage. Jacob (d. 1730) could be a son of LS1254 Jacob Landis 31, 1670, at Reformed Church in Durrenentzen at age "11 or and Verena Schneider. 12 years," where parents are stated as Anabaptists. 15 Jane Evans Best to Michael Wilcox, September 17, 1994, states that LS127 Anna Landis, bap. Mar. 12, 1626, Hirzel according to "a July 31, 1993, letter I received from Roland Wagner, [E. LS128 Jacob Landis, bap. Mar. 11, 1628, Hirzel E.) Reeves-Graybill reports that the Johann Landis who later settled in LS129 Verena Landis, bap. Aug. 16, 1629, Hirzel Pennsylvania was born in Markirk in 1664, son of a Heinrich Landis LS120 Barbara Landis, bap. Apr. 17, 1632, Hirzel born in 1621. He believes this is Hans Heinrich Landis (LS125) which would make Hans Landis LS1258, not LS1264, or LS3264 as in my article LS12a Hans Rudolf Landis, bap. Feb. 15, 1635, Hirzel; d. Nov. in the April1990 issue of Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage." 30, 1635, Hirzel. 16 van Braght, Mnrtt;rs Mirror, p. 1121 . LS12b Elisabeth Landis, bap. Nov. 27, 1636, Hirzel; d. July 4, 171bid., p. 1120. 1637, Hirzel. 18 Christening record gives parents as Rudolph Landis and LS12c Margaret Landis, bap. Dec. 16, 1638, Hirzel Margaretha Hochstrasser, but I believe the father should be Hans m. June 23, 1664, Markirch, Joseph Casson Landis. 19 van Braght, Marf:tJrs Mirror, p. 1121. Hundred of deaths, probably Children of m.(2) for LS1 from the plague, were recorded in these Zurich towns in 1629, including LS13 Rudolph Landis, bap. Sept. 8, 1583, Horgen 2 wives of Felix Landis. LS14 Verena Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Feb. 12, 1587, Horgen; d. 20 In F I 190, Archives of Canton Zurich, the 1639 Mennonite census, ca. 1643.16 Barbara Bruppacher is listed as a step-daughter to Hans Rudolph m. Jacob Suner, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1583 Bauman. See note 3. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 15 January 1995 m. Apr. 23, 1620, Hirzel, Anna Baumann, Anabaptist; b. ca. LS3352 Catharina Landis, Nov. 11, 1632, Hirzel 1603; d. Feb. 14, 1641; age 30 in 1633. ?LS336 Margareth Landis, b. ca. 1611; age 26 in 1637. LSlal Ulrich Landis, bap. Feb. 28, 1621, Hirzel; d. July 25, m. Oswald Hurliman 1662, Hirzel. LS3361 Erhard Hurliman, bap. Apr. 28, 1630, Hirzel m. June 15, 1645, Elsbeth Trullinger LS3362 Melchior Hurliman, bap. Oct. 30, 1631, Hirzel LSlall Verena Landis, bap. Feb. 8, 1646, Hirzel LS3363 Hans Heinrich Hurliman, bap. Nov. 6, 1636, Hirzel LS1a12 Hans Jacob Landis, bap. Mar. 26, 1648, Hirzel LS3364 Maria Hurliman, bap. July 29, 1638, Hirzel LS1a13 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Aug. 22, 1652, Hirzel LS3365 Heinrich Hurliman, bap. Aug. 30, 1640, Hirzel LS1a14 Hans Landis, bap. Jan. 29, 1656, Hirzel LS3366 Melchior Hurliman, bap. May 7, 1643, Hirzel LSlalS Anna Landis, bap. May 16, 1658, Hirzel LS3367 Kleinanna Hurliman, bap. May 9, 1646, Hirzel LS1a2 Klein Verena Landis, bap. Feb. 9, 1623, Hirzel LS3368 Jacob Hurliman, bap. Jan. 9, 1648, Hirzel LS1a3 Joseph Landis, bap. Sept. 5, 1624, Hirzel; d. Sept. 16, LS3369 Anna Hurliman, bap. Mar. 3,1650, Hirzel 1625, Hirzel. LS34 Oswald Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Mar. 31, 1577, Horgen; LS1a4 Hans Jacob Landis, bap. Dec. 18, 1625, Hirzel d. Mar. 4, 1650, Hirzel. m. Jan. 29, 1649, Hirzel, Elsbeth Hoth m.(l) ca. 1599, Margaret Schneveli, Anabaptist; bap. July 12, LS1a41 Regula Landis, bap. Dec. 26, 1649, Hirzel 1578. LS1a42 Regula Landis, bap. Apr. 6, 1651, Hirzel m.(2) Anna Schappi, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1570; age 63 in 1633. LS1a43 Oswald Landis, bap. Feb. 13, 1653, Hirzel LS341 Hans Jacob Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Aug. 10, 1600, LS1a44 Hans Jacob Landis, bap. Feb. 24, 1655, Hirzel Horgen; d. Mar. 20, 1656, Weiler. LS1a45 Hans Landis, bap. Aug. 16, 1657, Hirzel m. Verena Pfister, Anabaptist, bap. Feb. 12, 1605, Horgen; LS1a46 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. July 3, 1659, Hirzel dau. of Anabaptist Werni Pfister; d. Dec. 26, 1672, age 70, LSlaS Bartli Landis, bap. Nov. 11, 1627, Hirzel Weiler; attended Steinsfurt meeting in 1661. LS1a6 Hans Rudolf Landis, bap. July 26, 1628, Hirzel LS3411 Magdalena Landis, bap. July 31, 1631, Hirzel LS1a7 Judith Landis, bap. Apr. 24, 1631, Hirzel; d. Aug. 10, LS3412 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Aug. 5, 1632, Hirzel 1634, Hirzel. LS3413 Hans (Jacob) Landis, bap. Dec. 29, 1633, Hirzel LS1a8 Catharina Landis, bap. Sept. 10, 1633, Hirzel m.(l) Barbara_, b. ca. 1636; age 36 in 1672; d. July 16, LSla9 Margareth Landis, bap. June 22, 1635, Hirzel 1672, Weiler. LSlaO Hans Jacob Landis, bap. Nov. 12, 1637, Hirzel m.(2) 1673, Anna Ruth, b. ca. 1652; d. Jan. 10, 1684, age 32, LSlaa Cathri Landis, bap. Apr. 12, 1639, Hirzel Weiler. LS2 Ulrich Landis, bap. Nov. 18, 1546, Horgen LS34131 Child Landis, b. ca. 1659, Weiler; d. July 25, 1666, age 7, LS3 Rudolf Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Sept. 17, 1548, Horgen Weiler. m. ca. 1570, Anna Bruggbacher, Anabaptist LS34132 Hans Jacob Landis, b. ca. 1662, Weiler; age 31 in 1693; LS31 Heinrich Landis, bap. Mar. 25, 1571, Horgen d. Nov. 24, 1693, Weiler. LS32 Caspar Landis, bap. Apr. 5, 1573, Horgen m. (1) Oct. 31, 1681, Verena Rutt; dau. of Hans Rutt. LS33 Hans Landis, b. Sept. 5, 1575, Horgen m. (2) Oct. 30, 1683, Veronica Engel; dau. of Hans Engel, m. ca. 1597, Elsbeth Schneveli former citizen of "Ostatten," Canton Bern, Switzerland. LS331 Hans Landis, bap. Nov. 12, 1598, Horgen LS34133 Child Landis, b. 1662, Weiler; age 3/4 yrs. in 1663, d. LS332 Rudolph Landis, b. Feb. 12, 1603, Horgen; moved to Feb. 28, 1663, Weiler. Richterswil. LS34134 Veronica Landis, b. ca. 1672, Weiler; d. Feb. 11, 1676; m. Sept. 9, 1623, Hirzel, Barbel Ritter age 6, Weiler. LS3321 Melchoir Landis, b. ca. 1624; age 16 in 1640. LS34135 Christian Landis, b. June 1672, Weiler; d. July 21, 1672, LS3322 Hans Heinrich Landis, b. May 15, 1625, Hirzel 5wks. LS3323 Verena Landis, b. July 29, 1627, Hirzel LS3414 Catharina Landis, bap. July 12, 1635, Hirzel; d. Mar. 19, LS3324 Jacob Landis, b. 1631; age 3 in 1634, Richterswil. 1644, Hirzel. LS3325 Anna Landis, b. 1631; age 6 in 1637, Richterswil. LS3415 Verena Landis, bap. Jan. 22, 1637, Hirzel LS3326 Conrad Landis, b. 1634 according to 1634 census, LS3416 Haris Rudolph Landis, bap. Jan. 6, 1639, Hirzel; at Richterswil Steinsfurt meeting of Anabaptists in 1661. LS3327 Hans Landis, b. 1637 according to 1646 census, LS34161 Hans Jacob Landis, b. ca. 1660, Eichtersheim Richterswil LS34162 Hans Stephan Landis, b. ca. 1668, Eichtersheim LS3328 Reguli Landis, b. 1638; age 2 in 1640, Richterswil. LS34163 Anna Maria Landis, b. ca. 1675, Eichtersheim LS3329 Hans Heinrich Landis, b. 1642 according to 1646 m. Aug. 9,1701, Leonard Waibel census, Richterswil LS3417 Georg Landis, bap. Sept. 13, 1640; Hirzel; d. May 13, ?LS333 Melchior Landis, b. ca. 1604; age 36 in 1640.21 1642, Hirzel. m.(1) Feb. 20, 1620, Klianna Scharer LS3418 Caspar Landis, bap. Nov. 28, 1643, Hirzel; d. m.(2) Apr. 21, 1640, Klianna Bruppacher Sept. 25, 1657; age 13 Weiler. LS3331 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Dec. 3, 1620, Hirzel; d. Dec. 27, LS3419 Barbara Landis, bap. Apr. 19, 1645, Hirzel; probably 1628, Hirzel. attended Steinsfurt meeting in 1661. LS3332 Osli Landis, bap. Oct. 2, 1625, Hirzel LS342 Elsbeth Landis, bap. July 25, 1602, Horgen LS3333 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Mar. 22, 1629, Hirzel LS343 Annali Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Dec. 22, 1603, Horgen; LS3334 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Sept. 26, 1630, Hirzel d. Sept. 24, 1629, Hirzel. LS3335 Regula Landis, bap. Oct. 21, 1632, Hirzel m. Nov. 4,1623, Hirzel, Hans Larodi LS3336 Rudolph Landis, bap. Apr. 30, 1637, Hirzel LS3431 Kleinann Larodi, bap. Sept. 4, 1625, Hirzel Children of m.(2) of ?LS333 LS3432 Anna Larodi, bap. Aug. 10, 1628, Hirzel LS3337 Heinrich Landis, bap. Mar. 14, 1641, Hirzel LS344 Adali Landis, bap. Oct. 12, 1605, Horgen LS3338 Anneli Landis, bap. May 11, 1643, Hirzel LS3339 Margareth Landis, bap. June 15, 1645, Hirzel LS334 Barbeli Landis, bap. Sept. 13, 1607, Horgen 21 Melchior (?LS333) and Margareth (?LS336) were siblings, but I LS335 Hans Landis, bap. Nov. 5,1609, Horgen have no proof that they belong with these parents. The entry for m. July 6, 1630, Hirzel, Kleianna Ritter Melchior's m.(2) gives her surname as Burrman, but subsequent birth LS3351 Oswald Landis, b. Aug. 21, 1631, Hirzel entries show Klianna Bruppacher. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 16 January 1995 LS345 Hans Heinrich Landis, b. Nov. 1, 1607, Horgen LS6314 Barbel Landis, bap. Mar. 22, 1646, Hirzel LS346 Elsbeth Landis, b. Jan. 22, 1609, Horgen LS632 Annali Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Sept. 12, 1614, Horgen LS347 Margareth Landis, b. ca. 1610; age 25 in 1633; age 26 in m. Oct. 30, 1632, Wadenswil, Rudolph Pfister 1637. LS6321 Hans Jagli Pfister, bap. Dec. 15, 1633, Wadenswil LS348 Hans Heinrich Landis, Anabaptist, bap. July 21, 1611, LS6322 Heinrich Pfister, bap. Dec. 20, 1635, Wadenswil Horgen LS6323 Hans Pfister, bap. Aug. 13, 1637, Wadenswil m. Nov. 26, 1630, Hirzel, Magdalena Poliar, Anabaptist; b. ca. LS6324 Anali Pfister, bap. Feb. 23, 1640, Wadenswil 1610. LS6325 Anali Pfister, bap. May 15, 1642, Wadenswil LS3481 Oswald Landis, bap. Mar. 3, 1633, Hirzel LS6326 Jagli Pfister, bap. Nov. 3, 1644, Wadenswil LS3482 Verena Landis, bap. Dec. 14, 1634, Hirzel LS6327 Hans Heinrich Pfister, bap. Jan. 24, 1647, Wadenswil LS3483 Barbara Landis, bap. July 31, 1636, Hirzel LS6328 Elsbeth Pfister, bap. Oct. 7, 1649, Wadenswil LS3484 Margareth Landis, bap. Dec. 17, 1637, Hirzel LS6329 Caspar Pfister, bap. Mar. 13, 1653, Wadenswil LS3485 Klianna Landis, bap. Dec. 8, 1639, Hirzel LS6320 Susanna Pfister, bap. July 27, 1656, Wadenswil LS3486 Heinrich Landis, bap. Jan. 10, 1641, Hirzel LS633 Adrian Landis, bap. Sept. 28, 1617, Hirzel; d. Aug. 24, LS3487 Osli Landis, bap. Feb. 5, 1643, Hirzel 1629, Hirzel. LS3488 Hans Landis, bap. July 13, 1645, Hirzel . LS634 Margreth Landis, b. Aug. 21, 1620, Hirzel LS3489 Hans Jacob Landis, bap. Jan. 31, 1647 LS635 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Feb. 17, 1622, Hirzel LS3480 Hans Landis, bap. Feb. 25, 1649, Hirzel m. June 9, 1646, Wadenswil, Hans Heinrich Hottinger LS349 Marti Landis, Anabaptist, b. ca. 1613; age 20 in 1633.22 LS6351 Hans Heinrich Hottinger, bap. May 2, 1647, Wadenswil m. Sept. 6, 1637, Hirzel, Barbara Burrmann, Anabaptist; b. ca. LS6352 Jacob Hottinger, bap. Jan. 14, 1649, Hirzel 1620; age 20 in 1640. LS6353 Annali Hottinger, bap. June 14, 1652, Hirzel LS349l Catharina Landis, bap. Dec. 16, 1638, Hirzel LS6354 Regula Hottinger, bap. June 22, 1656, Wadenswil LS3492 Regula Landis, bap. May 2, 1641, Hirzel LS6355 Maria Hottinger, bap. Apr. 7, 1661, Wadenswil LS3493 Oswald Landis, bap. June 13, 1647, Hirzel LS6356 Elsbetha Hottinger, bap. May 12, 1662, Wadenswil LS3494 Annali Landis, bap. Aug. 24, 1651, Hirzel LS636 Rudolph Landis, bap. Nov. 28, 1624, Hirzel; d. Sept. 3, LS3495 Hans Jacob Landis, bap. July 30, 1654, Hirzel; d. Jan. 21, 1629. 