A Grammar of Tiefo Gur Language Family
Gnanfongo Dialect
Abbie E. Hantgan Dogon and Bangime Linguistics email: [email protected]
draft dated January 17, 2014 ii A Grammar of Tiefo
I am grateful to Dongui Ouattara and her two sons, Lamine and Jina, for their patience and fortitude. The people of Gnanfongo are former warriors and blacksmiths, and it is because of their courage that their language will not be lost without a fight. iii iv A Grammar of Tiefo Contents
Author's Note ...... ix
1 Introduction 1 1.1 Tiefo, Gur Language Family ...... 1 1.2 Tiefo Language ...... 4 1.2.1 Multilingualism ...... 5 1.2.2 Endangerment ...... 6 1.2.3 Dialectology ...... 6 1.3 Environment ...... 6 1.4 Previous and Contemporary Work ...... 7 1.4.1 Previous Studies ...... 7 1.4.2 Fieldwork and Methodology ...... 7 1.4.3 Acknowledgements ...... 7
2 Phonology 9 2.1 Phonological Structure ...... 9 2.1.1 Syllables ...... 9 2.1.2 Metrical Structure ...... 10 2.2 Consonant Inventory ...... 10 2.2.1 Representations of Glides w and y ...... 10 2.2.2 Sibilants ...... 10 2.2.3 Nasalized Sonorants ...... 10 2.2.4 Nasals ...... 10 2.2.5 Voiceless Labials ...... 11 2.2.6 Laryngeals ...... 11 2.2.7 Voiced velar stop ...... 11 2.3 Vowel Inventory ...... 11 2.3.1 Contrastive Properties of Vowels ...... 14 2.3.2 Initial Vowels ...... 14 2.4 Segmental Phonological Processes ...... 14 2.4.1 Vowel Harmony ...... 14 2.5 Tone ...... 14 v vi A Grammar of Tiefo 3 Morphology 17 3.1 Nominal ...... 17 3.1.1 Derivational ...... 17 3.1.2 Singular and Plural ...... 17 3.2 Verbal ...... 19 3.2.1 Experiential Perfect `have ever' ...... 19 3.2.2 Inflectional ...... 20 3.2.3 Pronominals ...... 20 3.2.4 Verbal Inflection ...... 21 3.3 Nominalized Verbs ...... 23 3.4 Agentives ...... 23 3.4.1 Derivational ...... 23
4 Syntax 27 4.0.2 Comparatives ...... 27 4.0.3 Question Particles ...... 28 4.0.4 Conditionals ...... 28 4.1 Quantifiers ...... 28 4.2 Locatives ...... 29 4.3 Case Marking ...... 30 4.3.1 instrumentals ...... 31 4.4 Coordination ...... 32 4.5 Possessive Constructions ...... 32 4.5.1 Genitives ...... 35 4.6 Adjectives and Adverbs ...... 36 4.6.1 Numerals ...... 36 4.6.2 Verbal Adjectives ...... 37 4.6.3 Predicate Adjectives ...... 38 4.7 Calques ...... 39 4.8 Relative Clauses ...... 39
A Agentives 41
B Adjectives 43
C Verbal Modifiers 47
D Locatives 49
E Verb Paradigms 51 E.0.1 [sa] `go' ...... 51 E.0.2 [ba] `come' ...... 52 E.0.3 [dii] `eat' ...... 53
F Relative Clauses 55
G Cardinal Numbers 57 CONTENTS vii H Text 63
I Questionnaire 69
I Greetings 83 viii A Grammar of Tiefo Author’s note
Data are from my fieldwork conducted in Gnanfongo from August 15-December 31. Preliminary data collection was also done in 2012 during a period of one month in collaboration University of Ouagadougou linguistics master's student Aminata Ouattara. The dialect examined for this grammar is that which is spoken in Gnganfongo. There are only five Tiefo speakers in the village of Gnanfongo, all in their 70's and 80's. The village of Dramandougou speaks Tiefo, but the dialect differs, particularly in the lexicon. This is a draft, please use caution when citing.
ix x A Grammar of Tiefo CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1.1 Tiefo, Gur Language Family
While Tiefo is classified as being a Gur language, and as a whole resembles geographically neighboring Gur languages, it does not fit into any known branch of Gur. Neither Manessy (1982) nor Naden (1989) are able to pinpoint a precise classification of Tiefo within the Gur family. Lexical comparisons between Tiefo and other Gur languages show 28 out of 435 correspondence, 20 percent (Manessy, 1982). In 1.1 are shown some example comparisons between Tiefo and geographically neighboring languages. Note also the differences between the data I have gathered (from Gnanfongo) and Manessy's (1982) data (from Dramandougou).
1 2 A Grammar of Tiefo give meat three earth slave tooth moon sheep Gloss breast woman excrement wilderness ̀ bẽ -sã sáákɔ Loron piniɡu, pininyu ́ ĩ ́ ɲã pĩ yɛrɛ ɲuɡo Kulango -sãã, -sãzi ɲeɲa Dyan siru bənə bana Lobi -sãã Gan kasa ɲeɲa filiki doŋko Lexical Correspondences between Tiefo and Gur Languages se ́ ĩ ́ -sãã doni ɲɛɲɛ pĩ ferɡe kaase Doɣose Table 1.1: saasi kaasɔ pinyɔ kannɔ baawɔ Viemo ,̃ baa ɲã ya bẽ sãã sari pini kaʔa donu ɲinde fereɡi kaane bɔ , 146) Tiefo (GM) 1982 ́ , ́ ́ ́ ã ̄ ̄ ĩ ́ ã ́ bã ɲã pĩ sã yāá ͡ sāʕè kāʕà bēʕé ɡ ɲēréē fērēʕé nāfāʕɔ káʕá ɲīn Tiefo (AH) Manessy ( Introduction 3 To this end, Manessy gives three hypotheses for how these non-Gur roots are found in Tiefo and adjacent languages - they are actually a separate branch of Gur, they are borrowed from an unknown Gur language into the others, or the source of the borrowing is non-Gur, possibly Mande. The third hypothesis is appealing, however, according to comparisons between my data and Winkelmann's (1998) data, 87 out of 185 core lexical items do not bear any resemblance between the two dialects, nor to Jula (based on my knowledge of Jula). Comparisons are shown in 1.2.
Tiefo Gnanfongo Tiefo Dramandougou Jula Gloss dúrú sú ɲinan mouse dúwī sɛ̀ɡɛ̀ dimi hurt dūwõ̀ sɔ́ʔɔ́, sɛ́ʔɛ́ cin sting fáʕláī sīɡlòʔó -ro suruku hyena fīyāá ɡ͡ bɛ bà lana take fíyāʕā pūʔō, poʔo kunɡo wilderness fīyáʕā dɛ̀, bɛ-tɔʕɔ foro field fíyɔ̀ diɛ̀ buɡu multiply fíʕī baʕa tɔmɔ pick up ɡānāʕà jūwɛ́ʔaɛ́ ɡalaji indigo kā kɔ́̃ sàk͡ pè fali donkey Table 1.2: Cross-Dialectal Lexical Non-Concordance not Due to Jula Influence
Calques, however, are found from Jula into Tiefo, especially among compounds.
Tiefo Gnanfongo Jula Gloss dɔ̄ ʕɔ́ yāʕā bɔɡɔ daɡa clay pot dɔ̄ ʕɔ́ dɔ̄ ʕɔ̄ dɔni dɔni slow(ly) bɔ́ʕɔ̄ bɔɡɔ clay dūrūɲáʕā dunuɲa world ɡānāʕà ɡalaji indigo ɡ͡ bātā ɡwa awning (hangar) káʕá ɲīn ɲi tiri teeth, gum kɔ̄ ̃lɔ́̃ kɔ̃lɔ̃ well kɔ́̃ʕɔ̄ ̃ kɔ̃ door lòŋòyì loŋɡo elbow bílóō bili cricket sp. dōsó donso hunter tȭõ̀ sȭ neɡe so bicycle wɔʕɔ wa or wɔ́ʕɔ́ waa thousand Table 1.3: Borrowings and Calques from Jula 4 A Grammar of Tiefo In addition to influence from Mande languages, the dialect of Tiefo spoken in Gnanfongo is nearly extinct. The following sections describe the language and its context in Burkina Faso.
1.2 Tiefo Language
Although the Tiefo people are numerous, with estimates ranging from 12,000–15,000, according to 1985 Burkina census, speakers are sparse, numbered at 1000 by SIL in 1995. The area in which the Tiefo live in Burkina Faso is south of Bobo-Dioulasso in the provinces of Comoé and Houet, in five departments therein. There are approximately 20 small Tiefo villages, spanning about 1,500 km (Berthelette and Berthelette, 2001). Ethnically Tiefo villages include Dramandougou, Gnanfongo, Koumandara, Dégué-Dégué, Derege, Laranfiera, Mousoubadougou, Yegere, Dabokeri, Noumouso, Tanga, Yanga, Kiefandougou, Dandougou, Kadio, Farajan, Sourkoutomo, Me, Matourkou, Damogan, Tien, and Kodala (Win, 1996, 165) as shown in the map in 1.1.
Figure 1.1: Location of the Tiefo People (Lewis, 2009)
Among these 20 Tiefo villages, there are only three Tiefo-speaking villages, Dramandougou, Noumoudara, and Gnanfongo. Win (1996, 166) states that in Nyafogo and Noumoudara, there are some speaker found among the elders, but the only Tiefo speaking village is Dramandougou. Gur languages as a whole are spoken in a relatively geographically isolated part of the world. Naden (1989) notes, ``This region was cut off from direct contact with the early European traders by the forest belt and its peoples, was separated from the Saharan trade routes by the Fulani-Mali-Songhai states, and thus long remained comparatively unknown to the outside world. Even today main cities tend to be near the coast, with the exception of landlocked Burkina Faso the area where Gur languages are spoken is still somewhat of a backwater.'' Introduction 5 To reach the Tiefo area, there is a main, paved highway, National Route 1, which goes through Noumoudara and Péni. To the south of Toussiana is an escarpment. The map shown in 1.2 gives us an idea of where the escarpment is in relation to the Tiefo speaking villages. In 1956, Noumoudara had a population of 1220 Tiefo, and Niagafon only 95.
Figure 1.2: from (Hebert, 1958, 379)
Berthelette and Berthelette (2001) further explain, ``This escarpment, in serving to isolate the region, has probably been an important factor in allowing the village of Dramandougou Tiefo to retain its language.''
1.2.1 Multilingualism Contact languages are as follows: French is taught in schools, though to date relatively few individuals living in the villages can speak French passably. Jula is the lingua franca of southwestern Burkina Faso. As Berthelette and Berthelette (2001, 12) reported in 2001, five of ten Tiefo people self-report to use some Jula in the home, and seven of ten report that they sometimes speak Jula in the village. There are schools in Péni and Dramandougou. In the primary and post primary schools, French is the only language spoken — neither the vernacular nor Jula is used by 6 A Grammar of Tiefo the instructors. Therefore, scholars such as Showalter (2008) attribute the fact that the speakers no longer communicate in their language to the abundance of and preference to speak Jula. Berthelette and Berthelette (2001, 5) state exactly the same, `Most Tiefo have abandoned their language in favor of Jula,'' and they continue to state the cause as ``presumably as a result of a perceived social advantage to be gained by using Jula.'' However, Showalter (2008) states in his survey of the languages of Burkina Faso, only two communities have given up their languages in favor of Jula, one being the Tiefo. So why did the Tiefo succumb to the pressure of Jula while other speech communities did not?
