DOCSLIB.ORG

Democracy Day Panel 4 - Speakers

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Democracy Day Panel 4 - Speakers DEMOCRACY DAY PANEL 4 - SPEAKERS “GLOBAL CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP S ST EAKER IN THE 21 CENTURY” P DEMOCRACY - PANEL DAY 4 - S ND 2 CGDC ANNUAL MEETING 2012 PAGE 51 DEMOCRACY DAY Democracy has been caught up in a whirlwind of global action in recent times. It has sprung up, been shot down, been cried out for and has emerged in a great variety of countries and political systems around the world. We have seen democracy “Springing forth” across the Arab world, establish itself in Libya and still witness it trying to push through the tough crust of repression in Syria. Although the infant country is going through growing pains, we have seen democracy lead to the creation of the world’s newest country: South Sudan. Democracy is gathering AY pace and bringing hope to populations in Myanmar. But for all its progress and successes, democracy is seeing D many challenges. Since the early days of radio and TV, mass media have been recognized by politicians and leaders of all types for the power they represent. Through their ability to control the distribution of information in society, media have become powerful political actors in and of themselves. But a grassroots challenge has arisen in the form of the DEMOCRACY individual’s ability to reach a mass audience. As was seen in the Arab Spring, the internet, Facebook and Twitter were instrumental to coordinating organized and widespread uprising. This raises many interesting questions about the traditional mass media and these newcomers to the arena challenging and shaping democracy. The financial world is another force breathing down democracy’s neck. 2011 saw two democratically elected leaders, Greece’s George Papandreou and Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi, leave their position to be replaced in office by unelected technocrats deemed more capable of initiating the economic reforms that the wider European community and its economic apparatus considered necessary. Although the economics of the issue is an entirely different debate, the demands of financial markets trumping the values of democracy have led some to point to the beginning of Europe’s “post-democratic era”. The panel discussion will raise many of these complex and interesting issues, asking, ‘What powers do financial markets and big business have over national politics and what tools can financial markets use to affect politics and how should these powers be controlled’? ND 2 CGDC ANNUAL MEETING 2012 PAGE 43 PANEL 4 - SPEAKERS FRidAY MAY 18, AftERNOON SEssiON PANEL LEADER Ali AslAN Deutsche Welle TV, Host of the international talk-show ”Quadriga” ABOUT Ali Aslan is the host of the international talk-show ”Quadriga” on Deutsche Welle TV. Aslan has worked as a journalist for leading television networks around the world. His work at NBC News, CNN, ABC News and Channel News Asia took him to Washington, New York, Istanbul, Barcelona and Berlin. Aslan holds a Master of International Affairs from Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, and a Master of Science in Journalism from the Columbia University Graduate School of S Journalism. He received his Bachelor of Science in Foreign Service from Georgetown University. EAKER In recognition of his achievements, Aslan has been named a Young P Leader by numerous organizations, including the United Nations. PANEL SPEAKER H.E. Petar STOYANOV DEMOCRACY - PANEL DAY 4 - S President of the CGDC President of the Republic of Bulgaria 1997 - 2002 ABOUT Petar Stoyanov was President of Bulgaria from 1997 till 2002. From 1992 to 1993 Stoyanov was Deputy Minister of Justice in the first non-communist (UDF) government of Bulgaria since 1944. In 1994, as the holder of a doctorate in law, he was elected as a member of the 37th National Assembly in Bulgaria and in 1995 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the UDF. Petar Stoyanov is an active and passionate promoter of democracy and European ideals. In 2002, he founded the “Petar Stoyanov Centre for Political Dialogue” in Sofia. He is member of several different international associations, e.g. the Clinton’s Global Initiative, the Board of Global Fairness Initiative, the Judging Committee of the European Business Awards and the International Advisory Board of the American Bar Association. e 52 G ND Pa 2 CGDC ANNUAL MEETING 2012 PANEL 4 - SPEAKERS FRidAY MAY 18, AftERNOON SEssiON PANEL SPEAKER R.H. Dr. Morgan Richard TsvANGIRAI Prime Minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe ABOUT On the 11th of February 