1655, Hirzel. LS64 Verena Landis, bap. Dec. 29, 1591, Horgen LS340 Rudolph Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Feb. 11, 1616, Horgen LS7 Agta Landis, bap. Mar. 28, 1555, Horgen m. Oct. 5, 1641, Hirzel, Barbara Scharer LS8 Ludi Landis, bap. May 6, 1560, Horgen LS3401 Oswald Landis, bap. Aug. 11, 1644, Hirzel; d. Apr. 13, LS9 Anna Landis, bap. Feb. 5, 1562, Horgen 1645, Hirzel. LS3402 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Feb. 22, 1646, Hirzel LT Melchior Landis, b. ca. 1522 LS3403 Oswald Landis, bap. Feb. 27, 1648, Hirzel m. Barbara Huber LS3404 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Oct. 5, 1651, Hirzel LTI Jacob Landis, bap. Nov. 30, 1546, Horgen LS3405 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Sept. 14, 1654, Hirzel LT2 Catharine Landis, bap. Apr. 20, 1549, Horgen LS3406 Jacob Landis, bap. Apr. 28, 1661, Hirzel LT3 Hans Landis, bap. Mar.l7, 1552, Horgen LS34a Daniel Landis, bap. Oct. 14, 1619; d. July 25, 1629, Hirzel. LT4 Barbara Landis, bap. Dec. 10, 1553, Horgen LS34b Oswald Landis, bap. May 10, 1626, Hirzel LTS Caspar Landis, bap. May 19, 1555, Horgen m. Nov. 5, 1644, Hirzel, Barbara Oberholtzer LT6 Verena Landis, bap. Feb. 4,1557, Horgen LS34bl Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Aug. 14, 1647, Hirzel LS34b2 Anna Landis, b. Jan. 7, 1649, Hirzel; d. Jan. 25, 1649, LU Balthasar Landis, b. ca. 1524 Hirzel. m. Margreth Ritter LS34b3 Hans Jacob Landis, b. Apr. 6, 1650, Hirzel LUl (Boy) Landis, b. Mar. 2, 1545, Horgen24 LS34b4 Oswald Landis, bap. Nov. 2,1651, Hirzel LU2 Laurentz Landis, bap. Sept. 21, 1546 LS34b5 Hans Landis, bap. Nov. 27, 1653, Hirzel LU3 Yta Landis, bap. Apr. 6, 1548, Horgen LS35 Barbel Landis, bap. Aug. 25, 1579, Horgen LU4 Barbara Landis, bap. Jan. 30, 1550, Horgen LS36 Child (?Anna) Landis, bap. May 20, 1582, Horgen.23 LUS Caspar Landis, bap. Aug. 16, 1551, Horgen m. Conrad Strickler m. Barbara Husser LS361 Hans Strickler, b. ca. 1615; age 28 in 1633 census; caring LUSl Hans Landis, bap. June 16, 1575, Horgen; age 63 in 1637 for mother Anna Landis in 1649 census. census. m. Margareth Hitz m. Margareth Burgere LS362 Uli Strickler, bap. Oct. 22, 1615, Horgen LUSll Anali Landis, bap. May 1, 1597, Horgen LS363 Rudolph Strickler, bap. Feb. 25, 1618, Hirzel LU512 Erhardt Landis, bap. Nov. 12, 1598, Horgen; d. Feb. 3, LS37 Rachel Landis, bap. Feb. 4, 1584, Horgen 1651, Hirzel. LS4 Anna Landis, bap. Feb. 13, 1550, Horgen m. Aug. 21, 1620, Hirzel, Elsbeth Hurlirnann LSS Anna Landis, bap. July 28, 1551, Horgen LU5121 Oswald Landis, bap. Mar. 4, 1621, Hirzel LS6 Hans Heinrich (Heini) Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Apr. 19, LU5122 Georg Landis, bap. Feb. 13, 1625, Hirzel 1553, Horgen; d. July 1, 1622, Hirzel; on 1589list with brother LU5123 Margreth Landis, bap. Feb. 13, 1631, Hirzel Hans. LU5124 Kleinanneli Landis, bap. July 19, 1635, Hirzel m. ca. 1585 Verena Bertschinger, Anabaptist LS61 Jacob Landis, bap. Jan. 5, 1586, Horgen LS62 Conrad Landis, bap. Nov. 11, 1587, Horgen 22 Birth not listed in parish register. LS63 Caspar Landis, Anabaptist, bap. Sept. 5, 1589, Horgen 23 Anna's name does not appear in b. records. I believe she is Anna m. ca. 1611, Verena Appli, Anabaptist Landis, wife of Conrad Strickler. In the 1649 census Annali Landis (age 66) is living with her son Hans Strickler; if age is correct, then her b. LS631 Caspar Landis, bap. Oct. 6, 1612, Horgen would be 1583. Census data is not always reliable-in 1633 her age of m. Mar. 10, 1635, Hirzel, Margareth Ballmann 60 means b. in 1573-not 1583. Only three Anabaptist Landis families LS6311 Hans Landis, bap. Feb. 20, 1636, Hirzel in Horgen gave b. to ch. in the 1580s-Hans, Heini and Rudolph. Anna LS6312 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Oct. 15, 1637, Hirzel could be an unrecorded ch. of Heini, but Rudolph is the only Landis LS6313 Barbara Landis, bap. Feb. 14, 1641; d. Apr. 9, 1645, brother as parent in the 1570s. Hirzel. 24 Name not readable in original record. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 17 January 1995 LUS12S Ulrich Landis, bap. July 8, 1638, Hirzel; d . Nov. 9, 1641, Hirzel. LUS126 Susanna Landis, bap. Feb. 15, 1639, Hirzel; d. May 14, 1640, Hirzel. LUS13 Barbel Landis, bap. Jan. 29, 1600, Horgen LUS14 Drini Landis, bap. Oct. 11, 1601, Horgen LUStS Drini Landis, bap. Aug. 25, 1605, Horgen LUS16 Barbeli Landis, bap. Oct. 21, 1608, Horgen LUS17 Anna Landis, b. ca. 1619; age 18 in 1637 census. LUS18 Elsbeth Landis, b. ca. 1620; age 17 in 1637 census. LUS2 Rudolph Landis, bap. Jan. 13, 1577, Horgen LUS3 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Nov. 9, 1578, Horgen LUS4 Jacob Landis, bap. Dec. 24, 1581, Horgen LUSS Adali Landis, bap. Jan. 30, 1586, Horgen LUS6 Cathrin Landis, bap. Mar. 23, 1589, Horgen LUS7 Barbel Landis, bap. Apr. 16, 1592, Horgen LUS8 Erhard Landis, bap. Apr. 3, 1594, Horgen LUS9 Barbel Landis, bap. Feb. 20, 1596, Horgen LUSO ?Elsbeth Landis, twin, bap. Apr. 15, 1599, Horgen; mother's name not given. LUSa ?Annali Landis, twin, bap. Apr. 15, 1599, Horgen; mother's name not given. LU6 Hans Landis, bap. Apr. 25, 1553, Horgen LU7 Rudolph Landis, bap. Dec. 2, 1554, Horgen LU8 Margreth Landis, bap. June 13, 1557, Horgen LU9 Verena Landis, bap. Dec. 17,1559, Horgen LUO Ludivig Landis, bap. Apr. 25, 1563, Horgen LV Petter Landis, b. ca. 1544 m. Verena Hag The gravestone of Hans Landis (LS12S8) who died on LVl Caspar Landis, bap. Jan. 25, 1568, Horgen December 2, 1727, rests in a small unkempt cemetery near LV2 Verena Landis, bap. Mar. 17,1569, Horgen Maple Avenue north of Peace Road in West Earl Township, LV3 Hans Landis, bap. Feb. 2, 1570, Horgen Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Probably born in Alsatian LV4 Barbara Landis, bap. Feb. 2,1570, Horgen France, he married Anna Good. LVS Balthazar Landis, bap. July 15, 1572, Horgen; d. June 13, 1634, Hirzel; perhaps more than one Balthasar, not 1 man with 4 wives. m.(l) Elsi Bergere LVS4 Hans Landis, bap. Feb. 24, 1605, Horgen m.(2) Verena Fyster LVSS Werni Landis, bap. Jan. 25,1607, Horgen; d. Aug. 4, 1622, m.(3) Drini Ritter Hirzel. m.(4) Annali Scharer, d. Jan. 18, 1629, Hirzel LVS6 Adali Landis, bap. Feb. 15, 1609, Horgen Child of m.(1) of LVS Children of m.(4) of LVS LVSl Jacob Landis, bap. Oct. 16, 1597, Horgen LVS7 Drini Landis, bap. Nov. 17, 1616, Horgen; d. Feb. 4, 1629, Child of m.(2) of LVS Hirzel. LVS2 Peter Landis, bap. Jan. 3, 1601, Horgen; age 37 in 1637 LVS8 Verena Landis, bap. Mar. 2, 1618, Hirzel; d. July 16, 1629, census. Hirzel. m. Dec. 1, 1629, Hirzel, Margareth Strickler, b. ca. 1607; age 30 LVS9 Klein Verena Landis, bap. Feb. 10, 1622, Hirzel; d. July in 1637 census. 12, 1629, Hirzel. LVS21 Hans Landis, bap. Sept. 5, 1630, Hirzel L VSO Rudolph Landis, bap. May 14, 1627, Hirzel; d. Feb. 24, LVS22 Catharina Landis, bap. May 13, 1632, Hirzel 1628, Hirzel. LVS23 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Mar. 30, 1634, Hirzel LV6 Anna Landis, bap. Aug. 10, 1574, Horgen m. July 10, 1655, Hirzel, Eva Baumann L V7 Erhardt Landis, bap. June 15, 1576, Horgen; d. Oct. 5, 1637, LVS231 Verena Landis, bap. Dec. 14,1655, Hirzel Hirzel; age 63 in 1637 census. LVS232 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Dec. 4, 1657, Hirzel m.(l) Catharine Lutholt, d. July 26, 1629, Hirzel LVS233 Elsbeth Landis, bap. Oct. 9, 1659, Hirzel m.(2) Sept. 14, 1630, Hirzel, Elsbeth Kalenmann, b. ca. 1584; LVS234 Jacob Landis, bap. Jan. 19, 1662, Hirzel age 53 in 1637 census. LVS23S Susanna Landis, bap. Jan. 24, 1664, Hirzel LV71 Barb eli Landis, bap. Aug. 27, 1606, Horgen LVS236 Georg Landis, bap. Mar. 3, 1667, Hirzel LV72 Elsi Landis, bap. Sept. 3, 1609, Horgen LVS237 Hans Landis, bap. June 13, 1669, Hirzel LV73 Drini Landis, bap. Apr. 2,1615, Horgen LVS238 Hans Landis, bap. May 12, 1672, Hirzel LV74 Barbara Landis, bap. Oct. 6, 1618, Hirzel LVS239 Hans Jacob Landis, bap. Nov. 15, 1674 LV7S Rudolph Landis, bap. Apr. 14, 1622, Hirzel; d . July 14, LVS24 Barbara Landis, bap. May 22, 1643, Hirzel 1629. L VS2S Heinrich Landis, bap. May 16, 1646, Hirzel Children of m. (2) of LV7 LVS26 Anna Landis, bap. Feb. 25, 1649, Hirzel LV76 Catharina Landis, bap. May 30, 1631, Hirzel Children of m.(3) of LVS L V77 Hans Heinrich Landis, bap. Mar. 3, 1633, Hirzel LVS3 Hans Landis, bap. Oct. 24, 1602, Horgen LVS Oswald Landis, bap. May 10, 1579, Horgen 0 Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 18 January 1995 A Mennonite pastor believes that the congregation can more fully model the church based on a New Testament witness.