1.2.2 Endangerment To understand this, we examine the historical context. From each author who has invesigated the Tiefo situation, we find the same source: ``near-genocide of the Tiefo in 1897, allegedly brought about during the invasion of Samori Touré'' (Le Moal, 1980, 31) La langue tiefo a presque completement disparu; elle n'est plus parlee que dans quelques ilots au bas de la falaise; les Tiefo parlent tous le dioula. C'est...une consequence directe de l'invasion de Samori.'' (Hebert, 1958, 380) ``Als Grund fur die Sprachaufgabe wird meist die Verfolgung durch dans Heer Samori Tures angegeben.'' (Winkelmann, 1998, 2) In summary the Tiefo people no longer speak their language, and in fact, there is only one village that speaks Tiefo. The Tiefo language's decline is a consequence of Jula invaders. The Tiefo language appears to have diverged from Gur languages rather than simply as a result of its relative geographical isolation.
1.2.3 Dialectology Tiefo Gnanfongo is highly distinct from the variety Tiefo Dramandougou, described in Winkelmann (1998). Gnanfongo is geographically isolated from the other Tiefo villages, being at the base of the escarpment. There are only five elderly (semi) speakers of Tiefo in Gnanfongo today.
1.3 Environment
The major economic activity is corn farming. Minor crops grown in the same fields are cotton, millet, sorghum, sesame, peanuts, okra, cow-peas, roselle, and peanuts. The rainy season is roughly June to September, with a harvest in late October or early November. During the long dry season, some off-season gardening of cash crops is done: onions, garlic, lettuce, tomatoes, chili peppers, sweet potatoes, cassava. Livestock herding is practiced on a relatively small scale (chickens, pig, sheep, goats, cattle). Transportation of goods to the villages is by motorcycle, bicycle, or bus. Introduction 7 1.4 Previous and Contemporary Study of Tiefo
1.4.1 Previous Studies A German researcher, Kerstin Winkelmann, has researched and published her work on the Tiefo. Most of her work is concentrated on the dialect spoken in Dramandougou. Additionally, a socio-linguistic survey of the Tiefo language and its speakers was conducted by Berthelette and Berthelette (2001). Further research has been done by Showalter (2008) and Prost (1969).
1.4.2 Fieldwork and Methodology The data collected for this grammar were elicited primarily from Dongui Ouattara. All the data represented were recorded with a Marantz recorder and analyzed in Praat. Recordings which were difficult to hear due to excessive background noise were edited using the programs Adobe Soundbooth and Audition. Transcriptions were written and analyzed using SIL FieldWorks, which in turn was used to export texts and the lexicon via XLingPaper into XƎLATEX.
1.4.3 Acknowledgements The fieldwork on Tiefo is being carried out under grant BCS 0853364 from the National Science Foundation (NSF) grant BCS-0537435, ``Dogon languages of Mali'', Documenting Endangered Languages (DEL) program, 2009--13. with Jeffrey Heath as the principle investigator. Comments are most welcome. 8 A Grammar of Tiefo CHAPTER 2
Phonology
This chapter describes the phonology of Tiefo. Changes from standard IPA are shown in table 2.1.
IPA transcription d͡ ʒ j ͡tʃ c j y r and ɾ r
Table 2.1: Transcription conventions and their IPA equivalents
Nasalization is marked with a tilde, as in ṽ) and tone with diacritical accents á è v̌ v̂ ). Long vowels are transcribed as [vv]. Examples are given in root and stem forms. The terms are defined following the conventions of Aronoff (1994) in that a root is a noun or verb without suffixes. Unless otherwise noted, examples using nouns are given by default in the singular form, verbs in the citation form, that which is used in chaining verb constructions such as `I am able to perform action X' (where X is the verb in question).
2.1 Internal Phonological Structure of Stems and Words
2.1.1 Syllables The syllable structure of Tiefo is CV. Codas are not permitted in the language. Vowel continuant-vowel sequences may elide the first vowel to form complex onsets. This is an areal feature found among languages such as western Ivorian Kru and Mande to eastern Ghana, where it is noted in Guang and Togo Remnant languages as well as in Ewe. Examples from Tiefo include `tired' /bílā/ → [blā] and `worry' /fírĩ́/ [frĩ́]. 9 10 A Grammar of Tiefo 2.1.2 Metrical Structure Examples of vowel elision are found among 4.3.1.
2.2 Consonant Inventory
In examining the consonant inventory of Tiefo compared with that which has been proposed for Proto-Gur, we in see 2.2 almost the same inventory. The main addition from Tiefo is the pharyngeal fricative, possibly an allophone of /ɡ/.
labial alveolar palatal velar pharyngeal glottal plosive p b t d k ɡ ʔ nasal m ŋm n ɲ ŋ fricative f s (z) (ʃ) (ʒ) ʕ affricate k͡ p g͡ b c j approximant w l y trill/tap r
Table 2.2: The Consonant Inventory of Tiefo
Additional reconstructed consonants not found in present-day Tiefo are voiced implosives and [v] which appears in certain contexts only. Proto-Gur also includes [ɓ ɗ ɗy], [ɟ] [ʤ] and [v] (Naden, 1989).
2.2.1 Representations of Approximants [w] and [y] There is a distinction made between words with opposing vowel qualities which are represented as diphthongs`return' [bɔ̄ ɛ̀] rather than two different syllables with an intervocalic glide [bɔ̄ .wɛ̀], and those which are disyllabic words `speak' [jú.wã̄ ]. Vowels of different levels of backness may co-occur tautosyllabically but vowels of different heights may not.
2.2.2 Sibilants [s ʃ z ʒ] The voiceless alveolar fricative [s] is palatalized to [ʃ] before high front vowels, such as in the example `give birth' /sìā/ → [ʃìā]. The voiced alveolar fricative [z] is unattested in Gnanfongo Tiefo. The voiced palatal fricative /ʒ/ represented as [j], is common word-initially, shown in words such as `yesterday' [jāná], `eye' [jūɡū bī], and `thin' [jībīì].
2.2.3 Nasalized Sonorants [w̃ ỹ r]̃ The nasalized sonorant phonemes [w̃ ỹ] are found in words with nasalized vowels such as `ask' [bĩ̄ rĩw̃] and `granary' [bȭjĩ́]; [r]̃ is an allophone of /n/, `shade, shadow' [ɲōrò]̃ [ɲōnò].
2.2.4 Nasals [m n ɲ n ŋ ŋm] The complete inventory of nasal consonants is found in Tiefo, both word-initially and word-internally. Additionally, the nasal-cluster /ŋm/ is found word-initially, mostly among monosyllabic words, `head' [ŋmā], `scorpion' [ŋm̄ ã́], `village' [ŋmí]. Phonology 11 2.2.5 Voiceless Labials [p f k͡ p] The voiceless labial fricative [f] mainly occurs word-initially, but also occurs word-internally in likely compounds such as `slave' [nāfɔ̄ ʕɔ̀]. The consonants [p] and [k͡ p] both occur word-initially `foot' [pẽ́ẽ̄ ], `ten' [k͡ pẽ̀].
2.2.6 Laryngeals[ʕ, ʔ] Many words which would otherwise have long vowels insert a glottal stop, as in `wilderness' [bēʔé], `weeds' [pṍʔȭ]. The pharyngeal fricative often occurs in the final syllable of a word, such as in `river' [bārāʔá], `knife' [pījāʔã̀]. Other examples which show the use of the pharyngeal fricative in the penultimate syllable are found among inflected verbs such as `kill-NEUT' [kāʕā-lè].
2.2.7 Voiced Velar Stop [ɡ] The voiced velar stop [ɡ] appears both word-initially, `leave' [ɡlā] and word-internally, `fear' [sɔ̄ ɡɔ̄ là]. The place of articulation may move back to the fricatives [ɣ] or [ʕ].
2.3 Vowel Inventory
The surface vowel inventory is shown in the chart in 2.1. 12 A Grammar of Tiefo i u
e o
ɛ ɔ
a Figure 2.1: Chart of Surface Vowels
Although nine vowels have been constructed for Proto-Gur, although in Tiefo there is but a [ATR] vowel contrast in the mid vowels. The number of instances of each vowel are listed in 2.3. These numbers are out of 439 nouns and 182 verbs.
a 205 nouns 77 verbs e 80 nouns 28 verbs ɛ 55 nouns 15 verbs o 92 nouns 30 verbs ɔ 101 nouns 30 verbs i 185 nouns 60 verbs u 66 nouns 25 verbs Table 2.3: Vowel Frequencies in the Lexicon
The vowel space is plotted as shown in 2.2. Phonology 13 Vowel Chart Figure 2.2: 14 A Grammar of Tiefo Singular Gloss è-kēʔẽ̄ spoon è-jȭẽ̄ neck ē-sāè ground ò-ŋōʔō mosquito ō-fláyō baobab ò-sĩɔ̃ salt ò-ɲū water à-bītɛ̄ ʕɛ̀ leaf à-fērēé moon ā-kɛ́rɛ̄ ɛ̄ hand ā-fíyāʕā field
Table 2.4: Initial Vowel Definite Prefix
2.3.1 Contrastive Properties of Vowels Vowel length and nasalization are contrastive in Tiefo but there are few minimal pairs to illustrate the contrasts due to tonal differences. The words `moon' [fērēé], `close' [fērē], and `clothing' [fērẽ́] differentiate solely on the basis of length and nasalization.
2.3.2 Initial Vowels The definite article, represented as [e-, o-, a-], is a prefix which precedes a noun root. The morpheme [e] precedes nouns which have an [e] in the root, [o] those with [o] or a back vowel, and [a] precedes words with either [a] or [ɛ]; `moon' is an exception among the examples listed in 2.4. The definite article is presented in detail in 4.1.
2.4 Segmental Phonological Processes
Because of the lack of affixation normally attested in Tiefo, (plurals and noun class markers), there are few phonological processes found among nouns. Among verbs, shown in 3.4, most verbs are inflected through ablaut-like processes.
2.4.1 Vowel Harmony Vowel harmony is only attested tautomorphemically. As noted in 2.4, potential areas for vowel harmony as a process of spreading are not realized.
2.5 Tone
There are three tones in Tiefo, high, mid and low. There are no contour tones on single moras. In most words with more than one mora, a change of no more than one tonal level occurs within the word. Examples from the imperfective illustrate that the tone of the verb, in this case [se] `go', is unaffected by different subjects or pronominal elements. Phonology 15 (1) ɲì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē à- fījāʕà . 1SG PROG go DEF field I am going to the fields.
(2) ɲì mĩɛ̃́ ̄ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē à- fījāʕà . 1SG 1SG.ACC PROG go DEF field I am going by myself to the fields.
(3) jāʕā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē à- fījā ʕè . 1.PL.HORT PROG go DEF field at We are going to the field.
(4) ɲì nā mì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē à- fījāʕà . 1SG COOR 2SG PROG go DEF field You and I are going to the fields.
(5) n dɔ̄ɛ̀ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē à- fījāʕà . 1SG man PROG go DEF field The man is going to the fields. 16 A Grammar of Tiefo CHAPTER 3
Morphology
3.1 Nominal
3.1.1 Derivational Diminutives The diminutive is also the word for `baby' [bī]. The augmentative is [ká].
3.1.2 Singular and Plural Naden (1989) notes that nouns in Gur languages characteristically have singular and plural class suffixes. Here in 3.1 are reconstructed proto-Gur noun class suffixes. The definite marker, a prefix, is presented in 4.1.