2009, Morgan Richard Tsvangirai, was sworn in as Prime Minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe. He was elected founding Chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), a broad-based movement established by church, civil society and human rights’ groups to demand a new, people-driven constitution in 1997. Under his chairmanship, the NCA led the successful “No Vote” campaign against the 2000 constitution referendum which was a historic victory for Zimbabwe’s pro-democracy movement. In 2001, Tsvangirai received the prestigious Solidar Silver Rose award S for outstanding achievement by an individual or organisation in the activities of civil society and in bringing about a more just society. EAKER P Morgan Tsvangirai is committed his whole life to ensure that the people of Zimbabwe attain the democratic, just and prosperous society they demand and deserve even at the risk of his own life. PANEL SPEAKER H.E. Mimoza KusARI-LilA DEMOCRACY - PANEL DAY 4 - S Deputy Prime Minister/Minister of Trade and Industry ABOUT Mimoza Kusari-Lila returned to politics in the elections of 2009, running for the major of Gjakova Municipality. After a long legal battle in regard to contested elections, in December 2009, she became the Vice- President of the New Kosovo Alliance. Before being exposed to politics, Kusari-Lila served as executive director of the American Chamber of Commerce in Kosovo (AmCham), since 2006 to 2009. She became part of politics and public service in 2003 when she has been offered the position of spokeswomen and Adviser to Prime Minister of Kosovo, Bajram Rexhepi. In 2001, Mimoza Kusari-Lila worked for the World Bank and USaID project to support Kosovo businesses. Her work resulted with the successful opening of the American University in Kosovo, now a leading educational institution in Kosovo and the region. ND 2 CGDC ANNUAL MEETING 2012 PAGE 53 PANEL 4 - SPEAKERS FRidAY MAY 18, AftERNOON SEssiON PANEL SPEAKER Prof. Abdul Latif Al MEER Chairman of ICQ Vice Chairman of Sidra Takaful ABOUT Professor Abdul Latif Al Meer is the Chairman of ICQ and Vice Chairman of Sidra Takaful (Insurance company). During 2005 and 2006, Professor al Meer served as the Chief executive Officer, from 2007 to March 2012. He served as the Managing Director at QInvest. In addition, Professor Al Meer also served as a Board Member for a number of banking and Takaful institutions, which included Asian S Finance House (Malaysia) and Gulf Finance House (Bahrain). Prior to QInvest, Professor Al Meer was associated with Qatar Islamic EAKER Bank (QIB) for over fifteen years as its Chiefe xecutive Officer and earlier P as General Manager for Investments and International Operations. Professor Al Meer currently serves as a Director for QIB-UK, Arab Finance House (Lebanon), and Al Daman (Beema) Qatar. PANEL SPEAKER General Wesley K. CLARK Supreme allied Commander europe of NaTO 1997 - 2000 DEMOCRACY - PANEL DAY 4 - S CGDC International Honorary Board Member ABOUT Wesley Kanne Clark is the former U.S. Army general who ran as a Democratic candidate for the presidency in the 2004 election. Clark grew up in Little Rock, arkansas and, at the age of 16, started at the U.S. Military academy at West Point, where he graduated first in his class. He also earned a graduate degree as a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford and commanded fighting troops in Vietnam, where he was injured three times. During the ‘80s and ‘90s he moved up the military ladder and served as an administrator in training and command posts, eventually becoming a four-star general. In 1997 he was named as the U.S. commander of NATO forces in Europe by President Bill Clinton. In 2000 he retired after 34 years in the army. General Clark entered the private sector as an author, consultant and investment banker, a highly decorated soldier and recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom. ND PAGE 54 2 CGDC ANNUAL MEETING 2012.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Politiska Partier I Europa