* The Anabaptist Vision and Congregational Life by f. Samuel Thomas hen asked to describe the shape of the · percentage of regular church attendance. After all, the Christian Church in the United States, one church has gone in many different directions. Today church leader responded, "about three thou there are literally hundreds of different denominations, W sand miles wide, and one inch deep." I fear including several dozen kinds of Mennonite groups. We that is all too descriptive of the North America today. find different beliefs and practices, different styles of Recent surveys indicate that in North America a high per worship, different understandings of how the church centage of people say they believe in God, but only relates to culture. Sometimes Christians of different approximately half of them attend church regularly. denominations have cooperated and worked together. At North American Christians have fallen into the habit of other times Christians have even persecuted each other acting as if the church really does not matter in daily life. for the sake of the gospel. On my desk I have a little book When we survey the two thousand year history of entitled Children's Letters to God. One child writes, the church, we should not be surprised with such a low "Dear God, it's ok that you made different religions, but don't you get mixed up sometimes?" At times we all feel like that. Over the past two months at the church where I pas tor I have met with a group of seven adults who expressed interest in becoming members of our commu nity of faith. One of those adults grew up in the Methodist church; another was baptized as an infant into the Lutheran church where her father was pastor; another was never part of a church in her life, but has recently been introduced to our church through a friend. She has discovered the Lord, and the meaning of being born again and knowing new life in Christ. Another grew up in a very traditional Mennonite congregation, left some what disillusioned, and now wants to find her way back to the Mennonite church. In the last two weeks I sat with a young woman, a high school senior, a fine, committed student and Christian. But she was tired of the church, in particular the Mennonite Church. She asked "Why must we be Mennonite? Why can't we just be Christian?" I have been challenged to think with these persons about the meaning of church, and the distinctiveness of our Anabaptist-Mennonite heritage. What was the Anabaptist vision articulated fifty years ago by Harold S. Bender and how is it relevant for our congregational life today? Can Anabaptism survive in the hearts of Menno's * This essay is based on a presentation by the author at the Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society annual meeting on April 16, 1994. For further reading on the themes of this essay, see Marlin Miller, "America's Anabaptists: What They Believe," Christianity Today (Oct. 22, 1990): 30-33; Christian Smith, Going to the Root (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1992); David Bercot, Will the Real Heretics Please Stand Up Harold S. Bender (1897-1962) taught at Goshen College, (Waco, Tex.: Scroll Press); Mennonite Encyclopedia; Stanley Hauerwas Goshen, Indiana, and in 1944 published an influential article, and William Willimon, Resident Aliens (Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon entitled "The Anabaptist Vision," which helped focus the Press); Mennonite Confession of Faith, rough draft of 1994; C. J. Dyck, identity of the (Old) Mennonite Church. An Introduction to Mennonite History (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1993). Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 19 January 1995 children of the twentieth century? Can the Spirit of God The mature adult in our society is too often detached that radically transformed the church of the sixteenth from tradition, parents, stories, community, and history. century breathe new life into our church? How do we The mature adult can stand alone and act alone. Our soci remain committed to Menno Simon's motto in I ety values "self-help" and "self-made" people---"Have it Corinthians 3:11-"For no one can lay any foundation your way," "Lift yourself by your own bootstraps," "I other than the one already laid which is Jesus Christ." gotta be me" are some of the ways we hear the individu alism of our society expressed. Historical Background Why is commitment to community so important? I I think we forget how badly the church lost its way know that I am not able to follow the way of Christ in beginning in the fourth century when the Roman daily life without the support of community. Now if the Emperor Constantine forged the church and state into an way of Christ made sense in the world, if everyone alliance. The era of Constantine was a dark day for the affirmed it, then one could argue that we do not need church. Instead of the church being persecuted and mis strong communities to support this life. But, it is not understood by the state, the state blessed the church. affirmed. Just listen to Jesus' Sermon on the Mount, and Constantine built beautiful cathedrals for the Christians. you will realize that it confronts a person with a way of God's presence became associated with holy places, life that does not make sense. Here the poor in spirit, the rather than in the midst of the gathered community. The merciful, the meek, the peacemakers, the persecuted are church was used to bless state activities. Instead of the blessed, not the rugged individual who can stand alone. church being a called-out community, everyone born was The Sermon on the Mount is an invitation to a way of baptized a Christian and the visible community became life that strikes hard against what the world knows. Jesus obscured. was not crucified for doing what made sense. The way of For the first three hundred years of the Christian life that turns the other cheek, that goes the second mile, Church, Christians did not take up the sword. But once that avoids promiscuity, that remains faithful to marriage the state began to bend over backward for Christians, the vows, that believes in the sanctity of life, both born and Christians yielded to the state and began to take up arms. unborn, is not a life that makes sense to everyone. It is not In fact, you had to be a Christian to go to war, and the even a way of life that always works. Turning the other sword was even used to force persons to become cheek does not mean you will avoid getting hit again. Christian. This took away the personal, voluntary deci Being loving to someone who has wronged you may not sion to follow Jesus. The centrality of repentance of sin bring out the best in that person. We are called to this and personal transformation in Christ was muted. way of life because in the person of Jesus Christ, we have Instead of baptism serving as a sign of entry into the seen the kind of life God wants. This way of life simply body of Christ, it became a means whereby original sin reflects God's identity in Christ. was washed away. Since sin should be removed as soon Some Christians have rationalized and diluted the as possible, infants were baptized. Now a person became values of the Sermon on the Mount. They apply it only to a citizen of the state and a member of the church at the the individual or relations between two persons and say same time-at baptism. that Jesus never intended an application social settings. However, throughout the history of the church some Jesus may have talked about loving enemies, but, as they stepped out and said no to all of this. One of those groups say, we more sophisticated people know the impracticali was the Anabaptists in the sixteenth century who went ty of such love when applied in the complex modern back to the sacred scriptures and found that the church world. However, this kind of reasoning is tied to what had lost its way. They recaptured the vision of the church happened when Constantine brought church and state as the visible body of those who have voluntarily con together. The church diluted the New Testament under fessed their faith in Jesus Christ and who have committed standing of church enough so that the state could "swal themselves to follow him in life. They saw that the New low" the church; the state bent over far enough so the Testament church was not a church composed of every church would support it. one who was a citizen of the state. The New Testament On the other hand, the Sermon on the Mount served church was not an invisible church of the masses, but a as a moral beacon for the first three centuries of the visible body set apart to live out the life of Christ. The Christian church and the Anabaptist movement. The New Testament church was not an institution that words of Matthew 5 are addressed to the community, not blessed the wishes and goals of the state, but a body com primarily to individuals. Because it is precisely as indi mitted to following Jesus as revealed in his life and teach viduals that we are most likely to fail as Christians. Think ings. The reign of God was not just a future reality, but a about it. Are you more likely to practice non-violence present reality, lived out in Christian community. when you are part of a non-violent community? Are you more likely to work at difficulties in your marriage when Authentic Community you are part of a community which teaches and nurtures I believe that our local congregations have the poten the permanence of marriage? Are you more likely to rec tial to be these visible communities of faith-committed oncile broken and strained relationships when you are to community where we yield ourselves to one another, part of a reconciling and healing community? disciple one another, and call one another to faithfulness; For Anabaptists discipleship was at the heart of this is not the "in" thing in secular society or in many Christian community which serves the purpose of parts of the Christian church where the individual reigns enabling us more faithfully and effectively to follow Jesus supreme. Our society has become like a huge supermar Christ-something we cannot do by ourselves. In a com ket of desire in which each of us is encouraged to stand munity where we have been adopted into the family of alone, to get what we want and what the world owes us. God, where we receive teaching, support, discipling, and Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 20 January 1995 are lovingly accountable to one another, we utterly ordi As our church attempted to be a visible expression of nary, sinful humans are enabled to do some rather extra the body of Christ in practical ways, our witness to Jesus ordinary things. Christ was invigorated. Some persons joined our congre By being the visible church of Jesus Christ we have gation because they saw the way of Christ becoming visi the most impact on our world. The New Testament teach ble in this wrenching situation. I will never forget one of es and the Anabaptists believed that the church best the news reporters from the television station saying to influences the world by being the church, something the me after doing a story on our congregation, "I just don't world can never achieve because it lacks the gift of faith understand, where does this forgiveness, this desire to and the transformation that is ours in Christ. The church restore and heal come from. It