[SG PL] [yi,wo ve ce ŋwe] [re, de se ke ɲe] [be me]
Table 3.1: Proto-Gur Noun Class Suffixes Manessy (1982)
Although most speakers of Tiefo in Gnanfongo no longer use plurals, for the nouns I have gathered with plural suffixes shown in 3.2, we see that the noun classes found in Tiefo are quite different than those proposed for Proto-Gur. There are different classes of singular-plural combinations. Most singular nouns do not obligatorily take the definite prefix, but some plural nouns do. Because the remaining speakers do not use the language on a regular basis, the lack of plural marking and the variation found is probably a product of the language's endangerment.
17 18 A Grammar of Tiefo Singular Plural Gloss Semantic Domain a. nāmí ō-nāmí-yō child 2.6.4.2 Child b. ɲō ō-ɲí-yō person 2 Person c. dí dí-yō someone 9.2.3.2 Indefinite pronouns d. sīsáʕā, sīsɔ́ʕɔ̄ sīsáʕā-yō, ō-sīsáʕā boy 2.6.5.1 Man e. dɔ̄ yɛ̄ ɔ̄ -dɔ̄ rɔ̄ man 2.6.5.1 Man f. bī bī-yō baby 2.6.4.1 Baby g. yō ō-yōō (bí-yō) tree 1.5.1 Tree h. yō nāmí yō nāmí-yō fruit 5.2.3.1.2 Food from fruit i. kérēē̃ ̃ pɔ̄ ʕɔ̄ ākérēē̃ ̃ pɔ̄ ʕɔ̄ -yò arm stick 2.1.3.1 Arm j. mn̄ láā bí mn̄ láā bí-yō chick 6.3.6.1 Chicken k. jūɡū bí jūɡū bí-yō eyeball 2.1.1.1 Eye l. ŋmāʕā bí ŋmāʔā bí-yō star 1.1.1.2 Star m. bɛ̄ rɛ̃ ̄ ɛ̃ ̄ ̃ bí bɛ̄ rɛ̃ ̄ ɛ̃ ̄ ̃ bí-yō drummer 4.2.3 Music n. bīyɛ̄ rɛ̄ wí bīyɛ̄ rɛ̄ wí-yō farmer 6.2.7 Farm worker
o. ɲɔ́mī-ī ɛ̄ -ɲɔ́mī toes 2.1.3.3 Finger, toe p. kɔ́mī-ī ɛ̄ -kɔ́mī finger 2.1.3.3 Finger, toe q. cɔ́mī-ī n̄ -cɔ́mī bird 1.6.1.2 Bird
r. yē yēʕ-é year 8.4.1.6 Year s. bītɛ̄ ʕɛ̀ ɛ̀-bītɛ̄ ʕɛ̄ -ɛ̀ leaf 1.5.5 Parts of a plant t. yāá bɔ̄ ̃ yāá bɔ̄ -ɔ̃ ̄ ̃ girl 2.6.4.2 Child
u. pé-ē pẽ̄ foot 2.1.3.2 Leg v. ā-kérē-ẽ̄ ā-kérẽ̄ arm 2.1.3.1 Arm w. ɡ͡ bé-ẽ́ ɡ͡ bẽ́ stool 5.1.1.2 Chair x. báráɲé é-bárán (bījɛ́) hoe 6.2.8 Agricultural tool y. mn̄ lá-ā mn̄ lá chicken 6.3.6.1 Chicken
z. búɡúnɛ̄ búɡúnɛ̄ beans (variety) 5.2.3.1.3 Food from vegetables
aa. jɔ́wɛ̄ ̃ ɛ̄ -jɔ́wĩ̄ neck 2.1.2 Torso bb. yébāʕē yébāʕē-nì trash 5 Daily life
cc. fērēʕé fērēʕē moon 1.1.1.1 Moon, 8.4.1.4 Month dd. ɡ͡ bāã́ ɡ͡ bāā sheep 6.3.1.2 Sheep ee. m-n̄ áā náá cow 6.3.1.1 Cattle ff. kāā kāá animal 1.6 Animal gg. kārāyì ɛ̄ -káráyī calabash 5.2.1.5 Serve food Table 3.2: Noun Class Suffixes Morphology 19 The examples (a - n) are all animates and are marked by the plural [-yo], with the exception of (e) `man'. The example (n) is of the agentive, described in 3.4. However, other animates, such as `bird' (q) are marked by a long vowel in the singular. The three roots shown with the combination [mi] (o - q) probably form a class since `finger' and `toe' are likely related semantically. Other nouns with a length contrast between singular and plural are shown in (r - t) and (u - y); the first set lengthens the vowel in the singular while the second set in the plural. Still other nouns are differentiated on the basis of tone (cc - gg) or other markers (aa - bb). Naden (1989) states that in some Gur languages pronouns and other elements in the noun phrase agree with the class of the head noun. In Gnanfongo Tiefo, third person is often lost entirely or borrowed from Jula.1 Palosaari and Campbell (2011) note that semi-speakers, generational simplification of the language. ``Things that are obligatory in a fully viable language may become optional or fail to apply and be lost in the language of semi-speakers'' (pg. 112) lack of pronouns. In Gnanfongo Tiefo, third person is often lost or borrowed from Jula. I hypothesize this is because the pronoun is an agreement marker with the noun class of the noun which is the subject; this is possible to elicit with one of the speakers. Certain adjectives show concord with the noun, as shown in the two forms for `black' below, but not for `big'.
(6) à- wūʕú jōb-á . DEF hut black the black house.
(7) ò- dɔ̀ɛ̀ jób-ō . DEF man black the black man.
(8) à- wūʕú sãɡ̄ bānāʔà͡ . DEF hut big the big house
(9) ò- dɔ̀ɛ̀ sãɡ̄ bānāʔà͡ . DEF man big the big man.
3.2 Verbal
3.2.1 Experiential Perfect `have ever' [tīɡīlé nā sé bánfōrā.] `I have been to Banfora'.
1I hypothesize this is because the pronoun is an agreement marker with the noun class of the noun which is the subject; this is possible to elicit with one of the speakers. 20 A Grammar of Tiefo 3.2.2 Inflectional 3.2.3 Pronominals Pronouns are represented by proclitics preceding the verb stem. The singular forms differ in the imperfective and perfective aspects as shown in the table in 3.3.
Impv Pfv ɲí é ān é mì nā m nā kā ō n ō
Table 3.3: Pronominal Proclitics
The following examples illustrate the usage of the pronominals in sentences with the verb [ba] `come'.
(10) ɲí wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 1SG PROG come today I am coming today.
(11) mì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 2SG PROG come today You are coming today.
(12) kā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 3SG PROG come today He is coming today.
(13) é wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 1PL PROG come today We are coming today.
(14) nā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 2PL PROG come today You.PL are coming today.
(15) ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 3PL PROG come today They are coming today.
The perfective aspect is marked with a truncated set of pronouns in the singular persons.
(16) n bàʔ jànā . 1SG come yesterday I came yesterday. Morphology 21 (17) m bàʔ jànā . 2SG come yesterday You came yesterday
(18) n bàʔ jànā . 3SG come yesterday S/he came yesterday
(19) é bàʔ jànā . 1PL come yesterday We came yesterday.
(20) nā bàʔ jànā . 2PL come yesterday You.PL came yesterday.
(21) ō bàʔ jànā . 3PL come yesterday They came yesterday.
Further examples of pronominals are found in Appendix E.
3.2.4 Verbal Inflection According to Naden (1989), most verbal markers are treated as particles rather than affixes in Gur languages. The most widely marked inflectional category is the contrast between the continuous (imperfective) and a form described as `neutral', normally [da/ra/ta]. As shown in 3.4, some verbs take the suffix [ra] and its allomorphs in the neutral aspect. However, the most salient distinction is that most verbs contrast the two aspects with vowel quality. The the continuous a back vowel [a], and the neutral is marked with a mid, front vowel [e] or [ɛ]. The verbs are split into groups. The first group contains verbs which are suffixed with [r] or its allomorphs [l] or [n]. Borrowing from Jula also tend to take the [r] suffix in the neutral form, likely borrowed from Jula as well, since the perfective suffix is [-ra]. An example is [dūɡū] `hide', [dūɡū-là] `hidden'. The second group suffixes only a vowel. The third group takes no suffixation. The vowels in the verb root take the place of back in the continuous and front in the neutral. The examples 22 and 23 illustrate the differences between an imperfective and a perfective sentence.
(22) ɲì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ kūò m bɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̀ . 1SG PROG hit INDEF dog I am hitting a dog.
(23) jāná n ɡbɔ̃͡ m bɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̀ . yesterday 1SG hit INDEF dog Yesterday, I hit a dog. 22 A Grammar of Tiefo There is variation, however, whereby the continuous form of the verb may appear in a perfective sentence.
(24) ã kūò m bɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̀ . 1SG hit 2SG dog I hit a dog.
Other verbs do not fit into any of the above categories. `wash' Neut lā ( lō),Neut wōrò In Winkelmann (2000)'s description of tense and aspect in Tiefo (Dramandougou dialect), there is no mention of a preverbal morpheme indicating the imperfective in addition to the suffixation patterns listed above. In Gnanfongo Tiefo we see a morpheme [wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀] preceding the verb in the progressive aspect. Naden (1989) notes that various tense/aspect systems are usually realized by preverbal particles or auxiliaries, and/or by tonal patterns on the subject, verb, verb phrase or whole clause, and Manessy (1982) does list a particle [bo] which he translates as the verb `to be'. Examples from Gnanfongo Tiefo of the verb paradigm for `sleep' are shown as follows. The perfective 26 is unmarked save for on the verb, while the imperfective 25 is marked both on the verb and by the preverb particle.
(25) wɔ̄ʕɔ̄ jɔ̄ -lāà PROG sleep CONT He is sleeping.
(26) dʒō -ré sleep NEUT He slept.
It is possible that the progressive morpheme is better analyzed as an allomorph of [wo], a particle which may act as a copula.
(27) n wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ sē à- fījāʕà . 1SG go.CONT DEF field I am going to the fields.
(28) à- wūʕú wō jó tõ̀ . the hut COP tree under the house is under the tree.
The continuous form of the verb is also seen in the imperative mood as shown in example 29.
(29) ān jɔ̄ -lāà 2SG sleep CONT Sleep! (imp) Morphology 23 3.3 Nominalized Verbs
The nominalized form of the verb allows us to determine the verb root. The nominal form of the verb `sleep', shown in 30 illustrates that the word-internal liquid [l] is part of the inflectional suffix.
(30) ō- dʒó the sleep sleep (n.) Some noun-verbs are clearly related while others are not.
3.4 Agentives
Further examples of agentives in existential clauses are shown in A.
