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The Making of Yugoslavia's People's Republic of Macedonia 377 Ward the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party Hardened
THE MAKING OF YUGOSLAVIA’S PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA Fifty years since the liberation of Macedonia, the perennial "Ma cedonian Question” appears to remain alive. While in Greece it has deF initely been settled, the establishment of a "Macedonian State” within the framework of the People’s Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has given a new form to the old controversy which has long divided the three Balkan States, particularly Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. The present study tries to recount the events which led to its founding, the purposes which prompted its establishment and the methods employed in bringing about the tasks for which it was conceived. The region of Southern Yugoslavia,' which extends south of a line traversed by the Shar Mountains and the hills just north of Skopje, has been known in the past under a variety of names, each one clearly denoting the owner and his policy concerning the region.3 The Turks considered it an integral part of their Ottoman Empire; the Serbs, who succeeded them, promptly incorporated it into their Kingdom of Serbs and Croats and viewed it as a purely Serbian land; the Bulgarians, who seized it during the Nazi occupation of the Balkans, grasped the long-sought opportunity to extend their administrative control and labeled it part of the Bulgarian Father- land. As of 1944, the region, which reverted to Yugoslavia, has been known as the People’s Republic of Macedonia, one of the six federative republics of communist Yugoslavia. The new name and administrative structure, exactly as the previous ones, was intended for the purpose of serving the aims of the new re gime. -
Politiska Partier I Europa
STVA22: Statsvetenskap fortsättningskurs, delkurs: Hur stater styrs VT 2013 Politiska partier i Europa En jämförelse mellan finska Sannfinländarna och kosovoalbanska Lëvizja Vetëvendosje Algot Pihlström & Berat Meholli Lunds universitet 2013-05-21 Meholli & Pihlström Sannfinländarna & Lëvizja Vetëvendosje Lunds universitet 2013-05-21 Abstract With the current political climate in Europe and certain European countries as a background our essay compares the Finnish Sannfinländarna and Kosovo-Albanian Lëvizja Vetëvendosje. The aim of this essay is to examine whether similarities between these political parties exists or not. Political programs related to the Finnish and Kosovo- Albanian party is the essay´s empirical data and foundation. Our essay is conducted as a case study research where the empirical data is analysed on the basis of a theoretical framework about the classification of political parties. The analysis indicates that there are similarities between these political parties and that these similarities can also be considered as differences because their articulation (and context) varies. The analysis indicates also that Sannfinländarna and Lëvizja Vetëvendosje are to be considered as centre parties where the difference between them is insignificant. 2 Meholli & Pihlström Sannfinländarna & Lëvizja Vetëvendosje Lunds universitet 2013-05-21 Innehållsförteckning Disposition .................................................................................................................................. 4 Kapitel 1 .................................................................................................................................... -
Kosovo's New Political Leadership
ASSEMBLY SUPPORT INITIATIVE asiNEWSLETTER Kosovo’s new political leadership ASSEMBLYasi SUPPORT INITIATIVE NEWSLETTER юѦȱŘŖŖŜǰȱќȱŘŘ Strengthening the oversight role of the Kosovo Assembly oces Mission in Kosovo ASSEMBLY SUPPORT INITIATIVE 2 NEWSLETTERasi Editorial Editorial 2 Kosovo has a new political leadership. Within one Mr. Kolë Berisha’s speech on the occasion ǰȱȱ ȱǰȱ ȱȱȱȱ of assuming the Assembly Presidency 3 ȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱĜǯȱȱ Fatmir Sejdiu succeeded the late President Ibrahim President Fatmir Sejdiu talks to BBC 6 Rugova. Former TMK Commander Agim Ceku succeeded Bajram Kosumi as prime minister. Mr. “There is no full freedom in Kosovo Kole Berisha succeeded Nexhat Daci as president unless all of Kosovo’s citizens can enjoy it” 7 ȱȱ¢ǯȱ¢ǰȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȱ ȱǯȱȱŘŚȱȱŘŖŖŜǰȱȱ¢ȱȱ Kosovo Serb Leaders Meet Premier Çeku, ȱ¡ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱęȱ ȱ Consider Joining Government 9 rounds of talks on decentralization. Recent Developments in the Assembly 10 ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱĴȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ sessions in the Assembly on various policy issues. The new president Let’s learn to hear the voice of the citizen 12 ȱȱ¢ǰȱǯȱ ȱǰȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ a new democratic atmosphere and to strengthen co-operation with Presidency of the Assembly 14 international institutions. Transparency and full adherence to Rules Why we asked for a new dynamic in of Procedure are high on his agenda. Assembly’s Work 16 In light of the current changes at the Assembly one can hope that this ȱǰȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱĴǰȱ Our Vision of an Independent Kosovo 17 to further enhance their role in overseeing the work of the government ȱ ¡ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Pay off Time 18 Consolidated Budget (KCB). -