seems so right, but it is so most authentically influences the world as its members different." I will always remember the Sunday that remain faithful to their promises, love their enemies, tell Keith's attorney showed up at our worship service. the truth, honor the poor, suffer for righteousness, and Having seen family members in his office and courtroom, thereby testify to the amazing community-creating power he wanted to experience this community that made of God. Christianity real. After all the legal work was finished, he One temptation for the Christian church in some soci wrote a letter to our congregation which stated "your eties is to influence the world, as Constantine did, by example showed me how Christianity can be better put having the church agenda supported and carried out into practice in my daily life." The witness of being through social and political institutions. Both political formed into community by the transforming work of conservatives and liberals are equally guilty of this. Christ enabling us to be a visible, living expression of When the church lobbies Congress for prayer in the Christ in our world-the reign of God in our time. schools, or to ban abortion, or for causes related to peace Bible: The Bible is the inspired book of the gathered and justice, it assumes that Christ's way can be under community and guides the community of faith in a life of stood and carried out by passing laws or asking people to discipleship. We must keep this Word of God central in be rational or kinder or gentler. This results in the gospel our worship and our preaching. We can read from the of Christ transformed into a civil religion. I believe that Bible each Sunday, allowing God's Spirit to speak the church may participate in protesting abortion, in through the Bible. I believe that sermons need to come efforts against war, against hunger, against other forms of from Scripture, rather than from the favorite issues or inhumanity as part of proclaiming the way of Christ to themes of the preacher. The lectionary provides an our world. But the church must know that its most credi ordered schedule for reading and preaching from the ble form of witness and the most effective way of serving Bible over a three year cycle. It helps congregations walk is the actual creation of a living, breathing, visible com through the complete biblical story. Also, memorization munity of faith. In the church we demonstrate a way of of Scripture could be revived. Pastors can model the life that the world will never achieve through social coer importance of this. For a morning sermon our bishop cion or government action. quoted from memory a number of the Psalms. It was Community-based Examples powerful! This past year for a Christmas sermon I memo Restoration: Allow me to illustrate the witness of rized the Christmas story from Matthew and Luke, and community with an experience from our own congrega simply quoted it to the congregation. tion, Landisville Mennonite Church, in Landisville, Decision Making: The Anabaptist concept of church Pennsylvania. On Sunday, March 17, 1991, Dr. Clair envisions a community which seeks God's will together. Weaver, his wife Anna Mae, and their two adopted chil While Scripture does not prescribe one specific way to dren, Kimberly and Keith, worshipped with our church make decisions, it does assume that members of the community at Landisville. Later that same day, Keith church listen and speak to one another in prayerful open their son and one of us-brutally stabbed to death his ness with the Scriptures as the constant guide. While vot father, mother, and sister. This horrible act decimated his ing may sometimes be appropriate, I believe that work family and devastated our church community. ing toward consensus provides the better setting for Believe me, at a time like this, you fall back on the patiently waiting for the trustworthy word from the community of faith that is so easily taken for granted. 0 Lord. how we needed one another in the days, weeks, months, I think the Anabaptist focus on community provides and even years that have followed! We held on to one the setting for decision making by consensus. another, sobbed and cried together, asked hard questions Community assumes the strong relationships, the mutual as we walked through the valley of death, doubted love and respect that will tolerate the time and effort together, searched for God together, and found God required to struggle through issues together. While con together. In community we found the strength to seek out sensus may not be the most efficient way to make indi what it meant to make visible the way of Christ in those vidual decisions, there are numerous long term benefits. most difficult circumstances. We were enabled by the One avoids hasty decisions. Consensus shows that unity, Holy Spirit and supported·by one another to seek restora love, communication and participation by all members tion rather than retaliation, to ask the question "What are more important than quick, easy decisions. does Keith need?" rather than "what does he deserve?" Consensus shows that the process of making the decision Through community we were strengthened to act in for is as important as the outcome, that how we treat each giving ways, even when we did not feel like forgiving. In other as we make decisions is as important as what we community, steps toward healing and hopeful acts of actually decide. Consensus shows that discerning the restoration toward Keith became a reality that would not mind of Christ is more important that finding the majori have been possible as individuals. ty opinion. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 21 January 1995 Parent/Child Dedications: As Anabaptists we believe that baptism is for those who have reached the age of accountability, for those who confess their sins, repent, accept Jesus Christ as Savior and Lord, and com mit themselves to follow Christ in obedience as members of his body. So how do we symbolize the importance of children in the believers church? I think that parent/ child dedications provide an opportunity to emphasize the role of the community in nurturing our children into a life of commitment to Christ and Christian discipleship. These dedications ought to include commitments by the parents and the congrega tions. I normally have the parents write a personal letter to their child which they then read as part of the ceremo ny. I also then take the child in my arms and walk into the congregation. I remind the spiritual family of this child, The nurture of unbaptized children of the congregation is a the congregation, that it is their job to care for this child in crucial task in the church. A Mennonite pastor here relates to the nursery, to teach this child in Sunday school, to stoop children during a worship service. down and speak to this child, to show her or him love, to serve as youth advisors, to model the way of Christ. I then way-more than I can provide with some money or food. invite the congregation to show their commitment by Particularly in the U.S., with debates raging over health standing or reading a statement of commitment. care, how the church takes on the mission of caring for Marriage: Anabaptists not only required that a per one another's needs in a wholistic way is crucial. If we son take a spouse from within the church, but high priori take this mission seriously, then the church not the gov ty was placed on the marriage taking place in the local ernment holds the key to solving the health care crises. congregation. Based on our commitment to a disciplined The key is for the church to become healing commu and caring community of accountability, I think we need nities. Loving relationships in Christian community bring to emphasize the importance of marriage taking place true healing as we listen to one another, as we share one within the context of the local congregation. another's pain, as we forgive one another, as we help Today many couples will not only marry at a location people take health into their own hands. Our new church other than where they are church members, but in many facilities at Landisville will have a "health room." This cases the guests are primarily family and friends, exclud will become the base for a team we call the health and ing the church family. This hinders the role of the church wholeness team composed of nurses, social workers, and to nurture healthy, permanent, marriage relationships. pastor who believe faith and health need to be integrated Out of concern for this, we tried something recently at to promote wholeness. Jesus' concern for physical, emo Landisville that I found helpful. We had a young couple tional, and spiritual healing provides the model this team who were married at another church. On the first Sunday follows. after they returned from their honeymoon, we held a lit Conclusion tle ceremony for them during the worship service. They Christianity was a revolution that challenged the atti simply repeated their vows to one another and then the tudes, lifestyle, and values of the ancient world. But with congregation read a response of commitment to the cou in several centuries the church had accommodated to the ple. This provided opportunity for the couple to make world. The radical reformers of the sixteenth century, the their pledge to one another in the setting where they Anabaptists, set out to reclaim the truth, power, and would work at it. It also helped connect the church family vitality of the first century church. Despite all the to the couple. The message is that we work at our mar attempts to undo them, God's Spirit empowered them to riage vows in the context of the church community. follow Christ-for some, even to death. Mutual Aid: Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the As descendants of this radical reformation, we face church is the practice of helping one another to become the challenge of becoming a called-out community con whole persons, whole in body, mind, and spirit. We sisting of those who have heard Jesus say, "Come, follow believe that a vital relationship with God in the context of me," and joined a new peoplehood, a community formed Christian community is essential to wholeness. I receive by responding to his invitation. We are not called literally calls from persons who are destitute, who need