3.4.1 Derivational There is no reversive: [flāʕā] `untie' [bò] `tie'. `open' [pɔ̄ ʕɔ̄ ] `close' [fērē]. The causative varies 3.7. The causatived verbs are not inflected for aspect. Some verbs take the same form in the imperative and the causative. (note the initial form and meaning similarities in the last four words) The passive is formed via word order so that the transitive verb is in a clause which is subject initial,[ã́ wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ tīɡĩ̄ ādíʕā] `I am lighting a fire.' and the passive is object initial, [ādíʕā wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ tīɡĩ̄ ] `The fire is lit'. [n wɔʕɔ túkã̄ ēyō dō mì] `I am teaching you our language.' [n wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ túkã̄ ē mì ɲí bāʕā.] `You are learning our language with me.'] 24 A Grammar of Tiefo Cont Neutral Gloss yē yé-rā enter yè yē-rà walk bīɛ́ bīɛ̄ -rà farm dã̄ dā-nà arrive dīò dīō-là sell
cɛ́r-āā cɛ̄ r-ɛ̀ look fīj-āā fíj-ē bring sōl-à sūl-è carry kāʕāl-à kāʕāl-è die jɔ̄ l-āà júl-ē sleep pláʔā plé puncture sīj-ã̄ ã̄ sījɛ̄ -nɛ̀ lie down
bē b-là tire sè sá leave/go bè bāʔ come ɲā̃ʔà̃ ɲē get/obtain ɲānā ɲéné stop/stand náʔā nɛ́nɛ̄ wash (clothing) tánāā tērè̃ sit dárāà dɛ̄ rɛ̀ɛ̀ rip mn̄ lāʔà mn̄ lɛ̀ show bārá bērẽ̀ sweep yāʕà yɛ̄ ɡɛ̀ break
dɔ́ʕ-ɔ̄ díɡ-ɛ̄ hear ɲá ɲíʔā see klá-ʕ-ā kúr-ū touch ɲ-à ɲ-ū drink yíɡ-ā yíɡ-í rise nāʕ-ā náʕ-ē pay
k͡ ɔ̀̃ k͡ pɔ̄ ̃ hit
fō-ì fɔ́-ɛ̄ , fɔ́rɔ́-māw̃ say k͡ béjē k͡ béjē-mā climb síɡ-ī̃ ̃ sīɡā-mà run
bó bwɛ̄ tie díʔī díā eat dōʔò dāà plant wúʔū wāà die díɡɛ̄ dɔ̄ ʕɔ̄ hear dōrōʕò dárāʕā buy
bũ̄ ʕũ̄ búʕū-yā search
Table 3.4: Verbal Suffixes: Continuous and Neutral Morphology 25
Cont Neutral Nominal Gloss jū jū-là ā-yīrí dance sũ̀ sɔ̄ -à ē-sɔ̄ ɛ́ work bārà bérẽ̄ ẽ̄ ā-bérẽ̄ ẽ̄ sweep/broom fōrōmá fɔ́ɛ̄ è-fōrōmã̄ greet/salutation fíŋāʕā fíŋɛ̄ à-fīŋɛ̄ clean fūó fōí fōí fan māā mānà mānà laugh
Table 3.5: Nominal Verbs
Cont Neutral Nominal Gloss díō dīō-là dīōlā-wì sell ɲū ɲō ɲā-wì drink
Table 3.6: Agentives
IMP CAUS Gloss dí kā-dīʕì, dēlā eat ɲū dūɡū drink sĩ́ã̄ sīā-nā lie down dúʔú dé hurt k͡ péʕē k͡ péʕē ascend ɡ͡ bɛ́rɛ̄ ɡ͡ bɛ́rɛ̄ descend ɲáná ɲáná stand tánāā tánāā sit
Table 3.7: Causatives
Adjective Inchoative Gloss tū tú-ɡē big nó nó-mā skinny dí dī-yāʕā old blā bé ripe dīɡè dí-yāʕā sharp
Table 3.8: Inchoative 26 A Grammar of Tiefo CHAPTER 4
Syntax
4.0.2 Comparatives Comparatives are expressed in two ways. The first way is to use the word `more' with an adjective, shown in Example 31 as [fóī].
(31) ē- mí tú nā fóī sāɡbāʕã͡ ̀ . 1PL language big COOR more Jula Our language is more difficult than Jula. The second way is to add a morpheme which expresses superlative, shown in Example 32.
(32) mí tú -ɡwē nā fóī . 2SG big -er COOR more I am bigger than you. Finally, in Example 33, it is shown that `pass' may also be used in comparative expressions with the adjective marked as being superlative.
(33) ē- lé tú -ɡwē nā yātōyì pōrō sí . DEF house big -er COOR pass Peni on Our house (village) is bigger than Peni. Other adjectives do not take any suffixation in the comparative construction.
(34) ò- mnlā dã́ nā fóī ò- ɲū . DEF beer sweet COOR more DEF water Beer is sweeter than water.
(35) á- pɔ̄ʕɔ̄ dí sɔ̄ɛ̄ nā fóī dí . DEF stick there long COOR more there That stick is longer than this one. 27 28 A Grammar of Tiefo 4.0.3 Question Particles
Some question particles come at the beginning of a sentence, while others follow. who, jɔ́̃ jɔ́̃ bā jānà. Who came yesterday. what, n wɔ̄ ʔɔ̄ dé bījè? What are you doing? when, ã̀ bī bá jā sīŋà? When are you going to come? where, n wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ sē sē Where are you going? how, ēsɔ̄ ɛ̀ mákā how is your work? how much, dé jē? which, n ɡò bīé bāʕā? Which do you want?
4.0.4 Conditionals 4.1 Quantifiers
In addition to noun class marking via suffixation presented above in 3.1.2, the examples here show the use of the definite prefix with quantifiers. We see in 36 and 37 that the definite marker is prefixed to the noun root in the singular and plural forms. However, when the noun is followed by a quantifier such as a number, shown in examples 38 and 39, the definite marker is no longer present. Further, the plural marker is not obligatory when a number greater than one quantifies the noun as shown in examples 39 and 40.
(36) ē- jó the tree the tree
(37) ō- jó the tree the trees
(38) jó dīɡīnà tree one one tree
(39) jó dʒõ̀ tree two two trees
(40) jó píjɛ̄ɛ̄ tree a lot a lot of trees The quantifier `a lot' may also serve as a demonstrative as shown in examples 41 - 42.
(41) bōí granary granary
(42) bōí pīɛ̄ granary a lot these granaries Syntax 29 Further, the quantifier `a lot' may be paired with the copula [go] as shown in example 43. This example was given in response to the question, `Is there a beer today?'.
(43) ō ɡó mā píjɛ̄ɛ̄ 3PL COP a lot The quantifier `only' is shown to follow numerals in examples 44 - 45.
(44) námī -jō dʒõ̀ bó lē ɡō mnlā ɲā -wì . child hum.pl two only COP beer drink AGENT Only two people (in the village) are beer drinkers.
(45) námī -jō kã́ bó lē dɔ̄ʕɔ̄jē ē- ɡlāʕè ŋm̄wì wúlí . child hum.pl five only know the language village stomach Only five people know our language in the village.
When used with other constituents in a clause, such as in the possessive construction, the quantifier `only' follows both the numeral and the pronoun as shown in 46.
(46) jā dīɡīnà mīɛ̀ bó lē ɡō m bāʕà . woman one 1.ACC.SG only COP with I only have one wife (lit. Only one woman is with me).
To indicate proximity, the quantifiers [ci] `near' and [[sɔ̄ ì] `far' are used as shown in the following examples.
(47) nà cī . 1SG near near me
(48) cī bàʔ . near come come near me
(49) yā sɔ̄ì predicate far it is far.
4.2 Locatives
The main locatives are listed in 4.1 with examples of the usage shown in Appendix D. 30 A Grammar of Tiefo PP Gloss bíʕĩ̄ above tɔ̀̃ under sĩ̀ on wúlí in sɛ̀ back yā to
Table 4.1: Locatives
4.3 Case Marking
There are two ways to form a dative construction. The verb `give' is shown in example 50. The accusative form of the pronoun is also used in dative constructions, surprisingly without the verb, as shown in example 51.
(50) sɔ̄ʔɔ̀ à- bīklē ŋmɛ̀ . give DEF white cowry me give me money.
(51) ŋmɛ̄ é- bīklē . me DEF white cowry give me money.
Although the verb `give' is a ditransitive verb, it does not obligatorily take an object or an indirect object as shown in example 52. The example 53 illustrates an allomorph of the dative morpheme. Example 54 shows the use of the dative morpheme with a pronoun.
(52) ã sɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bīklē . 1SG give white cowry I gave money.
(53) sɔ̄ʔɔ̀ à- bīklē ŋmɔ̄ yā . give DEF white cowry DAT woman give money to the woman.
(54) ã sɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bīklē ŋmō klá . 1SG give white cowry DAT 3SG I gave money to him/her.
(55) sūkūnà ã bī sɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bīklē ŋmō yāà . tomorrow 1SG come give white cowry DAT woman tomorrow, I will give money to my wife.
(56) bāʔ nā ò- mnlā nā m bà ŋmɛ̄ . come with DEF beer COOR 2SG come me bring beer and give it to me. Syntax 31 4.3.1 instrumentals Instrumentals are formed with the particle [na].
(57) jāʕā sò kãsũ̄ ̄ nà sōmī . 1.PL.HORT pound sorghum with pestle I pound sorghum with a pestle.
(58) ã̀ kūyī sánījāʕē nà piyãʕã . 1SG cut corn with knife I cut corn with a knife.
(59) ã̄ bīē n ò- nāá . 1SG cultivate COOR DEF cow I cultivate with the cow.
(60) ã̄ bīē n ò- kàkȭ . 1SG cultivate with DEF donkey I cultivate with the donkey.
(61) ã̄ bīē n è- bārāɲɛ́ . 1SG cultivate with DEF hoe I cultivate with the hoe.
(62) ã̄ kɔ̀ ɡbɔ́ʕɔ̄͡ n à- pɔ̄ʕɔ̀ . 1SG hit dog with DEF stick I hit dog with the stick.
Some verbs do not take the coordinator `with' even though the sense is implied.
(63) ã́ wō -rò ò- ɲū . 1SG wash NEUT DEF water I washed with the water.
(64) ã́ wō -rò ò- ɲū ā- bíríí . 1SG wash NEUT DEF water DEF night I washed with the water in the night.
(65) ã́ wō -rò sīmīɛ̄ . 1SG wash NEUT medicine I washed with medicine.
(66) ã́ wō -rò ò- ɲū fú . 1SG wash NEUT DEF water hot I washed with the hot water. 32 A Grammar of Tiefo 4.4 Coordination
The particle [ná] is used both for conjunction and disjunction. The sentence, [sóí kē yāʕā ná ɡ͡ bã̄ ã́ kē yāʕā] can thus be interpreted in two ways, `pork or sheep' or `pork and sheep'. To differentiate, one states [ã̄ bírí], `I am asking' at the beginning of the clause. In other cases of disjunction, such as adjective disambiguation, the particle [wala] `or' is borrowed from Jula as in the example [yāʕā dã́ wāʕā mā dã́]. Clause-level disjunction does not necessarily employ the use of the particle [na], instead the two clauses may be stated in sequence, [ã̄ bírí mí wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ sē sūkūnā wɔ̄ ʕɔ̀ sē ā dī sūkūnà] `are you leaving tomorrow or are you leaving the day after tomorrow?'.
4.5 Possessive Constructions
Possessive constructions can be formed in two ways. The possessive morpheme [ka] is borrowed from Jula as illustrated in examples 67 - 70.
(67) n̄dè kā táʕāʕē 1SG 3SG shoe my shoe
(68) kā táʕāʕē 3SG shoe his shoe
(69) kā táʕāʕē 3SG shoe his shoe
(70) námí -dè kā táʕāʕē child possessive shoe the old man's shoe
As in Jula, the possessive morpheme [ka] is omitted in inalienable constructions. Examples are shown in 71 - 74.