    STVA22: Statsvetenskap fortsättningskurs, delkurs: Hur stater styrs VT 2013 Politiska partier i Europa En jämförelse mellan finska Sannfinländarna och kosovoalbanska Lëvizja Vetëvendosje Algot Pihlström & Berat Meholli Lunds universitet 2013-05-21 Meholli & Pihlström Sannfinländarna & Lëvizja Vetëvendosje Lunds universitet 2013-05-21 Abstract With the current political climate in Europe and certain European countries as a background our essay compares the Finnish Sannfinländarna and Kosovo-Albanian Lëvizja Vetëvendosje. The aim of this essay is to examine whether similarities between these political parties exists or not. Political programs related to the Finnish and Kosovo- Albanian party is the essay´s empirical data and foundation. Our essay is conducted as a case study research where the empirical data is analysed on the basis of a theoretical framework about the classification of political parties. The analysis indicates that there are similarities between these political parties and that these similarities can also be considered as differences because their articulation (and context) varies. The analysis indicates also that Sannfinländarna and Lëvizja Vetëvendosje are to be considered as centre parties where the difference between them is insignificant. 2 Meholli & Pihlström Sannfinländarna & Lëvizja Vetëvendosje Lunds universitet 2013-05-21 Innehållsförteckning Disposition .................................................................................................................................. 4 Kapitel 1 ....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo's New Political Leadership
    ASSEMBLY SUPPORT INITIATIVE asiNEWSLETTER Kosovo’s new political leadership ASSEMBLYasi SUPPORT INITIATIVE NEWSLETTER юѦȱŘŖŖŜǰȱќȱŘŘ Strengthening the oversight role of the Kosovo Assembly oces Mission in Kosovo ASSEMBLY SUPPORT INITIATIVE 2 NEWSLETTERasi Editorial Editorial 2 Kosovo has a new political leadership. Within one Mr. Kolë Berisha’s speech on the occasion ǰȱȱ ȱǰȱ ȱȱȱȱ of assuming the Assembly Presidency 3 ȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱĜǯȱȱ Fatmir Sejdiu succeeded the late President Ibrahim President Fatmir Sejdiu talks to BBC 6 Rugova. Former TMK Commander Agim Ceku succeeded Bajram Kosumi as prime minister. Mr. “There is no full freedom in Kosovo Kole Berisha succeeded Nexhat Daci as president unless all of Kosovo’s citizens can enjoy it” 7 ȱȱ¢ǯȱ¢ǰȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱ ȱȱ ȱǯȱȱŘŚȱȱŘŖŖŜǰȱȱ¢ȱȱ Kosovo Serb Leaders Meet Premier Çeku, ȱ¡ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱęȱ ȱ Consider Joining Government 9 rounds of talks on decentralization. Recent Developments in the Assembly 10 ȱȱȱȱȱȱȱĴȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ sessions in the Assembly on various policy issues. The new president Let’s learn to hear the voice of the citizen 12 ȱȱ¢ǰȱǯȱ ȱǰȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ a new democratic atmosphere and to strengthen co-operation with Presidency of the Assembly 14 international institutions. Transparency and full adherence to Rules Why we asked for a new dynamic in of Procedure are high on his agenda. Assembly’s Work 16 In light of the current changes at the Assembly one can hope that this ȱǰȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱĴǰȱ Our Vision of an Independent Kosovo 17 to further enhance their role in overseeing the work of the government ȱ ¡ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Pay off Time 18 Consolidated Budget (KCB).
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo P Lice
    KOSOVO P LICE PROTECTORVolume VIII -No. 1… Justice For All e Koso licia vës Po rd generation of KP 43- A GENERATION THAT PROMISES PROTECTOR 2012 1 PROTECTOR EDITORIAL COMMENT Bilateral and multilateral cooperation and IBM Arbër Beka oing through” law on the control and surveillance of the border state, I stopped at the article 50 or otherwise saying at the international police cooperation. Article 50 and three other subsequent articles G Informative bulletin of the police in Kosovo in this law, which describe the issue of international police cooperation between the states of the region and further, reminded me views some of is a publication of the Kosovo Police which I have been treated in this number of the police magazine. I don’t want to focus again on the view of kidnapped officers neither the Publisher intentional media parade related to this case. Those views can be described Unit of the editorial office, briefly: insulting and terrible views. KP Public Information Office How can this be the EU concept on IBM for Western Balkan that aims the DPP - Prishtina increase of multi-national cooperation, focused on inter-border crime? Such incidents complicate exceedingly the regional cooperation within Editor the various initiatives between police organizations and it is a destructive Arbër Beka approach toward developments and tendencies of Balkan’s states in their road to EU. While in Kosovo the structuring of KP Border Police is done according Tel.: 038 5080 1237 to European standards, it seems that this has not happened in the Mob.: 044 146 696 neighboring country while the border continuous to be patrolled by the 045 708 709 semi-military formations such as gendarmerie.