money to imitate the first century church or the sixteenth century for rent or food or a room. (These calls become more fre Anabaptists. We live in a different world. But we are quent I believe each year.) As I talk with these persons I called to be the body of Christ in our modern context usually ask them if they have a church. Usually they are making the way of Christ visible in real and practical going to be looking for one starting tomorrow. I tell them ways. I am committed to the belief that the local that if they commit themselves to a church community, congregation provides the ideal setting for this joyful they can hope to have their needs met in a wholistic challenge.O Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 22 Januan; 1995 Die Silwer Barrig Rebelle by Noah G. Good Im Yohr 1861 warr groose Ufruhr im ganze Land. Do kumme zum Mittagesse odder fun de Arewet biss rna die waar arrig fiel zu ferzehle, un fun dem kannscht Du alles Glock g'hoert hott. Noch un noch hott die Glock aa noch was g' schriwwe iss in de groose Bicher leese, wann' s Dir annere Bedeitunge aag'numme. Fa'n Hochzig odder'n G' schpass macht. Leicht hott rna die Glock gezogge. Mol ee Daag iss'n Awwer was es in Baumansville gewwe hott will ich Leicht forbei gange un die alt Glock iss runner gebatzelt; eich heit mol widder ferzehle. Des interessiert uns meh as hott schier gar eens fun de Leichtgaenger gedroffe. die annere Sache wo's weit fun do gewwe hott. Schnell hott ma'n annere Glock hie g'henkt wo die Forige Die Leit in Baumansville henn dem Lincoln g'hanke hott. Die Zwett hott awwer nett recht g'laut. Die beig'schtanne. Sie henn g'meent er hett Recht wanner die Dritt hott rna am groose Musselman Geschaeft uffg'henkt Sklawerei an's End bringe daet. Wann ebber gezweifelt wo sie gedient hott fun 1895 bis 1912. Fun sellzeit ab hott, hott rna nix fun ihm g'hoert. Die Leit in henkt sie am Feierwehrhaus. Ma zeigt sie wann Feier Baumansville worre so ganz eeschtim:rnig dass niemand ausbrecht im Schtettel, wann's Fier gebt im Land geht die sich gedraut hott ebbis schunscht zu saage. Sirene los. Awwer, ee Daag hott's ebbis gewwe dass die Leit in Es sinn oft fremme Leit nach Baumansville kumme Baumansville denke g'macht hott, es muss ebbis geduh un henn wisse welle was die Glock meent. Eemol iss'n sei fa die Eenigkeit fescht halte. fremmer Kaufman ins Schtettel kumme wo die Glock Ee Samschdaagnummidaag in 1861 iss der Phillip abgange iss. Er hott'n yunger Bu g'froogt was die Glock Huber mit fiel Nochfolger fom Silwer Barrig in Barricks meene soll. Caunty riwwer ans Wattshaus in Baumansville Kumme. Der Bu hott nett recht g'wisst was zu saage zu dem Es worr graad die Zeit wo im Wattshaus beim Samuel Fremme. Er hott g'schtottert, "Die Glock, 0 sell," er hot Eshelmann fiel Leit rumg'hockt henn, un henn sich ebbis browiert schnell an ebbis Schickliches zu denke fa den zu esse un zu drinke gekauft Fremme, un hott g'saat, "rna griege Kascheboi fa's Der Phillip Huber un sei Nochfolger henn die Middaagesse." Griegsache nett so aag' sehne wie die Leit in Der fremme Kaufman hott gezweifelt un hott weiter Baumansville. Sie henn laut un lang g'schwetzt geege g'froogt noch de fremme Sach. Zum Deel worr's die den Lincoln. Der Huber un sei Silwer Barrig Rebelle henn Wahret, awwer's worr doch nett weege sellem dass rna grooser Schtreit aagebrocht. Niemand fun Baumansville die Glock gezogge hott. hott dem Huber beig'schtanne, sie henn all g'meent er Fiel fremme Leit kumme nach Baumansville un welle waer zu dumm fa besser wisse. Mit all dem dass er ken wisse weege de. Glock wann sie los geht. Ee fremmer Schuling g'hatte hott, hott er eifrig un hitzitg schwetze Mann hott'n annerer Bu g'froogt wie er die Glock g'hoert kenne. hott. Die Baumansviller worre uffg'riert, alle Mann, "Sell, ei sell meent dass ich bletzlich heem kumme Weibsmensch unKind hott g'wisst dass ebbis geduh sei soll." Unne weiteres iss er dafu gloffe. muss dass es nett widder so ebbis gebt in Baumansville. Der Fremme hott ihm nochg'rufe, "Saag mir doch, Den Huber un sei Nochfolger muss rna weit abhalte. Fa Du witt rnich nett weis mache dass dei Mem'n Glock hott sell henn sie ausg'macht es soll en groose Mascht mit de iuscht fa Dich." amerikaanische Rot, Weis, un Blah mittes im Schtettel Der glee Bu hott z'rick g'rufe, "Ach nee, sell iss fa alle ufg'schtellt warre. Des hott diene salle fa'n Zeignis zu ebber," un mit sellem isser zu weit weg g'west fa mehmr aller Welt dass niemand so wie der Huber un sei Rebelle frooge. in's Schtettel kumme darref. Der Fremme hott nix mache kenne fun was er fer Schpaeter hott ebber forg'schlagge rna sett aa noch'n schtanne hott, un hott wunnere misse was rna do glauwe Glock (a bell) an den Mascht duh, fa die Leit zammer rufe kann. wann die Not's fuddere daet. Sell henn sie g'macht. Heit (1970) henkt die alt Glock an einem neie Blatz. Ettliche Daag schpaeter worr die Glock an ihrem Blatz. Sie hott ihre Blatz iuscht graad unnich dem Siren am neie un der Benjamin Lausch iss aagezeigt warre als der Feierwehrhaus un rna lauted sie iuscht wan's Siren nett beampte Glockezieger. laute kann weil die elecktrische Kraft fehlt. Der Grieg iss zum End kumme. Ma hott eig' sehne Fa den Phillip Huber un die Silwer Barrig Rebelle dass ken Uhr meh gebraucht worr. Niemand iss heem braucht rna sie nimmie me, die leewe schun lang nimmie. The Silver Hill Rebels translated by Noah G. Good In the year 1861 there was a great disturbance in all the The people in Bowmansville supported Lincoln. They land. There was a great deal to be told and of this you can thought he was doing the right thing in trying to bring slav read everything in the big books if it gives you pleasure. ery to an end. If anybody doubted that, he said nothing But I intend to tell you about what took place in about it. The people of Bowmansville were so fully united Bowmansville once more. That interests us more than the that nobody dared to express any different opinion. things that took place far from here anyway. But one day something took place in Bowmansville that Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 23 January 1995 caused the people to think, and caused them to resolve to and put in the place of the old bell. But the bell did not preserve this unity for all time. sound right, so a third one was ordered. This one was hung One Saturday afternoon in 1861 this Phillip Huber came on the huge Musselman Store building where it served from with a large gang of his followers from Silver Hill of Berks 1895 to 1912. Since then the bell hung on the old fire hall County to the town tavern in Bowmansville. It was just the building. When there was a fire in the village it was rung, time when all the people at the tavern in care of Samuel for a fire out of town the siren was sounded. Eshelman were sitting around to buy something to eat or A number of strange people came to Bowmansville and drink. wanted to know about the meaning of the old bell. One time Phillip Huber and his gang of followers did not see the a strange salesman came to Bowmansville when the bell was war issue like the people of Bowmansville. They talked loud being rung. He asked a boy about the meaning of the bell. and long against Lincoln. Huber and his gang of Silver Hill The boy did not know what to tell him. He stammered Rebels brought on a big disturbance. Nobody of Bowmansville and said, "The bell, 0 that," he tried quickly to think of supported Huber and his crowd. They all thought he was too something to tell the stranger, and blurted, "we are going to stupid to know any better. But in spite of having no schooling have cherry pie for dinner." Huber was able to give a hot and fiery talk. The stranger was puzzled and bewildered and asked The people of Bowmansville were quite upset; every more about the meaning of the bell. The answer was partly man, woman and child knew that something had to be done true; but it was not for that reason that the bell was rung. to avoid the recurrence of such an event in Bowmansville. Many strange people come to Bowmansville and want This man Huber and his gang must be kept far away. To this to know about the bell when they hear it. end it was agreed to set up a large pole and fly the American Another stranger asked a boy one day. He said, "Tell red, white and blue on it. This was to be a clear sign to all me, what is the meaning of that bell." the world that nobody like Huber and his Silver Hill Rebels The boy said, "That means that I am supposed to come dared come to the village. home right away," and without further comment he walked Later somebody suggested that on the pole should be away fast. also a bell with which to call the people together in case of The stranger called after him, "Now do tell, you don't need. This was done. Several days later the bell was in its mean to tell me that your mother has a bell just for that." place and Benjamin Lausch had been appointed as the offi The little boy called back, "Well, no, not just for me, it is cial bell ringer. meant for everybody else too." And with that he was too far The war went on and came to an end. It became clear to away for further inquiry. everybody that no clock was needed. Nobody came home The stranger could make no sense of the answer he got from work or for dinner except at the call of the bell. and wondered what he was to believe. Gradually from time to time the sounding of the bell also Today (1970) the old bell has a new location. It now took on other meanings. For a wedding or a funeral the bell hangs on the new fire station and is rung when the siren was rung. On one such day a funeral procession went by cannot be rung because of electric current failure. when the old bell came toppling down and very nearly hit For Phillip Huber and the Silver Hill Rebels the bell is several in the procession. Quickly another bell was ordered no longer needed, they are long since dead and gone. 0 Queries Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage will publish members' his Franja Klucek. Were they all bu. in Colma Masonic Cern.? torical and genealogical queries free of charge, as space permits. Letitia had a sister Maryanne Wilson (b. June 9, 1821). Genealogical queries must include a name, a date, and a loca -Richard Allan Morrissey tion. Send materials to Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage, 2215 28656 Murrieta Road Millstream Road, Lancaster, 