(71) nāmī kā child 3SG her child
(72) fántā nāmī Fanta child Fanta's child
(73) fántā ŋmā Fanta head Fanta's head Syntax 33 (74) námī ŋmā child head child's head
The pronouns are the same as those listed in 3.3. The imperfective set of pronouns is the default.
(75) ɲì ŋmā wɔ́ʕɔ̄ dú -jī 1SG head PROG hurt REFL My head hurts.
(76) mì ŋmā wɔ́ʕɔ̄ dú 2SG head PROG hurt Your head hurts.
(77) ŋmā wɔ́ʕɔ̄ dú head PROG hurt His head hurts.
(78) ē -jo ŋmā wɔ́ʕɔ̄ dú the hum.pl head PROG hurt Our heads hurt.
The second manner available to form a possessive construction in Tiefo is with the clitic [dɔ̄ ʕɔ̄ jē] following the possessor noun or pronoun.
(79) ɲí wūʔū . 1SG hut my house.
(80) ɲí dī wūʔū . 1SG GEN hut my house
(Note: di/do is optional.)
(81) mì dō wūʕù . 2SG GEN hut your house
(82) lāntá wūʕú . Lanta hut Lanta's house.
(note - Abbie di wuʕu. is also fine)
(83) à dō wūʕú . you GEN hut our house. 34 A Grammar of Tiefo (84) ɲō pīɛ̀ -dī wūʔū . person a lot GEN hut a lot of people's house
(85) bōò dī wūʕù . 3PL GEN hut their house.
(86) à- wūʕú sãɡ̄ bānāʔà͡ . the hut big her big house.
(87) ɲí wūʔū sãɡ̄ bānāʔā͡ jōbā . 1SG hut big black my big black house.
(88) lāntá wūʕú . Lanta hut Lanta's house.
(89) lāntá wūʕú sãɡ̄ bānāʔā͡ . Lanta hut big Lanta's big house
The possessive pronoun is formed by either simply using the personal pronoun (listed above in 3.3) or a combination of the personal pronouns and the possessive pronoun [dɔ̄ ɡɔ̄ ʕè].
(90) ɲí -dɔ̄ɡɔ̄ʕè . 1SG POSS it is his.
`not mine' etc.
(91) n dɔ̄ʕɔ̄yè . n -dɔ̄ʕɔ̄yè 1SG possessor paradigm mine
(92) bē mā ŋɡò n dé . bē mā ŋ ɡò n dé come NEG COP 1SG EMPHATIC not mine
(93) mì dō wūʕù . mì dō wūʕù 2SG GEN hut my house Syntax 35 (94) dō wūʕù yā tè . dō wūʕù yā GEN hut predicate not my house
(95) mì dī wūʔū té , ɲí dī wūʔū . 2SG GEN hut NEG 1SG GEN hut not your house, my house.
(96) ɲí dī nāmì té . 1SG GEN child NEG not your child,
(97) mì dī nāmì . 2SG GEN child my child.
4.5.1 Genitives
(98) blākɛ̀ n tōì tú . rabbit 2SG ear big Rabbit's ears are big.
(99) ò- jō bītɔ̀ . DEF tree paper the tree's leaf
(100) ɡbɔ́ʕɔ́͡ kērẽẽ̄ ̄ . dog arm dog's paw/dog paw.
(101) jāá nāmī . woman child woman's child. Note: how to say girl-child? jāá bɔ̄ ̃ (nāmī, girl's child)
(102) jāá dī wūʕū . woman GEN hut woman's house.
(103) jāá ŋmū bāʕè . woman hair woman's hair. 36 A Grammar of Tiefo 4.6 Adjectives and Adverbs
Adjectives and adverbs follow the word they modify. As in the case of quantifiers, the definite prefix 2.4 is not used with the adjective. Some adjectives may be reduplicated to agree with the the quantity of the noun, such as `red', shown in examples 104 - 107.
(104) jó sãɡ̄ bã͡ ʔã́ ̄ tree big big tree
(105) jó sĩɔ̃́ ̄ tree red a red tree
(106) jó sã̄ ɡbáʔā͡ ɡbāʔā͡ píjɛ̄ɛ̄ tree big big a lot a lot of big trees
(107) jó sã̄ ɡbáʔā͡ ɡbāʔā͡ píjɛ̄ɛ̄ sĩɔ̃́ ̄ tree big big a lot red a lot of big red trees
The order of adjectives varies with respect to the quantifiers and colors, but not the qualifiers such as `big'. The example 108 illustrates that `red' precedes `two' whereas it followed `a lot' in 107. Further examples of adjectival and quantifier ordering are shown in B.
(108) jó sã̄ ɡbáʔā͡ ɡbāʔā͡ sĩɔ̃́ ̄ jõ̀ tree big big red two two big red trees
The adjective `big' has two allomorphs, [sã̄ ɡ͡ bārà̃ ] and [sã̄ ɡ͡ bē]. As shown by the examples listed in B, the first allomorph modifies structures such as houses while the second is associated with other nouns.
4.6.1 Numerals
(109) jɔ̃̀ . two two houses
(110) ɡbɔ́ʕɔ́͡ jɔ̃̄ . dog two two dogs
(111) ē- jō jɔ̃̀ . DEF tree two two trees Syntax 37 (112) ē- lé sã̀ . DEF house three three houses
(113) ɡbɔ́ʕɔ́͡ sã̄ . dog three three dogs
(114) è- jō sã̀ . DEF tree three three trees
Numerals one through two thousand are listed in Appendix G. The associative `together' is expressed through the use of the numeral `one' so that [yāʕā sé dīɡīne] [1PL.Hort go.Neut one] `Let's go together'. (Note the shift in the final vowel from [a] to [e].)
4.6.2 Verbal Adjectives Modifiers may also be formed from verbs. The difference between a modifier which is a verb and that which is an adjective is that the latter may not be negated by the perfective negative morpheme [ka]. The examples below using the verb `dry' and the adjective `wet' illustrate the difference.
(115) fērēē wálāʕ -ā . clothing dry CONT dry clothes
(116) è- fērēē wāl -è . DEF clothing dry NEUT clothes are dry
(117) n wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sāʕāl -à fērēē ( sāʕāl -è ). 1SG PROG dry CONT clothing dry NEUT I am drying the clothes
(118) kā wál -ā . pfv.neg dry CONT NEG dry
(119) fērēē bīrīʔī . clothing wet wet clothes
(120) ā- férēē ɡò ( brīʔí ). DEF clothing COP wet clothes are wet 38 A Grammar of Tiefo (121) n wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ fɔ̃ɛ̃̄ ̀ . 1SG PROG wet I am wetting the clothes
(122) * ka biriʔi . pfv.neg *NEG wet
Further examples are found in the Appendix C.
4.6.3 Predicate Adjectives In addition to an adjective or quantifier modifying a noun by following it, such as in example 123, predicate adjectives are also possible in Tiefo. Predicate adjectives are formed in two ways. A noun may serve as the subject of a clause with the progressive particle being used as a copula, shown in 124 - 126. Otherwise, the third person singular pronoun [kā] may be used as a subject but with no copular auxiliary, shown in 127 - 128.
(123) mnlā píjɛ̄ɛ̄ beer a lot a lot of beer
(124) mnlā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dã̀ . beer PROG sweet Beer is sweet.
(125) ò- mnlā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dã̀ the beer PROG sweet The beer is sweet.
(Note that the definite prefix may be used in combination with an adjective if the adjective is in a predicated clause.)
(126) mnlā píjɛ̄ɛ̄ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dã̀ beer a lot PROG sweet There is a lot of sweet beer.
(127) kā ā tẽ́ 3SG the bitter It is bitter.
(128) kā ā dã̀ 3SG the sweet It is sweet.
Alternatively, the copula may precede the adjective if there is no noun present. Syntax 39 (129) ŋ ɡò sãk̄ ͡pẽ́ . COP big it is big.
(130) ō- ɡbã͡ ã́ ́ bī -jō , n dīɡínā ɡò jóbō DEF sheep baby hum.pl 2SG one COP black n dīɡínā ɡò fĩɔ̃̄ ̀ 2SG one COP white One sheep is black, one is white.
4.7 Calques
In most Gur languages, location, possession and equative-classification ('that man is my brother', 'tree-roots are medicine') are expressed with verbs, a unique feature among African languages Naden (1989). In the Tiefo dialect spoken in Gnanfongo, however, these types of expressions are often calqued from Jula.
(131) ò- dʒō ɡō -n the sleep COP 1.S.ACC I am sleepy.
(132) sé fī bā nāʔà go take come get Bring it.
(133) ān ɡó ī fɛ̄ nà kōò . 2SG COP want IRR hit I want to hit.
(134) n ɡó ò- m̄nlā dã́ píjɛ̄ɛ̄ bāʕà nā ɲó . 2SG COP the beer sweet a lot like and drink I want to drink lots of sweet beer.
4.8 Relative Clauses
Relative clauses are somewhat rare in Tiefo, usually formed with two separate clauses instead of joined by a relativizer. A relativizer does appear in some relative clauses as [no] or [ro].̃
(135) jó nō bàʔ bē sūkūnā ō ɡlā ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ . person CONJ come come tomorrow 3PL leave Gnanfogo The person who will come tomorrow, he is from Gnanfogo.
(136) jó r̃ō bà jànā n ɡlā ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ . person CONJ come yesterday 2SG leave Gnanfogo The person who came yesterday is from Gnanfongo. 40 A Grammar of Tiefo The following shows the more common manner of joining clauses with further examples found in Appendix F.
(137) ō- nāmí ɡbàɔ̄͡ kākó , ō sīɡ -ī mà . DEF child hit donkey 3PL run the child who hit the donkey, he ran. APPENDIX A
Agentives
(138) n ɡō mɔ́ʕɔ̄ nò . 2SG COP beg person I am a begger.
(139) n ɡō mɔ́ʕɔ̄ nō nāmì . 2SG COP beg person child I am a begger child.
(140) n ɡō bíjɛ̄ -lā -wì . 2SG COP cultivate AGENT I am a farmer.
(141) n wɔ̄ɡɔ̄ dʒú . 2SG dance or sing I am a dancer.
(142) n ɡō ō- kāʔá . 2SG COP DEF bard I am a bard.
(143) n ɡō sūsū ŋwā -wì . 2SG COP tôh AGENT I am a worker.
(144) n ɡō férē ɡbánā͡ -wì . 2SG COP clothing sew AGENT I am a tailor.
(145) n ɡō ɡbérē͡ ɡbērò͡ . 2SG COP hit hit I am a drummer. 41 42 A Grammar of Tiefo (146) n ɡō kãsȭ́ . 2SG COP hunter I am a hunter.
(147) sālē -wì . trade AGENT trader.