The Similarities and the Differences in the Functioning of the European Right Wing: an Attempt to Integrate the European Conservatives and Christian Democrats
Journal of Social Welfare and Human Rights, Vol. 1 No. 2, December 2013 1 The Similarities and the Differences in the Functioning of the European Right Wing: An Attempt to Integrate the European Conservatives and Christian Democrats Dr. Kire Sarlamanov1 Dr. Aleksandar Jovanoski2 Abstract The text reviews the attempt of the European Conservative and Christian Democratic Parties to construct a common platform within which they could more effectively defend and develop the interests of the political right wing in the European Parliament. The text follows the chronological line of development of events, emphasizing the doctrinal and the national differences as a reason for the relative failure in the process of unification of the European right wing. The subcontext of the argumentation protrudes the ideological, the national as well as the religious-doctrinal interests of some of the more important Christian Democratic, that is, conservative parties in Europe, which emerged as an obstacle of the unification. One of the more important problems that enabled the quality and complete unification of the European conservatives and Christian Democrats is the attitude in regard to the formation of EU as a federation of countries. The weight down of the British conservatives on the side of the national sovereignty and integrity against the Pan-European idea for united European countries formed on federal basis, is considered as the most important impact on the unification of the parties from the right ideological spectrum on European land. Key words: Conservative Party, Christian Democratic Party, CDU European Union, European People’s Party. 1. Introduction On European land, the trend of connection of political parties on the basis of ideology has been notable for a long time. -
The Historical Review/La Revue Historique
The Historical Review/La Revue Historique Vol. 8, 2011 Greek Historiography and Slav-Macedonian National Identity Tziampiris Aristotle University of Piraeus https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.283 Copyright © 2011 To cite this article: Tziampiris, A. (2012). Greek Historiography and Slav-Macedonian National Identity. The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 8, 215-225. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.283 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 27/09/2021 03:07:28 | GREEK HISTORIOGRAPHY AND SLAV-MACEDONIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY In his celebrated novel Η ζωή εν τάφω [Life in a tomb] (1954 edition), Greek author Stratis Myrivilis has the protagonist briefly stay in a village in the region of Macedonia during World War I. The peasants: …spoke a language understood both by Serbs and Bulgarians. The first they hate because they torment them and treat them as if they were Bulgarians; and they [also] hate the Bulgarians because they took their children to the war. Us [Greeks] they accept with some sympathetic curiosity, only because we are the genuine moral subjects of the…Ecumenical Patriarch.1 It is fair to assume that this encounter was with people that today most Greeks would have identified as Slav-Macedonians. The existence, formation and mutations of their national identity have posed an interpretative challenge to Greek scholars and proved a consistently controversial topic. Since the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) declared independence in September 1991, the name dispute has added a further layer of often emotional complexity to bilateral arguments and understandings of identity.2 Over the past century, a mainstream narrative has emerged in Greek historiography concerning when and how Slav-Macedonian national 1 Stratis Myrivilis, Η ζωή εν τάφω [Life in a tomb], Athens: Estia, n.d., p. -
Blood Ties: Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878
BLOOD TIES BLOOD TIES Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 I˙pek Yosmaog˘lu Cornell University Press Ithaca & London Copyright © 2014 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 2014 by Cornell University Press First printing, Cornell Paperbacks, 2014 Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Yosmaog˘lu, I˙pek, author. Blood ties : religion, violence,. and the politics of nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 / Ipek K. Yosmaog˘lu. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8014-5226-0 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-8014-7924-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Macedonia—History—1878–1912. 2. Nationalism—Macedonia—History. 3. Macedonian question. 4. Macedonia—Ethnic relations. 5. Ethnic conflict— Macedonia—History. 6. Political violence—Macedonia—History. I. Title. DR2215.Y67 2013 949.76′01—dc23 2013021661 Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly composed of nonwood fibers. For further information, visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu. Cloth printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Paperback printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Josh Contents Acknowledgments ix Note on Transliteration xiii Introduction 1 1. -