17602. Sun City, CA 92586 AU: Who was Major Au of Newburg, near Carlisle, BARTSHERER/BEARDSHEAR: I would like any informa Cumberland Co., Pa.? Who was John Henry Au/ Auw whose tion on the family of Jacob and Anna Bartsherer whose ch. were family lived near Myerstown, Lebanon Co., Pa., in 1787? Hem. Johann Peter (b. July 17, 1773), Anna Catherine (b. July 15, Christine, dau. of Christopher Lutz of Heidelberg Twp. He sold 1775), Johann George (b. Oct. 9, 1779). They were all baptized at land to son Christopher in 1804. the Muddy Creek Lutheran Church, East Cocalico Twp., -Ms. Ruth Acevedo Lancaster Co., Pa. Route 4, Box 107 -Josephine Reed Laurel, DE 19956 2121 Garland Street Lakewood, CO 80215 ALLAN/ALLEN: Who were the ancestors of James Allan (b. Oct. 13, 1830, Moneymore, Co. Tyrone, Northern Ireland) BOWMAN/HUBER: I am seeking the ancestry of Henry son of James Allan and Margaret? He m. Letitia Jane Wilson (b. Bowman (b. 1767, Lancaster Co., Pa.) who m. Mary Susan Sept. 11, 1832) dau. of George Wilson (1788-1868) and Elizabeth Huber (or Luber)(b. 1770, Lancaster Co.). Their ch. were John, Speer. From Eglish parish, Co. Armagh, Northern Ireland, Jacob, William, Sarah, Catherine, Nancy, Joseph, and Henry P. where she was b., they went to San Francisco, Cal. via New (b. 1812, Lancaster Co.; d. ca. 1887, Hamilton Co., Ohio). York City, and d. before 1906. Margaret Allen (b. 1864, N.Y.; d. -Robert Carlsen 1949) m. Konstant Holubar (1854-1936) of Zamberk, Hradec 40484 Goldside Drive Kralove, Czechoslovakia. His parents were Josef Holubar and Oakhurst, CA 93644 Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 24 Januan; 1995 BRICKER: I am seeking information on Peter Bricker (b. -Natalie A. Bealle 1700, Zweibrucken, Germany; d. 1761, Cocalico Twp., Lancaster 2313 Sauvelle Drive Co., Pa.) who emigrated in 1732. He m.(l) Christiana in Monroe, LA 71201 Germany and rn.(2) Elizabeth L. in Pa. He is bu. on a farm at Shenks Mill Rd. and Cocalico Rd. KUNKLE: I am seeking information on the wives of -Peggy Haliburton Benjamin Kunkle (1801-1888) whose father Christian (1757- Rural Route 6 1823) was first Burgess of Harrisburg, Pa. Possibly they were Milton, ON L9T 2Y1, Canada Magdalena from York, Pa., and Anna Maria Elizabeth Welsaur. -Betsy Holston BURKHART: I seek data on the parents of Sarah Burkhart 209 Highland Avenue (b. Oct. 23, 1796, Pa.; d. Aug. 15, 1861, Williamsport, Wallingford, P A 19086 Washington Co., Md). On Apr. 11,1820, Sarah rn. George Harsh LEVER: I am seeking information on Adam Lever (d. Apr. (1797-1855), blacksmith near Williamsport. Both are bu. at St. 1801, Ferguson Twp., Centre or Mifflin Co., Pa.) who had a dau. Paul Cern., Clear Spring, Washington Co., Md. Their ch. were Barbara and wife Catherine. Widow Catherine rn. ca. 1806, Jacob, Nelson, Nancy, Martin, David, and Sarah. Solomon Ramsey. -Betsy Payette P.O. Box37 -Roland B. Gray Mont Alto, P A 1723 7-003 7 5000 N. Sedgewick Road Lyndhurst, OH 44124-1107 DEAVEN: Who were the parents of George Diewen/Dibben/Tibben (d. 1852, East Hanover Twp., Lebanon PAUL: Who were the ancestors of Hannah Paul, wife of or Dauphin Co., Pa.), German immigrant and husband of Eva Christian Shantz (b. July 11, 1769, Montgomery Co., Pa.; d. Apr. Deck? 7, 1857, Waterloo Co., Ont., Canada) whom. in 1791? -Glenn David Deaven -David L. Miller 4516 Linden Avenue 2945 Sheldon Road Mechanicsburg, PA 17055 Snover, MI 48472 EVANS: I am researching Horatio Evans, Sr., likely from REBMAN: I need names of parents and 12 siblings of Berkeley Co., Va. and Ross Co., Ohio, who d. during the War of Gottlieb Rebman (b. Nov. 7, 1816, Wittenberg, Germany; d. Oct. 1812. Son Horatio Jr. m.(l) Parmelia Newkirk and m.(2) Zulu 16, 1902, Boiling Springs, Cumberland Co., Pa.). In 1819 he carne Newkirk in the 1820s-daus. of Reuben and Mary (Kemp) to Lancaster Co., Pa. and then rn. Anna B. Eshelman. Newkirk from Berkeley Co. He later m.(3) Juliette Morris in -Arthur F. Pittenger 1830-all in Fairfield Co., Ohio. Son John Evans m. Sarah 22825 Cavetown Church Road McCabe in 1822 in Fairfield Co. and their dau. Julia Ann Evans Smithsburg, MD 21783-1622 m . Jacob Dawson Williams in 1854. RHINE/REIN/: Michael Rhine emigrated in 1732 settled in -C. X. McCalla III Lancaster Co., Pa. Did he die in 1762 in Augusta, Va.? He had at P.O. Box 151 least two sons: George (m. Anna Marie) and Michael. Known Paoli, IN 47454 children of George and Anna Marie were John (b. ca. 1800; m. FELLER/METZGER: I am seeking information on parents 1822 Margaret Wheelbage), Margaret (b. ca. 1801, Va.; m. 1827 of Rose Anna Feller (Dec. 9, 1863-1893). Her parents were John Jessie Hill), James (1805-1852; m . 1826 Ellender Wooten), Feller and Marie Metzger of Lancaster Co., Pa. Catherine (b. 1860, Ohio; rn. 1828 Jacob Edrninston), Sarah (m. -Howard E. Baker 1834, JohnS. Wilzer), Samuel (rn. 1837 Margaret Smith). Other 25636 Montana Avenue Rein emigrants were: Martin, Hans Martin, and Hans Michael Sun Lakes, AZ 85248-6474 in 1738; Jacob in 1753; Jacob (rn. Elizabeth Witz) lived in York Co., Pa., in 1751, and moved ca. 1768 to Gaston, Lincoln Co., N. FREY: Tobias Frey (b. June 1, 1682, Weiler, Baden, C. Their son Peter was in the Revolution from S. C. Our family Germany; d. June 1754, Freysville, York Co., Pa.) m. July 17, is descended from a George Rhine (ca. 1770-ca. 1835) who 1709, Anna Maria Peters (d. 1748, Freysville) of Eppingen, migrated from Va. to Gallia Co., Ohio, then to Jackson Co., Germany. I need the ancestry of Tobias and Anna Maria, and Ohio; he rn. Mary Riner. Was he the tithable George Rhine in the history of Freysville. Augusta Co., Va., in 1781? Did he have two sons who stayed in -Deborah Lee Rothen; W. V., George (rn. Julia Ann) and Charles M. (m. Sarah 1915 N.E. 56th Avenue Griffith)? Portland, OR 97213-3514 -Lola L. McElwain GOOD/NEUSCHWANGER: Who were the parents of 1000 Wooden Vallet; Crossroad Margaret Gut/Good? She rn. ca. 1767 in Va., Colonel John Suisun, CA 94585 Nisewanger, son of Jacob. The Gut family probably lived in Pa. prior to Va. RITTENHOUSE: I am seeking information on the wife of -Doris P. Schultz William Rittenhouse (b. 1644, Westphalia, Germany; d. Feb. 18, 1121 Gladstone Place 1708, Germantown, Pa.) I would like to learn her name, dates Alexandria, VA 22308 and places of her b., m., d., and bu. -Paul E. Hoon GRAY: I need information on Adam Gray (ca. 1778-ca. 13010 52nd Drive SE 1835) whom. Barbara Lever (b. 1782). They lived in Centre Co., Everett, WA 98208-9526 Pa., then to Clearfield and Huntingdon Cos., Pa. -Roland B. Gray SHALLENBERGER: I am looking for data on the parents, 5000 N. Sedgewick Road emigration dates and origins of the Shallenberger siblings of Lyndhurst, OH 44124-1107 Lancaster Co., Pa.: Johannes (1730-1814) who rn. Elizabeth Lehn; blacksmith Michael (d. 1792) whom. Barbara; Barbara, mother HENNING: I am seeking information on the parents of of Jacob Yoder; Catherine who rn. Christian Gehman of Margaret Henning (Jan. 7, 1729-Feb. 16, 1786) who rn. John Baltimore County, Md.; and probably Anna (1731-1808) who rn. LeFevre, of Strasburg, Lancaster Co., Pa. Christian Rupp of Earl Twp. Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 25 January 1995 -Virginia C. Jansen -Mrs. Robert E. Fuss 126 Orchard Court 18316 Hemlock Lane Richland, WA 99352 Sharpsburg, MD 21782 SNAVELY: George Snavely /Snively /Schnebli came to ULUM/FREY: I am seeking places and ancestry for Josiah Lancaster Co., Pa., ca. 1710 and warranted land in the Pequea Ulum, his son, and granddaughter. Josiah (b. Oct. 27, 1809, settlement in 1712. He probably m. before 1751 Anna, probably Hagerstown, Md.) m. at Harpers Ferry, Md., Elizabeth Johnson m.(2). His ch. may have been George, Casper, John, Henry, and (b. Feb. 11, 1815, Vt.) They had a son Jonathan Ulum (Mar. 24, Jacob. Is George connected to Jacob Snavely (b. ca. 1710) of 1845-1916) whom. Dec. 25, 1867, Helen Melvina Horton (Sept. Lampeter Twp. whom. Veronica? Their ch. were Veronica (m. 1, 1839-Dec. 1902). Jonathan and Helen had a dau. Luella (b. Christian Graff/Groff), Anna (m. Melchior Brenneman) Mary Apr. 22, 1872, Solon, Iowa; d. July 12, 1951, Winterset, Iowa) (m. John Steinman), and John (m.[1] Esther Herr and m.[2] whom. Nov. 8, 1893 at Nevada, Iowa, Albert Wilber Frey (b. Elizabeth Barr). Feb. 11, 1868, Linesville, Pa.; Dec. 15, 1949, Patterson, Iowa.) -J. Robert Fisher -Deborah Lee Rothery #1607-11111-87 Avenue 1915 N.E. 56th Avenue Edmonton, AB Canada T6G OX9 Portland, OR 97213-3514 STAUFFER: Who were the parents of Henry Stauffer (July YETTER/BEAR: Who were the parents of Elizabeth Bear 28, 1814-Dec. 13, 1871), bu. at Muddy Creek Lutheran Church, (b. ca. 1800, Lancaster Co., Pa.) who m. Lewis Yetter, Sr. (b. East Cocalico Twp., Lancaster Co., Pa.? He m. Rachael 1803, Lancaster Co.)? They are bu. in Hancock Co., Ill. He was Echternach, dau. of John Echternach, owner of the Echternach the son of John/Johannes Yetter (b. Jan. 22, 1772, Christ Rye Whiskey Distillery in Adamstown. Henry Stauffer was a Lutheran Church, Elizabethtown, Lancaster Co.; d. ca. 1814, resident of Adamstown, Lancaster Co., where he was a dry Annville, Lebanon Co., Pa.), son of Martin and Magdalana goods merchant, school director (1852), charter member of Yetter, and Barbara (d. ca. 1833, Rapho Twp., Lancaster Co., Adamstown Council O.U.A.M., and started a hat factory run Pa.). Who were Barbara's parents? with steam power (1866). -Margaret Westman -Timothy Knauer 1904 Goodrich Avenue 121 S. Darlington Street St. Paul, MN 55105-1542 West Chester, P A 19382 ZITTLE: Who were the parents of Elizabeth Zittle (b. Feb. STULL: Who were the siblings of Henry Stull (b. 1796, 15, 1814, Md.; d. Sept. 8, 1894; bu. Boonsboro Cern., Washington Pa.?) and Magdalene Stull from Franklin Co., Pa.? Henry had 18 Co., Md.)? She m. June 5, 1934, John Hutzell in Washington Co. ch., including son Jacob Samuel Stull (1839-1924) whom. Rebeca Hutzell Rohrer Stine was their daughter. Christiana Hoover (b. 1849, Md.; d. 1936, Pa.) They were bu. in -Mary E. Butts Amsterdam Cern. near Rougersville, Pa., then moved to Price 1010 E. Brandon Drive Cern. near Chambersburg, Pa. Chambersburg, P A 17201 Tips Readers are invited to share new findings with Historical Society of a Bible record. (See also entry on Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage, 2215 Millstream Road, Reitz for spouse of no. 7.) Lancaster, P A 17602. John Hollinger, Mar. 29, 1830- Feb. 28, 1906 m. Esther /Hetty , Oct. 17, 1832- Oct. 12, HERTZLER/STRICKLER: The following informa 1897 tion was abstracted from a 1748 Martyrs Mirror at the 1. Susanna, b. July 12, 1852 Lutheran Theological Seminary, Gettysburg, 2. David, b. Sept. 23, 1853 Pennsylvania: 3. Isaiah, b. Feb. 3, 1855 Abraham Herzler, Sept. 29, 1755-0ct. 3, 1818 4.Jacob,b.Feb.24, 1857 m. Dec. 1786, York Co., Pa., Susanna Strickler, Mar. 26, 5. Mary Ann, b. Jan. 22,1859 1765-Apr. 14, 1831; dau. of (Father), d. Mar. 1, 1777 6. John, June 15, 1860- Mar. 8, 1884 and (Mother), d. Feb. 26, 1777. 