(148) ná nānā -wì . cow herd AGENT cow herder. APPENDIX B
Adjectives
(149) bōí sãɡ̄ bār̃à͡ granary big the big granary
(150) bōí sãɡ̄ bār̃à͡ fíjāʔã̄ granary big white the big white granary
(151) bōí sãɡ̄ bār̃à͡ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̀ ̀ fíjāʔã̄ granary big four white the four big white granaries
(152) à- wūʕū the hut the hut
(153) à- wūʕū -ū the hut PL the huts
(154) à- wūʕū sãɡ̄ bār̃à͡ the hut big the big hut
(155) à- wūʕū sãɡ̄ bār̃à͡ fíjāʔã̄ the hut big white the big white hut
(156) à- wūʕū sãɡ̄ bār̃à͡ fíjāʔã̄ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̀ the hut big white four the big white four huts 43 44 A Grammar of Tiefo (157) jó sãɡ̄ bē͡ tree big a big tree
(158) jó sãɡ̄ bē͡ fĩɔ̃̄ ̄ tree big white a big white tree
(159) jó sãɡ̄ bē͡ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̀ fĩɔ̃̄ ̄ tree big four white four big white trees
(160) sō horse horse
(161) ó- sō -ó pīɛ̄ the horse hum.pl a lot a lot of horses
(162) sōó sãɡ̄ bē͡ horse big a big horse
(163) sōó sãɡ̄ bē͡ fĩɔ̃̄ ̄ horse big white a big white horse
(164) sōó sãɡ̄ bē͡ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̀ ̀ fĩɔ̃̄ ̄ horse big four white four big white horses
(165) ɡbã͡ ã̄ ́ sheep sheep
(166) ò- ɡbāā͡ the sheep the sheep
(167) ɡbã͡ ã̄ ̄ sãɡ̄ bē͡ sheep big a big sheep
(168) ɡbã͡ ã̄ ̄ sãɡ̄ bē͡ fĩɔ̃̄ ̄ sheep big white a big white sheep Adjectives 45 (169) ɡbã͡ ã̄ ̄ sãɡ̄ bē͡ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̀ fĩɔ̃̄ ̄ sheep big four white four big white sheep
(170) mɡbã͡ ã́ ́ dʒò . sheep two two sheep
(171) ō- ɡbã͡ ã́ ́ jóbō dʒò . DEF sheep black two the two black sheep 46 A Grammar of Tiefo APPENDIX C
Verbal Modifiers
(172) ɲū fú . water hot hot water
(173) ɲū ɡò fú . water COP hot water is hot
(174) ò- ɲū tíkɛ̃̄ . DEF water hot I am heating water
(175) * ka fu . pfv.neg *NEG hot
(176) wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ tíkɛ̄ . PROG hot I am heating.
(177) ɲū ɲĩɔ̃́ ̄ . water cold cold water
(178) ɲū ɡò ɲĩɔ̃́ ̄ . water COP cold water is cold.
(179) wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ɲíní ō- ɲō . PROG cool DEF water I am cooling water 47 48 A Grammar of Tiefo (180) * ka ɲīɔ̀ . pfv.neg cold *NEG cool
(181) wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ɲíní . PROG cool cooling
(182) fē -rē . close NEUT close.
(183) fē -rē . close NEUT closed.
(184) à- ɲīɲɔ̄ʕɔ̀ fē -rē ɡò . DEF mouth close NEUT COP the door is closed.
(185) kā fé . pfv.neg close not closed.
(186) pɔ̄ʕɔ̄ . open open
(187) pɔ̄ʕɔ̄ . open opened
(188) à- ɲīɲɔ̄ʕɔ̀ pɔ̄ʕɔ̄ ɡò . DEF mouth open COP the door is open
(189) kā pɔ̄ʕɔ̄ . pfv.neg open not open APPENDIX D
Locatives
(190) ē tān -à ŋ ɡò è- jō tɔ̃̀ . 1PL sit CONT COP DEF tree inside we are sitting under the tree.
(191) ē- tān -à ŋ ɡò ò- jō ɲōr̃ò . DEF sit CONT COP DEF tree shadow, shade we are sitting [in] the shadow of the tree.
(192) ɡbɔ̃͡ ʔɔ̃́ ̄ síā / tānà ŋ ɡō ɛ̄- sáī tɔ̃̀ . dog lie down sit COP DEF ground inside the dog is lying/sitting on the ground.
(193) ō- já tān -à ŋ ɡō ā- ɡbẽ͡ ́ sĩ̀ . DEF woman sit CONT COP DEF chair on the woman is sitting on the chair.
(194) dɔ̄ɛ́ tānà ŋ ɡō sīɡ -ī -má jāʕà sĩ̀ . man sit COP run something (some) on a man is sitting on a moto.
(195) ṑ- sītɔ̃ʔɔ̃̄ ̀ n té ā- díjāʔā sĩ̀ . DEF cooking pot (clay) 2SG sit DEF fire on the pot sits on the fire.
(196) mnlá -ā ŋ ɡō ā- wūʕū tɔ̃̀ . chicken PL COP DEF hut inside chickens are in the hut.
(197) jāʔā tān -à dīɡīnè . 2PL sit CONT together we are sitting together. 49 50 A Grammar of Tiefo (198) àn bl -ā nāmí bṹʕɔ̃̄ sĩ̀ . 1SG tie CONT child back on the child is tied on the back.
(199) ō- já sɔ̄lāà ē- dáɡānì . DEF woman carry on head DEF firewood the woman carries firewood on her head.
(200) ō- já m būjí fātāré ŋmā sĩ̀ . DEF woman 2SG tie, attach head scarf head on the woman ties a head scarf on her head.
(201) m bāwà ŋ ɡō ā- bēʔé . 2SG elephant COP DEF wilderness elephants are [in] the wilderness.
(202) ō- síȭ ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ díō ŋmí jājā ʕè . DEF salt 3PL PROG sell village market at the salt is sold at the market.
(203) ō- nāmí -jō ò ɡō ɛ̀- sɔ̄ɛ́ . DEF child hum.pl 3PL COP DEF work the children are [at] work (school).
(204) ō- nāmí -jō sà ɛ̀- sɔ̄ɛ́ ɲȭjĩ̄ . DEF child hum.pl leave DEF work place the children went to the work (place?)
(205) n dɔ̄ɛ́ sà à- nāŋkɔ̀ / ā- bēʔé . 2SG man leave DEF garden DEF wilderness the man went [to] the garden/the wilderness. APPENDIX E
Verb Paradigms
E.0.1 [sa] `go'
(206) an sé ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 1SG leave.CONT Gnanfogo I am leaving Gnanfongo. (207) n sāà ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 2SG leave.NEUT Gnanfongo You are leaving Gnanfongo. (208) kā sé ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 3SG leave.CONT Gnanfongo S/he is leaving Gnanfongo. (209) jāʕā sé ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 1.PL.HORT leave.CONT Gnanfongo Let's leave Gnanfongo (210) ɲí wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 1SG PROG leave.CONT Gnanfogo I am leaving Gnanfongo. (211) mì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 2SG PROG go Gnanfogo You are leaving Gnanfongo. (212) kā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 3SG PROG leave.CONT Gnanfogo S/he is leaving Gnanfongo. (213) éjō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sē ɲāfɔ̄ŋɔ̀ 1PL PROG leave.CONT Gnanfogo We are leaving Gnanfongo. 51 52 A Grammar of Tiefo E.0.2 [ba] `come'
(214) ɲí bàʔ jànā 1SG come yesterday I came yesterday
(215) m bàʔ jànā 2SG come yesterday You came yesterday
(216) n bàʔ jànā 3SG come yesterday S/he came yesterday.
(217) é bàʔ jànā 1PL come yesterday we came yesterday
(218) nā bàʔ jànā 2PL come yesterday You.PL came yesterday
(219) ō bàʔ jànā 3PL come yesterday They come yesterday
(220) ɲí wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 1SG PROG come today I am coming today
(221) mì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 2SG PROG come today you are coming today
(222) kā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 3SG PROG come today S/he is coming today
(223) é wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 1PL PROG come today we are coming today
(224) nā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 2PL PROG come today You.PL are coming today
(225) ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè kṹ 3PL PROG come today they are coming today Verb Paradigms 53 (226) n wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè sūkūnà 2SG PROG come tomorrow you are coming tomorrow
(227) sūkūnà n wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè tomorrow 2SG PROG come tomorrow you are coming
(228) ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bè sūkūnà 3PL PROG come tomorrow they are coming tomorrow
(229) m bàʔ kɔ̃̀ 2SG come PFV you came already
E.0.3 [dii] `eat'
(230) ān dīí ē- súsú jànā 2SG eat DEF tôh yesterday I ate the toh yesterday
(231) n dīí ē- súsú jànā 3SG eat DEF tôh yesterday S/he ate the toh yesterday
(232) nā dīí ē- súsú jànā 2PL eat DEF tôh yesterday You.PL ate the toh yesterday
(233) jāʕā dīí sūkūnà 1.PL.HORT eat tomorrow Let's eat tomorrow
(234) ɲí wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dīí ē- súsú kṹ 1SG PROG eat DEF tôh today I am eating the toh today
(235) mì wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dīí ē- súsú kṹ 2SG PROG eat DEF tôh today you are eating the toh today
(236) kā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dīí ē- súsú kṹ 3SG PROG eat DEF tôh today S/he is eating the toh today
(237) n dīí ā kɔ̃̀ 3SG eat DEF PAST You ate it already. 54 A Grammar of Tiefo (238) n dīí ē- súsú kɔ̃̀ 3SG eat DEF tôh PAST S/he eat the toh already.
(239) ɲí bàʔ dīí sūkūnà 1SG come eat tomorrow I will eat tomorrow.
(240) mì bàʔ dīí sūkūnà 2SG come eat tomorrow You will eat tomorrow.
(241) m bàʔ dīí sūkūnà 2SG come eat tomorrow You will eat tomorrow.
(242) é bàʔ dīí sūkūnà 1PL come eat tomorrow We will eat tomorrow.
(243) nā bàʔ dīí sūkūnà 2PL come eat tomorrow You.PL will eat tomorrow.
(244) ō bàʔ dīí sūkūnà 3PL come eat tomorrow They will eat tomorrow. APPENDIX F
Relative Clauses
(245) n dɔ̄ɛ̄ n sà à- póʔō wúlí , kā sɔ̄ɛ̀ . 2SG man 2SG leave DEF weeds stomach 3SG tall The man who went into the weeds, [he] is tall.
(246) ɡbã͡ ã́ ́ kó jóbō ŋ ɡò sãk̄ ͡pẽ́ . sheep hit black COP big the sheep which is black is big.
(247) ɡbã͡ ã́ ́ ka jóbō o sīɔ́ pípījã̀ . sheep 3SG black 3PL give birth twin the sheep who is black, gave birth to twins.
(248) ō- ḿnāà wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ k͡pá , ā- fíʕā wúlí . DEF cow PROG cry DEF field stomach The cow who cries, he is in the fields.