HUNGARY 1998 Macro-Level Data Questionnaire Part I: Data Pertinent
Macro-Data Questionnaire - HUNGARY 1998 Macro-Level Data Questionnaire Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Variable number/name in the dataset that identifies the primary electoral district for each respondent. ____V114__________ 2. Names and party affiliation of cabinet-level ministers serving at the time of the dissolution of the most recent government. Name of Cabinet Member Name of the Office Held Political Party ---------------------- ----------------------- --------------- Gyula Horn Prime Minister MSZP Ferenc Baja Min. of Environment MSZP Judit Csiha Min. without portfolio supervising privatization MSZP Szabolcs Fazakas Min. of Industry MSZP Gyorgy Keleti Min. of Defence MSZP Peter Kiss Min. of Labour MSZP Mihaly Kokeny Min. of Health and Social Welfare MSZP Laszlo Kovacs Min. of Foreign Affairs MSZP Gabor Kuncze Min. of Interior SZDSZ Laszlo Lakos Min. of Agriculture MSZP Karoly Lotz Min. of Transportation and Communication SZDSZ Balint Magyar Min. of Education and Culture SZDSZ Peter Megyessy Min. of Finance MSZP Istvan Nikolits Min. without portfolio supervising secret services MSZP Pal Vastagh Min. of Justice MSZP 3. Political Parties (active during the election at which the module was administered). Year Ideological Family International Organization Name of Political Party Founded Party is Closest to Party Belongs to (if any) ----------------------- ------- ------------------- ---------------- ---------- Fidesz-MPP 1988 Christian Dem. Liberal International until 2000, then moved to European People's P. FKGP 1930* Agrarian the European People's P. suspended the FKGP's membership in 1992 KDNP 1988 Christian Dem. The European People's P. suspended the KDNP's membership in 1997 MDF 1988 Christian Dem. European People's P. -
Ess4 - 2008 Documentation Report
ESS4 - 2008 DOCUMENTATION REPORT THE ESS DATA ARCHIVE Edition 5.5 Version Notes, ESS4 - 2008 Documentation Report ESS4 edition 5.5 (published 01.12.18): Applies to datafile ESS4 edition 4.5. Changes from edition 5.4: Czechia: Country name changed from Czech Republic to Czechia in accordance with change in ISO 3166 standard. 25 Version notes. Information updated for ESS4 ed. 4.5 data. 26 Completeness of collection stored. Information updated for ESS4 ed. 4.5 data. Israel: 46 Deviations amended. Deviation in F1-F4 (HHMMB, GNDR-GNDRN, YRBRN-YRBRNN, RSHIP2-RSHIPN) added. Appendix: Appendix A3 Variables and Questions and Appendix A4 Variable lists have been replaced with Appendix A3 Codebook. ESS4 edition 5.4 (published 01.12.16): Applies to datafile ESS4 edition 4.4. Changes from edition 5.3: 25 Version notes. Information updated for ESS4 ed.4.4 data. 26 Completeness of collection stored. Information updated for ESS4 ed.4.4 data. Slovenia: 46 Deviations. Amended. Deviation in B15 (WRKORG) added. Appendix: A2 Classifications and Coding standards amended for EISCED. A3 Variables and Questions amended for EISCED, WRKORG. Documents: Education Upgrade ESS1-4 amended for EISCED. ESS4 edition 5.3 (published 26.11.14): Applies to datafile ESS4 edition 4.3 Changes from edition 5.2: All links to the ESS Website have been updated. 21 Weighting: Information regarding post-stratification weights updated. 25 Version notes: Information updated for ESS4 ed.4.3 data. 26 Completeness of collection stored. Information updated for ESS4 ed.4.3 data. Lithuania: ESS4 - 2008 Documentation Report Edition 5.5 2 46 Deviations. -
DILEMMAS and ORIENTATIONS of GREEK POLICY in MACEDONIA: 1878-1886 by Evangelos Kofos
DILEMMAS AND ORIENTATIONS OF GREEK POLICY IN MACEDONIA: 1878-1886 by Evangelos Kofos The period between 1878 and 1886, covers the critical years from the Congress of Berlin to the annexation of Eastern Rumelia by Bulgaria, when Greek policy on the Macedonian Question was undergoing a general reappraisal. Balkan historiography tends to view this policy in terms of its adverse effects on the national movements of the other Balkan nationalities; it is understandable. Now, with the aid of hitherto untapped archival material—mostly from the Archives of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (AYE) this paper will attempt to examine how Greek policy was formulated, what its aims were and how it was carried out. Prior to the 70’s, the Greeks viewed Macedonia as one of the Ottoman regions which would form part of an enlarged Greek state. The realization of this aspiration was rather a remote one as other regions, closer to the Greek Kingdom—such as Thessaly, Epirus, and of course Crete—had first priority. To support their claim, the Greeks argued on a number of points. Historically, they sought to trace the region’s hellenic ties all the way back to antiquity and Alexander the Great. Ethnologically, they identified the nationality of the inhabitants on the basis of their Church affiliation; and this meant the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. Politically, they felt they could move into a vacuum, once the Empire collapsed. Serbia was a small and far away state, while Bulgaria did not even exist an the political map of the Balkans. With such reasoning in the 40’s, 50’s, and even the 60’s, the Greeks of Athens were betraying an ignorance of basic facts about the situation in Macedonia, and the Balkans as a whole. -