7. Magdalena, b. July 4, 1862 [m. Harman Reitz] 1. Matlena Herzler, b. July 19, 1787 8. Thomas J., Mar. 26, 1864-Dec. 25, 1891 2. Barbra Herzler, b. Oct. 25,1790 9. Hetty, b. May 24, 1866 3. Elisabeth Herzler, b. Oct. 18, 1793 10. Elizabeth, b. Apr. 30, 1868 4. Magtelena Herzler, b. Mar. 8,1796 11. Anna, b. June 3, 1870 5. Jacob Herzler, b. Aug. 17, 1799 12. Rebecca, b. Dec. 21, 1872 6. Susanna Herzler, b. Feb. 1,1805 HUBER: The following information was abstracted -Frederick 5. Weiser from a photocopy at the Lancaster Mennonite Historical 55 Kohler School Road Society of material found in an 1819 Bible in the posses New Oxford, PA 17350 sion of Daryl Mellott, 4734 Charlestown Road, HOLLINGER: The following information was Mercersburg, PA 17236. abstracted from a photocopy at the Lancaster Mennonite Christian Huber, Jan. 9, 1793-Aug. 12, 1867 Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 26 January 1995 m.(l) Nov. 2, 1817, Christina Oberholtzer; b. July 23, 158 Walter Reitz, b. Aug. 21, 1892 1798; d. Jan. 3, 1840. 159 Eva Reitz, Nov. 16, 1893-0ct. 13, 1906 m.(2) Oct. 17, 1840, Elizabeth Meyer; b. Mar. 15, 1797; d. 150 Emma Reitz, b. Feb. 8, 1895 Mar. 17, 1863. 15a Agnes Reitz, Apr. 8, 1896-0ct. 10, 1896 1. John, Mar. 25, 1819-Apr. 5, 1886 15b Norman Reitz, b. Oct. 21, 1897; d . Jan. 24, 1961, 2. Christian, Dec. 15, 1821-Mar. 3, 1849 Minnesota 3. Henry, b. Apr. 27, 1823 15c Edna Reitz, b. Feb. 8, 1899 4. Nancy, b. Aug. 24, 1824 15d Rebecca Reitz, b. June 14, 1900 5. Christian, Dec. 6, 1826-May 7 or 9, 1861 15e Leroy Reitz, b. July 14, 1902 6. Barbara, Apr. 7, 1830-Dec. 4, 1859 15f Harland Reitz, b. May 12,1905 7. Samuel, Dec. 23, 1831-Feb. 21, 1851 16 Peter R. Reitz, b. Jan. 26, 1862 8. Elizabeth, b. Apr. 23, 1833 SAUDER/SAUTER: The following information was 9. Catharine, b. Aug. 18, 1834 translated and abstracted from a photocopy at the 10. Martin, b. Jan. 4, 1837 Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society of a 1743 Bible in MAPPER: Version 6.0 of Mapper is a computer soft the possession of Harold A. Hess, PO Box 73, Intercourse, ware for IBM computers and compatibles which draws a PA 17534 in 1994. In Descendants and History of Christian map of property using the measurements of metes and Fisher Family (1957) one finds a transcription (pp. 36-38) bounds often found in deeds of the eastern United States. of the will of Heinrich Sauter which states his residence Using a separate graphic editor, one may add names of as East Whiteland Township, Chester County, neighbors and landmarks, and combine several maps. It Pennsylvania. supports various printers. For more information and cur Heinrich Sauter, July 1722-0ct. 25, 1811; son of Jacob rent prices, one may contact: Sauter and Anna Rosenberger. -Russell P. Holsclaw m. May 20, 1745, Barbara Stauffer; Apr. 27, 1724-Nov. 7472 Mt. Sherman Road 27, 1791; dau. of Peter Stauffer and Barbara Risser. Longmont, CO 80503 1. Anna, b. Mar. 1, 1746 Tel: 303-530-4054 2. Jacob, b. Sept. 28, 1747 3. Magdalena, b. Dec. 28, 1749 MUMMA/MOOMAW: I am continuing to research 4. Elizabeth, b. Sept. 8, 1751 Mumma families after writing a genealogy in 1990. Who 5. Maria, b. Mar. 21, 1753 is also researching Mumma families, especially in 6. Esther, b. Mar. 30, 1755 Pennsylvania, so that we may exchange data? 7. Susanna, May 10, 1757-Sept. 28, 1831 -Robert A. Moomaw m. Christian Fisher, d. Nov. 19, 1838 at age of 81 y., 6 2475 Underwood, #377 mo., 8da. Houston, TX 77030 8. Barbara, b. Aug. 24, 1759 REITZ: The following information was translated 9. Christian, Apr. 15, 1761-Feb. 28,1762 and abstracted from a photocopy at the Lancaster 10.Agnes,Dec. 22, 1763-Feb. 18,1770 Mennonite Historical Society of three Bible records. Later 11. Henrich, b. Aug. 15, 1766 writing in English states that Balthasar and Carolina SENSENIG: The following information was abstract Reitz immigrated to North America in 1854; earlier ed from a photocopy at the Lancaster Mennonite entries state that the first three children were born in Historical Society from two Bibles. Secondary sources Hesse, and the last three in the United States. (See also indicate that Michael Sensenig (1814-1874) and Aaron Hollinger entry on spouse of no. 15.) Sensenig (1854-1916) are buried at the Pike (Stauffer) 1 Balthasar Reitz, b. Mar. 13, 1818, "Usenborn, Kreise Mennonite Cemetery, Earl Township, Lancaster County, Nidda, Gross[herzogtum] Hesse;" d. Oct. 16, 1889, Pennsylvania. Lancaster Co., Pa. 1 Michael Sensenig, July 25, 1814-May 10, 1874; son of m . May 16, 1845, Carolina Reitz, by Lutheran pastor A. Peter Sensenig. Kranz; b. Aug. 17, 1820. m.(l) Dec. 23, 1834, Lydia Weaver; Mar. 9, 1811-Feb. 14, 11 John R. Reitz, b. Oct. 3, 1846 1844; dau. of Michael Weaver. 12 Heinrich R. Reitz, b. Dec. 22, 1848 m.(2) Jan. 15, 1854, Lydia Stauffer; Sept. 28, 1819-May 9, 13 Dorothea R. Reitz, b. Aug. 1, 1852 1891; dau. of David Stauffer. 14 Elisabeth R. Reitz, b. Aug. 16, 1856 11 Anna Sensenig, b. Sept. 27, 1835 15 Harman R. Reitz, June 4, 1859-0ct. 28, 1937; 1st 5 ch. 12 Catherine Sensenig, Nov. 6, 1837-May 28, 1856 b. West Earl Twp. 13 Michael Sensenig, Dec. 2, 1839-Feb. 28, 1840 m. Magdalena Hollinger, b. July 4, 1862, Caernarvon 14 David Sensenig, July 13, 1843-Sept. 7, 1846 Twp., Lancaster Co.; d. May 21, 1929; dau. of John 15 Aaron Sensenig, Oct. 11, 1854-July 12, 1916 and Hetty Hollinger. m.(l) June 1, 1871, Anna Martin; Nov. 27, 1854-Sept. 4, 151 John Reitz, Sept. 3, 1883-July 29, 1966 1873; dau. of Joseph Martin. 152 Alice Reitz, Sept. 17, 1884-0ct. 30, 1887 m.(2) May 4, 1875, Magdalena Weaver; b. Sept. 5, 1855; 153 Caroline Reitz, b. Sept. 3, 1885 dau. of Michael Weaver 154 Harry Reitz, b. Jan. 25, 1887 151 Martin Sensenig, b. Mar. 6,1873 155 Lizzie.Reitz, b. Aug. 8, 1888 152 Michael Sensenig, b. Dec. 17, 1877 156 Hettie Reitz, b. Nov. 14, 1889 153 Daniel Sensenig, b. Dec. 26, 1881 157 Ada Reitz, Dec. 13, 1890-Jan. 14, 1962 16 Lidia Sensenig, Mar. 27, 1856-Jan. 3, 1926 Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 27 January 1995 Book Reviews Piety and Tolerance: Pennsylvania German was probably not The Little Davidic Psalter (p. 100). Religion, 1700-1850, by Stephen L. Longenecker. Abraham Lincoln Eisenhower was not Dwight D. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1994. 195 pages. hard Eisenhower's father, but his uncle (p. 158). back available for $27.50 from Scarecrow Press, 52 Liberty Longenecker presents an abundance of credible evi Street, P.O. Box 4167 Metuchen, NJ 08840. dence from good sources, but one might wonder how many Pennsylvania Germans between 1700 and 1850 The stated purpose of this book, number six in the could really be called Pietists and how many may have Pietist and Wesleyan Studies series, is to analyze "early "tolerated" people of different persuasions simply by Pennsylvania Germans to determine the influence of ignoring them whenever they could. German Protestantism, particularly Pietism, in promoting understanding and cooperation." (p. xiii) In discussing -Charles H. Glatfelter, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania piety and tolerance within Pennsylvania German reli gion, or religions, between 1700 and 1850, the author uses Henry and Susanna Rudisill Hursh: Their many pertinent sources, both primary and secondary, Ancestors and Descendants, by Ruth P. Hursh, and Sally both well-known and lesser-known. L. Hursh. La Grange Park, Ill.: Hursh/Horst/Hurst Beginning with a treatment of Anabaptists and Family Organization, 1993.303 pages. hardback. $35.00. Pietists in Europe, he continues with the small groups of what he calls the Radical Pietists in early Pennsylvania; The researcher and editor of this genealogy have the sect and church people who followed them; the devel attempted to supplement available Horst family informa opment after the revolution of new denominations, tion by focusing on the descendants of Henry Hursh and including the United Brethren and the Reformed Susanna Rudisill. Henry was a grandson of 1731 Mennonites; and, finally, the attitudes of Pennsylvania Immigrant Barbara Horsch/Horst who settled in Germans toward slaveholding in the century before 1850. Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. After the table of con Any successful effort of this kind must demonstrate tents and preface appears a section of brief genealogical an awareness that Anabaptism predated the Pietism charts outlining the placement of the Henry Hursh family traced to Philip Jacob Spener and his contemporaries, as within the larger Horst family. A listing of descendants is well as an understanding that what can be called Pietism presented next. Narrative about immigrant Barbara and in eighteenth-century Pennsylvania took many forms. several generations of her descendants follows, with par The author is aware of this and also that a major condi ticular emphasis on her son Peter's family. tion for tolerance in early Pennsylvania was legally estab The heart of the genealogy focuses on a detailed list lished by William Penn, maintained by his proprietary ing of the descendants of Henry and Susanna Hursh. successors, and carried over into the new nation by the Concluding this history is a section containing nine pages Constitution of 1776 and its successors. of maps and forty-four pages of reproductions of wills, From the start there was religious freedom. Holders letters, pensions, and indentures. The book closes with an of one set of beliefs could not use the power of the state index of names. against those who believed and practiced otherwise. After briefly discussing European roots, this book Political authorities established religious freedom in offers a good deal of detailed information on numerous Pennsylvania but it was challenging for Germans of descendants of Immigrant