(249) nāmí wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ k͡pá , ā kēdī tīkē ŋ ɡò . child PROG cry DEF body hot 2SG COP The child who cries, his body is hot. (he is sick)
55 56 A Grammar of Tiefo APPENDIX G
Cardinal Numbers
(1) dīɡīná / klò one one (first) one
(2) jɔ̃̀ two two
(3) sã́ three three
(4) ŋmɔ̃ʔɔ̃̄ ̄ four four
(5) kã́ five five
57 58 A Grammar of Tiefo (6) kéɲí six six
(7) kéɲí sá six three seven
(8) kéɲí ŋmɔ̄ʕɔ̄ six four eight
(9) tāmíí nine nine
(10) kẽ́ ten ten
(11) k͡pẽ́ ná dīɡīná ten COOR one eleven
(12) k͡pẽ́ ná jɔ̃̀ ten COOR two twelve
(13) k͡pẽ́ ná sã́ ten COOR three thirteen Cardinal Numbers 59 (14) k͡pẽ́ ná ŋmɔ̃ʔɔ̃̄ ̄ ten COOR four fourteen
(15) k͡pẽ́ ná kã́ ten COOR five fifteen
(16) k͡pẽ́ ná k͡pénī ten COOR six sixteen
(17) k͡pẽ́ ná k͡pẽ̄ sã̀ ten COOR six three seventeen
(18) k͡pẽ́ ná k͡pẽ̄ ŋmɔ̄ʕɔ̄ ten COOR six four eighteen
(19) k͡pẽ́ ná tāmíí ten COOR nine nineteen
(20) k͡pánī twenty twenty
(21) k͡pánī nɛ́ dīɡīná twenty COOR one twenty one 60 A Grammar of Tiefo (22) k͡pánī nɛ́ jɔ̃̀ twenty COOR two twenty two
(23) k͡pánī nɛ́ sã́ twenty COOR three twenty three
(24) k͡pánī nɛ́ ŋmɔ̃ʔɔ̃̄ ̄ twenty COOR four twenty four
(25) k͡pánī nɛ́ kã́ twenty COOR five twentyfive
(26) k͡pánī nɛ́ k͡pénī twenty COOR six twenty six
(27) k͡pánī nɛ́ k͡pẽ̄ sã̀ twenty COOR six three twenty seven
(28) k͡pánī nɛ́ k͡pẽ̄ ŋmɔ̄ʕɔ̄ twenty COOR six four twentyeight
(29) k͡pánī nɛ́ tāmíí twenty COOR nine twentynine Cardinal Numbers 61 (30) k͡pẽ̀ sã̄ ten three thirty
(31) k͡pẽ̀ sã̄ nɛ́ dīɡīná ten three COOR one thirty one
(32) k͡pẽ́ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̄ ten four forty
(33) k͡pẽ́ ŋmɔ̃ʕɔ̃̄ ̄ nà dīɡīná ten four COOR one forty one
(34) k͡pẽ́ kã̄ ten five fifty
(35) k͡pẽ́ kéɲí ten six sixty
(36) k͡pẽ́ kéɲí sá ten six three seventy
(37) k͡pẽ́ kéɲí ŋmɔ̄ʕɔ̄ ten six four eighty 62 A Grammar of Tiefo (38) k͡pẽ́ tāmíí ten nine ninety
(39) kɛ̄m one hundred one hundred
(40) wɔ́ʕɔ́ dīɡīná thousand one one thousand
(41) wɔ́ʕɔ́ jɔ̃̀ thousand two ten thousand APPENDIX H
Text
lake turtle [ābārāʔà bākɔ̄ ʕɔ́ ]
(1) ɡō má à- wījāʕà COP the snake leu, la serpent the snake is there
(2) nɔ̄ bākɔ̄ʕɔ́ and tortoise et tortue and tortoise
(3) nā à- nāmījāʕà and the monitor lizard et leu, la and the lizard
63 64 A Grammar of Tiefo (4) fīfījɛ́ now maintenant now
(5) ó- dʒūn -à ɡbɔ̃͡ ʔɔ̃̀ ̄ ō- jó síī the put beehive the tree on leu, la leu, la arbre sur He (the owner of the beehive) put the beehive on top of a tree
(6) bó lē ɡō ŋmī -wì . house COP village AGENT maison village he is the chief of the village
(7) n bākɔ̄ʕɔ́ 2SG tortoise tortue tortoise
(8) ɡō ā- tīɡājè COP the honey leu, la it is the honey
(9) blàkɛ̄ rabbit lièvre
(10) à- wījāʕà the snake leu, la serpent the snake Lake Turtle 65 (11) ɡbɔ̀ŋɔ̄͡ -wí bàʔ . beehive AGENT come venir beehive owner comes.
(12) à- wījāʕà sīɡ -ì mā jātōjì . the snake run pass leu, la serpent courir passer the snake ran pass.
(13) m bākɔ̄ʕɔ́ wēlē sò . 2SG tortoise descend fall tortue descendre tomber tortoise fell down
(14) dè bāʔ . EMPHATIC come venir he (the beehive keeper) comes.
(15) dón bāʔ nā m bā sīrījɛ̀ . come and 2SG disappear venir et and everyone disappears.
(16) m bākɔ̄ʕɔ́ ɔ́- fīj -ɔ̃̀ bākɔ̄ʕɔ́ 2SG tortoise take tortoise tortue prendre tortue they took tortoise
(17) nā sé ē- lè . and go the house et aller leu, la maison to the house 66 A Grammar of Tiefo (18) nā sé dōɡó ō- nù . and go heat the oil et aller leu, la huile go heat the oil.
(19) n wɔ̄ɣɔ̄ jē ō- nù wúlí . 2SG PROG enter the oil stomach rentrer leu, la huile ventre is entering the oil
(20) ō- nù wúlí kā mā wù the oil stomach 3SG NEG kill leu, la huile ventre tuer he refused to be killed in the oil.
(21) ò- bāʔ jē ā- bārāʔà the come enter the lake leu, la venir rentrer leu, la mar he came entered the river
(22) māā wù bī tāɡālè NEG kill FUTURE kāʔālē tuer mourir he does not want to die
(23) bé jē ɡò ā- bārāʔà all enter COP the lake tout rentrer leu, la mar that is the river
(24) bé jē -rà ā- bārāʔà -à wù tāɡālè all enter NEUT the lake you kill kāʔālē tout rentrer leu, la mar tu tuer mourir if he goes into water, he will die Lake Turtle 67 (25) nā sé meje je ā- bārāʔà wúlí and go throw enter the lake stomach et aller jeter rentrer leu, la mar ventre they threw him into the water
(26) bó lē ɡō ā- bārāʔà bākɔ̄ʕɔ́ house COP the lake tortoise maison leu, la mar tortue because he did not die, he became a water turtle, whereas before there were only land turtles 68 A Grammar of Tiefo APPENDIX I
Questionnaire
Questionnaire [Abbie Hantgan and Aminata Ouattara] Interlinear text
(1) ɲí wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sóɡól -ā bítɔ́ⁿ kɛ́rɛ́ɛ̀ . 1SG PROG afraid CONT lion claw peur lion griffe Je crains les griffes de la panthère.
(2) ɲíní jāwɔ̀ bāwā pííⁿ . 1SG find elephant excrement trouver elephant excrément J'ai trouvé des excréments d'élephant.
(3) ŋ ɡā kūɔ́ⁿ -dáʕá dɔ́jì . 1SG NEG know (for verbs) possessor paradigm man savoir homme Je ne connais pas son mari.
69 70 A Grammar of Tiefo (4) ɲí jāʕā ŋmí ā- léʕá à- dījāʕān le a- ɡo . 1SG see village DEF smoke DEF fire house DEF again voir village fumée feu maison encore Je ne vois plus la fuméé du feu.
(5) biri -ní an tɔ̄ɡɔ̄ ɛ- bītɛ̄ʕɛ́ wālājɛ̄ ? ask 1SG burn DEF leaf dry demander brouller feuille seche Puis-je brûler les feuilles sèches?
(6) ɲí wɔ́ʕɔ́ dɔ̄ʔɔ̄ nā mánámī . 1SG PROG hear irr, subj laugh entendre rire Que je vous entends rire!
(7) ɲí dà péēⁿ wɔ́ʕɔ́ dú -wì . 1SG speak foot PROG hurt parler pied faire mal Je dis que j'ai mal aux pieds.
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(8) ká bàʕ ɲí bī sé . 3SG come 1SG FUTURE venir S'il vient, je pars.
(9) ɛ́jò ɲó kɔ̄nɔ̄ . 1PL see sibling (younger, male) voir frère cadet Nous avons vu le frère de cette femme.
(10) ɛ̄ māā sɔ́ɡɔ́l -á ɛ̄- bíríʕí jè . 1PL NEG afraid CONT DEF night to peur nuit à Nouns ne craignons pas la nuit. Appendix II 71 (11) ɛ̄ já ā- jíʕà . 1PL see DEF sun voir soleil Nous voyons le soleil.
(12) ɛ̄ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ jɛ́ ā klāʕā ʃíⁿ . 1PL PROG stroll DEF road on promenade chemin sur Marchons-nous sur le chemin?
(13) fērēéⁿ màà ɡo kérēēⁿ . clothing NEG again arm vêtements encore bras Nouns n'avons plus beaucoup d'habits.
(14) ɛ́jò ɲó ó- ɲù . 1PL drink DEF water boire eau Nous boirons de l'eau.
(15) ɛ́jò bāʕ ɛ̄ ɡo fàⁿ . 1PL come 1PL again here venir encore ici Nous sommes venues et nous sommes encore là.
(16) ɛ̄ ɲú máŋárá nā ɲò . 1PL water a lot COOR drink eau beacoup boire Nous avons bu beaucoup d'eau.
(17) ɛ̄ māā díí bàʕà . 1PL NEG eat that manger Nous ne mangeons pas cela. 72 A Grammar of Tiefo (18) wúrí jē flā -lá nɔ̀ ɲú . stomach full CONT drink water ventre plein boire eau Tu as le ventre plein d’eau.
(19) ān bé bāʕ nā Moussa wá ? 2SG all come COOR Moussa QUEST tout venir Viendra-tu avec lui?
0
(20) n sá bāʕ ʃíɲɛ́ɛ̀ . 2SG leave come arrive partir venir Il est parti quand tu es arrivé.
1
(21) n má ( wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ) fó dʒín -ɛ́ɛ̀ n ná dɔ̄ʕɔ̄ ( 1SG NEG PROG nothing speak NEUT 2SG irr, subj hear rien parler entendre jí ). someone quelqu'un Je n’entends pas ce que tu dis.
(22) ān bìríw̃ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dīī ? 2SG ask PROG eat what demander manger quoi Qu’est-ce que tu manges ?
(23) ān bìríw̃ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dīī ? 2SG ask PROG eat what demander manger quoi Qu’est-ce que tu manges ?
(24) ān bī báʕ wākātí dʒíné ? 2SG all come time when tout venir temps quand Appendix II 73 Quand viendras-tu ?
(25) ān nāʕ -ā ndō fērēé máʕā ? 2SG wash CONT GEN clothing how vêtements comment Comment laves-tu tes habits ?
(26) ā fwɔ̄ɔ́ⁿ ɡō bāʕà ā dʒōó wúrí . DEF fish COP with with DEF fishing basket inside poisson avec avec piège à poissons style ancien Vous avez des poissons dans vos filets.
(27) nā jōdʒīì ( ɲījɔ́ ) ? 2PL know (for people or things) person that QUEST savoir, connaitre personne cela Connaissez-vous cette personne ?
(28) nā ɡā bàʕ dʒánā . 2PL NEG come yesterday venir heir Vous n’êtes pas venu hier.
(29) ā dījò dājíⁿ ējō . DEF game good 1PL jeu bon Vous, vous aimez le jeu. 0
(30) nājō nā ɲíní nā ɲōjí ! 2PL irr, subj cool irr, subj heart frais cœur Que vous êtes heureux ! 1
(31) ā tóòⁿ sōⁿ -à ɡō bāɣà . DEF metal horse you COP with with metal cheval tu avec avec 74 A Grammar of Tiefo Il a un velo. 2
(32) n dūʕɔ̄ⁿ nūnūnbì . 2SG sting tongue piquer langue Il s’est mordu la langue.