Democracy Day Panel 4 - Speakers
DEMOCRACY DAY PANEL 4 - SPEAKERS “GLOBAL CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP S ST EAKER IN THE 21 CENTURY” P DEMOCRACY - PANEL DAY 4 - S ND 2 CGDC ANNUAL MEETING 2012 PAGE 51 DEMOCRACY DAY Democracy has been caught up in a whirlwind of global action in recent times. It has sprung up, been shot down, been cried out for and has emerged in a great variety of countries and political systems around the world. We have seen democracy “Springing forth” across the Arab world, establish itself in Libya and still witness it trying to push through the tough crust of repression in Syria. Although the infant country is going through growing pains, we have seen democracy lead to the creation of the world’s newest country: South Sudan. Democracy is gathering AY pace and bringing hope to populations in Myanmar. But for all its progress and successes, democracy is seeing D many challenges. Since the early days of radio and TV, mass media have been recognized by politicians and leaders of all types for the power they represent. Through their ability to control the distribution of information in society, media have become powerful political actors in and of themselves. But a grassroots challenge has arisen in the form of the DEMOCRACY individual’s ability to reach a mass audience. As was seen in the Arab Spring, the internet, Facebook and Twitter were instrumental to coordinating organized and widespread uprising. This raises many interesting questions about the traditional mass media and these newcomers to the arena challenging and shaping democracy. The financial world is another force breathing down democracy’s neck. -
Kosovo P Lice
KOSOVO P LICE PROTECTORVolume VIII -No. 1… Justice For All e Koso licia vës Po rd generation of KP 43- A GENERATION THAT PROMISES PROTECTOR 2012 1 PROTECTOR EDITORIAL COMMENT Bilateral and multilateral cooperation and IBM Arbër Beka oing through” law on the control and surveillance of the border state, I stopped at the article 50 or otherwise saying at the international police cooperation. Article 50 and three other subsequent articles G Informative bulletin of the police in Kosovo in this law, which describe the issue of international police cooperation between the states of the region and further, reminded me views some of is a publication of the Kosovo Police which I have been treated in this number of the police magazine. I don’t want to focus again on the view of kidnapped officers neither the Publisher intentional media parade related to this case. Those views can be described Unit of the editorial office, briefly: insulting and terrible views. KP Public Information Office How can this be the EU concept on IBM for Western Balkan that aims the DPP - Prishtina increase of multi-national cooperation, focused on inter-border crime? Such incidents complicate exceedingly the regional cooperation within Editor the various initiatives between police organizations and it is a destructive Arbër Beka approach toward developments and tendencies of Balkan’s states in their road to EU. While in Kosovo the structuring of KP Border Police is done according Tel.: 038 5080 1237 to European standards, it seems that this has not happened in the Mob.: 044 146 696 neighboring country while the border continuous to be patrolled by the 045 708 709 semi-military formations such as gendarmerie. -
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Südosteuropa 58 (2010), H. 3, S. 414-435 DOKUMENTATION EVANGELOS KOFOS The Macedonian Name Controversy. Texts and Commentary Abstract. This contribution documents the Greek attitude towards the so-called “name issue” between Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). It presents key documents and contextualizes their origins, thereby illustrating both the Greek official posi- tion and Greek public opinion. The article gives an overview of developments from 1991 to the present. In conclusion, the author suggests a sustainable solution to the matter. Evangelos Kofos has dealt with the “Macedonian Question” both as a political advisor and as an historian. For close to two decades he has been a Special Advisor for the Balkans to the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) in Athens. For several years, he served as Special Counsellor on Balkan affairs in the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Introduction In the late hours of 16 December 1991, the European Community Council of Foreign Ministers concluded a lengthy session on procedures for the recognition of several of the former Yugoslav federative republics’ independence. The next day, readers of the “Declaration on Yugoslavia”, may have been perplexed by a cryptic paragraph at the document’s end: “The Community and its member States also require a Yugoslav [unnamed] Republic to commit itself, prior to recognition, to adopt constitutional and political guarantees ensuring that it has no territorial claims toward a neigh- bouring [also unnamed] Community State and that it will conduct no hostile propaganda activities versus a neighbouring Community State, including the use of a denomination which implies territorial claims”1 It was obvious that this sentence was included at the insistence of the Greek government.