Barbara, utilizing primary many differing beliefs and customs to put it into practice. sources such as wills and deeds. Extensive biographical Longenecker demonstrates that, while Pietism could and information supplements genealogical facts for many of sometimes did bring Germans across the religious spec Henry Hursh's descendants. Adding a personal touch to trum together in a relationship which went beyond mere help this family see their ancestors as more than a listing toleration, often their differences over such matters as of names and dates, descendants' information is inter separation from the world and church discipline made spersed with a variety of family recollections and such a relationship difficult, if not impossible. excerpts from newspapers, family letters, and local histo There are few typographical or similar errors in this ries. The authors have spread a generous supply of work. At the same time, questionable or erroneous state approximately one hundred fifty photographs through ments do occur. For example, if the elder Peter Brillhart of out the text which must have taken much effort to secure. the Codorus Dunker congregation paid an annual tax of Type used for text was of adequate size and very clear. eighty pounds at any time between 1750 and 1774, it was Although the numbering system begins with Henry almost five times as much as he was directed to collect for Hursh, it may have been helpful instead to start with all of Codorus Township, York County, as tax collector in Immigrant Barbara Horst, thus clarifying the connection 1753 (p. 62). Michael Schlatter was certainly not "the most of the ancestral families to Henry's descendants and aid prominent German Reformed Pietist" in his day (p. 72). ing in identifying pictures in the ancestral section. There is simply no credible evidence that Daniel Falckner Furthermore, it may have enhanced usage with other was pastor of a New Hanover Lutheran congregation genealogies of Immigrant Barbara's descendants. until1708, or for that matter at any other time (p. 75). One Documentation utilized in the book might have been might have difficulty in proving which was "the most clearer. Instead of indicating sources within the text, the commonly used German hymnal in Pennsylvania," but it author offers them at the conclusion of family entries, Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 28 January 1995 causing confusion as to which source relates to which effort. Although the majority of Henry Hursh's descen fact. Footnoting would have aided readers wishing to dants appear to be non-Anabaptist, many related families pursue further information. may benefit from utilizing this book. It should provide The editor's inclusion of charts listing Henry Hursh's genealogists with another fine reference book and hope descendants at the beginning of the book seems a dupli fully spur further research. cation of the later listing, particularly since a clearances -Kent E. Richard, Talmage, Pennsylvania tral lineage is offered with each descendant's entry. Also, several biographical accounts of related families would The Fortunate Years, by Aaron S. Glick. Intercourse, appear to be of interest to only a few descendants. While Pa.: Good Books, 1994. 249 pages. paperback. $9.95. pictures are a strength of this book, crowding on some pages cheapens the effect and confuses identity. The poor In this autogiography Aaron S. Glick relives his nine quality of reproduction for a few indenture documents ty-one years of life as an Amish child, a farmer, and a and photographs makes them less than ideal. minister. Glick left the Older Order Amish with his par Unfortunately, the full picture included before the title ents in 1909 to join the more tolerant Beachy Amish. The page carries no identification. story begins in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in This work contains a valuable contribution to Horst 1903-the year of his birth-when "things were less com Hurst-Hursh genealogy and represents a tremendous plicated." The author weaves together genealogy, devel oping technology, economy, Amish ways, family life, church ministry, some national and world events, and a little politics. The story is in four parts: his early years, 1903-1920; "The Roaring '20s"; surviving the Great _ THE_ Depression; the "1960s and Beyond." Here is an insider's view of growing up Amish that includes weddings, shocking wheat, threshing, building FORTUNATE straw stacks, managing a farm and a cannery, and being ordained by lot. One colorful period occurred when Glick took cows and pigs to Crete for Mennonite Central YEARS Committee. Older Amish and Mennonite readers will enjoy reliving their own years as they follow Glick AN AMISH LIFE through his journey of life. Younger readers with a fasci nation for the past may enjoy learning how to build a wheat or corn shock, what it was like to sit through an Memories and stories from an Amish childhood Amish preaching service, what Amish youngsters did for in Lancaster County in years gone by. fun, and what it was like to live through the Depression and two World Wars. Glick also explains why Alsatian and Palatine Mennonites were thought to be in league with Satan. (Their progressive farming practices pro duced unusually fine crops and animals.) The author, whose life has spanned most of the twen tieth century, lived through many cultural and technolog ical changes. Much of life was satisfying, though it al~o brought disappointments, death, and loss. Such experi ences, he writes, "have helped me learn to live at peace with myself and my circumstances .. . and have brought contentment and joy." Aaron Glick sums up his life in the words of the Psalmist: "My lines have fallen in pleasant places" (Psalms 16:6). Aaron S. Glick -John E. Sharp, Scottdale, Pennsylvania Pennsylvania Mennonite Heritage 29 January 1995 Book List Arnold, Jackie Smith. Kinship: It's All Relative. Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1994. 109 pp. $9.95. (paper). Bender, Harold S. The Anabaptist Vision. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1944. 44 pp. $1.95. (paper). Burgert, Annette Kunselman. Eighteenth Century Emigrants from the Northern Alsace to America. Camden, Maine: Picton P.ress, 1992. 690 pp. $49.50. (cloth). Early Anabaptist Spirituality: Selected Writings. Translated, edited and with introd. by Daniel Liechty. Preface by Hans J. Hillerbrand. Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist Press, 1994. 304 pp. $19.95. (paper). Earnest, Corinne. The What Shall I Write Handbook for Editors of Family and Genealogy Society Newsletters. Damascus, Md.: Russell D. Earnest Associates, 1992. 76 pp. $16.00. (paper). Faust, Albert B; Brumbaugh, Gaius Marcus. Lists of Swiss Emigrants in the Eighteenth Century to the American Colonies. Reprinted with Leo Schelbert's "Notes on Swiss Emigrants," Baltimore, Md.: Genealogical Pub. Co., 1991. 388 pp. $30.00. (cloth). Gascho, Joseph A; Gascho, Susan L. Landisville Mennonite Cemetery: Gravestone Transcriptions and Parentages. Lancaster, Pa.: Joseph A. Gascho, 1994. 287 pp. $16.00. (paper). Glick, AaronS. The Fortunate Years: An Amish Life. Intercourse, Pa.: Good Books, 1994.251 pp. $9.95. (paper). Good, Rebecca H.; Ebert, Rebecca A. Finding Your People in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia: A Genealogical Guide. 3rd ed. Bowie, Md.: Heritage Books, 1993. 154 pp. $ 17.00. (paper). Gratz, Delbert L. Bernese Anabaptists and Their American Descendants. Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History. Ed. by Harold S. Bender, et al. Scottdale, Pa.: Mennonite Publishing House, 1953; 1994.219 pp. $18.95. (cloth). Hinks, Donald R. Brethren Hymn Books and Hymnals, 1720-1884. Gettysburg, Pa.: Brethren Heritage Press, 1986. 205 pp. $19.50. (cloth). Homan, Gerlof D. American Mennonites and the Great War, 1914-1918. Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History, no. 34. Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1994. 237 pp. $19.95. (paper). Hursh, Sally L. Henry and Susanna Rudisill Hursh, Their Ancestors and Descendants. Edited by Ruth P. Hursh. La Grange Park, Ill.: Hursh/Horst/Hurst Family Organization, 1993. 253 pp. $35.00. Huss, Arlene; Paul, Winifred; Stauffer, Florence. The David and Anna Miller Story. Scottdale, Pa.: Arlene Huss, 1979. 430 pp. $9.00. (cloth). Kennel, Elmer Fisher. Descendants of John Riehl and Sarah Diener Kennel. [Mountville, Pa.: Elmer F. Kennel], 1985. 78 pp. $5.00. (paper). Landis, Henry S. Landis-Landes Family Descendants of Jacob Landes, Who Settled in Franconia Township and Died in 1749. Index by Helen Urbanchuck. Compiled. Harleysville, Pa.: Mennonite Historians of Eastern Pa., 1991. 82 pp. $11.00. (paper). Landis-Martin, Jane. Descendants of Abraham Bossler Landis and Ida Elizabeth Landis-Landis. Leola, Pa.: Jane Landis Martin, 1993. 26 pp. $5.00. (paper). Pennsylvania Dutch Folk Spirituality. Sources of American Spirituality. Edited by Richard E. Wentz. New York, N.Y.: Paulist Press, 1993. 329 pp. $29.00. (cloth). Reeder, Josh. Indexing Genealogy Publications. Damascus, Md.: Russell D. Earnest Associates, 1994. 48 pp. $13.90. (paper). Reist, Arthur L. Conestoga Wagon-Masterpiece of the Blacksmith. Sixth Printing. Lititz, Pa.: Arthur L. Reist, 1975. 50 pp. $10.00. (paper). Ruth, John; Jay, Phil. When We Sing: Conversations with Alice Parker and Friends. 30 minutes. Chicago, Ill.: Liturgy Training Publications, 1994. $39.95. (video). Schneider, David B.; Ensminger, Robert F. Foundations in a Fertile Soil: Farming and Farm Buildings in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Principal photography by Ed Worteck. Lancaster, Pa.: Historic Preservation Trust of Lancaster County, 1994. 100 pp. $15.00. (paper). Seitz, Ruth Hoover. Philadelphia and its Countryside. Photography by Blair Seitz. Foreword by James A. Michener. Harrisburg, Pa.: RB Books, 1994. 144 pp. $29.95. (cloth). Weaver, Virginia Kreider. Early Years of Weaver Book Store. Revised ed. Lancaster, Pa.: Virginia Kreider Weaver, 1994. 35 pp. $8.00. (paper). Orders filled on a first-come, first-served basis while supply lasts. Add $2.50 for the first volume and $.75 for each additional one for postage and handling. Pennsylvania residents add six percent sales tax. Address requests to Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, 2215 Millstream Road, Lancaster, PA 17602-1499.