(33) ŋ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ɡbáⁿ͡ mūwēⁿ . 2SG PROG scratch nose gratter nez Il se gratte le nez.
(34) nā kà ā bēʔēkíjāʕā ɲīnɛ̀ ? COOR 3SG DEF animal (wild) liver foie Est-ce qu’il a mangé le foie de l’animal ?
(35) kà mā dʒí ŋ kà jéⁿ . 3SG NEG know (for people or things) 2SG 3SG how many savoir, connaitre combien Il ne connait pas le nom de sa mere.
(36) kā bí dʒōré nāɣānò bāɣà ? 3SG come sleep uncle with QUEST venir sommeil oncle avec Dormira-t-il chez son oncle.
(37) kā bàʕ ē tōjī jɛ̀ ! may 3SG come DEF dry season enter que venir saison sèche rentrer Qu’il vienne à la saison sèche !
(38) kā ( wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ) wō -rò nāmī . 3SG PROG wash NEUT child laver enfant Appendix II 75 Elle lave son enfant.
(39) kā kō nāmī . 3SG hit child frapper enfant Elle n’a pas frappé l’enfant. 0
(40) kā náná ā fērēé ? 3SG wash DEF clothing QUEST laver vêtements Lave-t-elle les habits ? 1
(41) kā ( wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ) wō -rò ɲū ā bārāʕá jé . 3SG PROG wash NEUT water DEF lake to laver eau mar à Elle se lave au marigot. 2
(42) ( já ) kākò ! woman donkey EMPHATIC âne Qu’elle est belle ! 3
(43) dʒāná ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ trí dʒūɡūbī - . yesterday 3PL PROG rub eyeball hum.pl heir frotter globe oculaire, globe de l'œil Ils se frottaient les yeux.
(44) ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ mā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sāɣā nà ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ dījò . 3PL PROG NEG PROG wrestle COOR 3PL PROG play lutte traditionnelle jouer Ils ne luttent pas, ils jouent.
(45) ō sà nā pē pé bāwáⁿ . 3PL leave COOR hunt elephant partir chasse elephant 76 A Grammar of Tiefo Ils sont partis chasser l’éléphant.
(46) ( ō ) nā bījɛ́ ā fījāɣā wà ? 3PL COOR cultivate DEF field QUEST cultiver champ Ont-ils cultivé le champ ?
(47) fó nā sī mẽnẽ́ ̄ ē jébāɣāè ɔ̄ tʃɔ̀ wúrí . may 2PL leave throw DEF trash DEF hole inside que partir jeter ordures trou Qu’ils jettent les ordures dans le trou !
(48) ō fīj -é ā ŋmí jāɣāʕá . 3PL take NEUT DEF village market prendre village marché Elles sont allées au marché.
(49) ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bàʕ ā fījāʕá sūɡūná . 3PL PROG come DEF wilderness tomorrow venir brousse demain Viendront-elles au champ demain? 0
(50) nā díí nā kwɔ̄rā . 2PL eat 2PL good manger bon Elles mangent bien. 1
(51) ō wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ mā sùⁿ ə̄ sɔ̄wɛ̀ⁿ káⁿ bijɛ̀ . 3PL PROG NEG work DEF work day all travail travail jour tout Elles ne travaillent pas tous les jours. 2
(52) sɔ̄ʕɔ́ ā pījāʕàⁿ . give DEF knife donner couteau Appendix II 77 Donne-moi le couteau.
3
(53) ɲɔ̄nɔ̀ sɔ̄ɡɔ̀dɔ̀ʕɔ̄jì kōsɔ̄bɛ̀ . friend help a lot ami aider beaucoup Mes amis m’ont beaucoup aidé.
4
(54) sī mnlà ŋmē ndó wūʔū . leave show me GEN hut partir montrer moi cas Montre-moi ta case.
(55) mí ɲī ɡo . 2SG 1SG COP
Ceci est à moi, cela est à toi.
(56) ɲī wɔ́jī ā sūwàⁿ . 1SG wash DEF morning laver matin Je me suis lavé ce matin.
(57) bī ʃìíⁿ . wait attendre Il m’avait dit de l’attendre.
(58) ɲī wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ sé sūɡūná . 1SG PROG tomorrow demain Je m’en irai demain.
(59) ? 78 A Grammar of Tiefo Ils sont contents do moi. 0
(60) ndó kārāmóɡó ɡbɛ̀͡ . GEN teacher hit enseigneur frapper Notre maître nous a punis. 1
(61) nāmī -jó wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ mā -jì . child hum.pl PROG make fun of REFL? enfant moquer Les enfants se moquent de nous. 2
(62) ò- sōwã̄ kō kwólāē ná ŋmē . DEF respect COP good with me bon avec moi Ils nous feront du bien. 3
(63) ŋmɔ̄ʕɔ̀ ō- sīɔ̃̀ jɔ̄ʕɔ́ . me DEF salt a little bit moi sel un peu Donne-nous un peu de sel.
(64) ān sūɡūdɔ̄ʕɔ̄ sɔ̃ɛ̃̄ ̀ . 2SG help work aider travail Je te soutens de tes etudes.
(65) wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ fríⁿ cē jə̀ . PROG worry him s'inquiéter lui Il se soucie de toi.
(66) e ɲōnō wɔ́ʕɔ̄ fɔrɔmaw̃ . DEF friend PROG thank you ami merci Appendix II 79 Tes amis te saluent.
(67) nami kosɛbɛ . Jean child get along EMPHATIC a lot enfant s'entendre beaucoup Jean s’entend bien avec toi.
(68) ɔ sɔⁿ -jo fɔrɔmaw̃ . DEF work baby hum.pl greet travail l'enfant saluer Les étudiants vous saluent.
(69) o ŋmɛ radio . 3PL me moi Une radio vous est offerte. 0
(70) o wɔ́ʕɔ̄ ɲolo . 3PL PROG DEF friend ami Il s’adresse à vous et vos amis. 1
(71) o ɲo 3PL DEF person personne C’est vous qu’il a choisis. 2
(72) kā ā māŋɡōrō pījɛ́ ŋmɛ̀ . 3SG DEF mango a lot me mango beaucoup moi Il lui a donné les mangues. 3
(73) kā wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ tráⁿ bàʕ 3SG PROG ask EMPHATIC come demander venir 80 A Grammar of Tiefo Il lui demande de venir. 4
(74) nāmī kó ŋmā . child little hit head enfant un peu frapper tête Les enfants l’ont frappé à la tête. 5
(75) kā ɡbo͡ bɔ̄ʕɔ́ⁿ 3SG kill dog tuer chien Le chien, il l’a tué. 6
(76) ō sɔ̄ɣɔ́ⁿ mí / ɲí 3PL send 2SG 1SG envoyer Il l’a envoyé.
(77) fījāá mnlā ŋmɛ́ . Jean take chicken egg (chicken) prendre poulet œuf (poulet) L’oeuf, Jean l’a pris.
(78) n kājāɣā ā dāɣāní . 2SG break DEF firewood casser bois de chauffage Le bois, la mère l’a cassé
(79) dɔ̄jɛ̄ nāmì fījɛ̀ bīklē . man child take white cowry homme enfant prendre cauris L’argent, le garçon l’a pris.
(80) ka dājìⁿ ɡó bōlí bāɣā 3SG good again bon encore Appendix II 81 C’est lui qu’il aime.
(81) jāɣā dājìⁿ DEF banana COPULA good banane bon Cette banane, c’est elle que j’aime.
(82) n kā ɡó bāɣā 2SG mother his/hers mère son, sa Sa mère s’intéresse à elle.
(83) ɛ̄ dʒí - ē . 1PL eat PERFECTIVE? DEF papaya manger papaye Les goyaves, il les a mangés.
(84) ɔ̄ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ súɡú ō mnlá . DEF cat PROG take 3PL chicken chat prendre poulet Les poules, le chat les attrape.
(85) bítɔ̄ⁿ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ nɔ̄r̃ɔ̀ wɔ́ɣɔ̄ . lion PROG chase goat lion chasser chevre Les chèvres, le lion les pourchasse.
(86) ɔ̄ bɔ̄ʕɔ́ⁿ wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ tʃārá nāmī DEF dog PROG look child little chien regarder enfant un peu Les enfants, le chien les regardent.
(87) n táⁿ sɔ̄ɣɔ̄ ē bīklē . 2SG father give DEF money père donner l'argent 82 A Grammar of Tiefo Le père leur donne de l’argent.
(88) wɔ́ʕɔ̄ -à kleja -à kla ɲá an se . DEF PROG you road if you road red 1SG tu chemin si tu chemin if we get the road, we go today. Part I
Greetings
83
greetings [Insert author's name here] Interlinear text
(1) bāsã̄ ! good morning good morning!
(2) mnja . response to good morning for women response for women (n se).
(3) mma . response to good morning for men (mba) response to good morning for men.
.1
(4) ō- lé dī -yō dō ? DEF house someone hum.pl 2SG POSS how is your family (house people)
.2
(5) wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ fɔ́rɔ̄mɔ̄w . PROG greet they greet you.
.1
(6) n yìɡ -ā ? 1SG get up CONT I got up
.2 85 86 A Grammar of Tiefo (7) n̄ yá kṹ . 1SG get today I found today
.1
(8) yī yāʕā kábā . God finish good evening.
.2
(9) mnja . response to good morning for women response
.3
(10) mma . response to good morning for men (mba) response
(11) yī yāʕā kábā ɡò . God finish COP good afternoon to you also
(12) à- dōɡōlā yāʕā . DEF evening God good evening
10
(13) bīrīʔī jóbā . night black good night.
(14) ē- tẽ́ sērē . DEF peace? clean good morning. greetings 87 (15) yāʕā dāɡā kṹ . God sweet today my Allah make today sweet.
(16) bījé ? ask what did you say?
(17) n ... 1SG I said...
(18) mí yíɡ -áá ? 2SG get up CONT Did you rise?
0
(19) n yā kṹ . 1SG get today I found today.
2
(20) yāʕā súkūnā . God tomorrow May God show us tomorrow.
3
(21) yāʕā kīrīì nūwã̄ yè . God return sweet May God make your road sweet.
5
(22) fɔ́rɔ̄mɔ̃̄ lē dí -yō . greet house someone hum.pl I greet the house people.
6 88 A Grammar of Tiefo (23) wɔ̄ʕɔ̀ bē dīɡé . PROG come hear they (are) will hear(ing) it.
8
(24) yáʕā ɲīnī wúlí . God cool stomach May it cool in your stomach.
0
(25) yāʕā sīã́ tẽ́ . God go to bed peace? May you spend the night in peace.
2
(26) yāʕā ɲānā ŋmɔ́ . God stand me May God bring you peace. Bibliography
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Naden, Anthony J. 1989. The niger-congo Languages. a Classification and Description of Africa's Largest Language Family, chapter Gur. •.
Palosaari, Naomi, and Lyle Campbell. 2011. Cambridge Handbook of Endangered Languages, chapter Structural Aspects of Language Endangerment, 100--119. Cambridge.
Prost, A. (R. P.). 1969. Quelques Documents sur le Tyefo.
Showalter, Stuart D. 2008. Un profil du bilinguisme en dioula au sud-ouest du burkina faso. Technical report, SIL International.
Winkelmann, Kerstin. 1998. Die sprache der cefo von daramandugu (burkina faso). Frankfurt-am-Main.
Winkelmann, Kerstin. 2000. Temps et Aspects en Cefo. Gur Papers 5:181--186.
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