    [Show full text]
  • 02 Klasnja.Indd
    THE LIMITS OF INTEGRATION The EU and Kosovo Time to Rethink the Enlargement and Integration Policy? Marko Klasnja The EU’s approach to the HE European Union has been hailed for its contri- Tbution to the largely successful post-communist Western Balkans has been transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Exerting its well-known “soft power” advantages by of- plagued with inconsistencies fering the possibility of membership, the EU encouraged and half-baked measures. The the partners in the ongoing process of integration and “Europeanization,”1 here meant to connote the processes situation in Kosovo demonstrates and mechanisms by which European efforts to build political, economic, legal, and social institutions cause that the EU needs to rethink its changes at the domestic level.2 This success story has so policy arsenal if it is to achieve far not been replicated in the Western Balkans, another region undergoing transition where the EU’s ambitions its goals. and pledges seem to mirror those of the earlier “Eastern Enlargement.” The results in the Western Balkans have so far been much more limited and by no means assure an equally successful outcome. This may be a consequence of the much wider range of challenges faced by the region than was the case with Central and Eastern Europe, given the recurring conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the late start of transition in many countries, and the unsolved territorial and ethnic issues, not to mention other prob- lems. The intricacies of the status-settlement process for Kosovo—that is, whether the province will become an independent country or remain part of Serbia—exemplify the multi-faceted nature of the transition process in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft List of Invittees
    FORUM ON NEW SECURITY ISSUES: “SHARED INTERESTS & VALUES BETWEEN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE & THE TRANSATLANTIC COMMUNITY" (FONSI) WORKSHOP V: KOSOVO: SEEKING A SUSTAINABLE STATUS A workshop organised by The Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) with the support of The German Marshall Fund of the US (GMFUS) and the NATO's Public Diplomacy Division Thessaloniki, 4-6 March 2005 List of Participants AFENTOULI Ino (Ms.), Information Officer, NATO Public Diplomacy Division, Brussels e-mail: [email protected] Despina-Ino Afentouli works as Information Officer at NATO’s Public Diplomacy Division. In this capacity she is in charge of information activities in Greece and regional coordinator for the Caucasus. In addition, she is responsible of the Academic Affairs Program, sponsored by PDD. She studied Law at the Athens University and earned a MA in Political Communication at Paris-I (Sorbonne). Before joining NATO she worked for fifteen years as a journalist specialising in Foreign Policy and European Affairs. She was Diplomatic Editor at the Athens News Agency, responsible for the Greek edition of the Economist Intelligence Unit and political correspondent at KATHIMERINI daily. As Secretary General of the European Network of Women Journalists has participated in many activities aiming at the rapprochement of media professionals in Southeastern Europe. She was also very active in Greek-Turkish rapprochement initiatives. For her work related with European Affairs she received the Calligas Award of the European Association of Journalists (Nov. 2000). ANTONATOS Panayotis (Mr.), Desk Officer for Kosovo, A3 Directorate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Athens e-mail: [email protected] Born on the 15th of December, 1973 in Athens.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia Kosovo
    d ANALYSIS 03/04/2012 SERBIA - KOSOVO: A GLIMMER OF LIGHT AT THE END OF THE TUNNEL? By Lieutenant Colonel (ret.) Pierre ARNOLD ESISC Research Associate Finally! On 24 February 2012, Serbia and Kosovo succeeded in reaching their first overall agreement. The two adversaries have, for the first time, moved to the foreground their wish to emerge from their isolation and seize the chance of becoming Europeans (nearly) like everyone else. While nothing is firmly in place, the two governments, which have taken what are no doubt calculated risks vis-à-vis their public opinions, have given way to international pressure coming from many sources and have ended up taking the first step. Relations nevertheless still tense between Belgrade and Priština The year 2011 saw a succession of miscellaneous incidents, more or less serious, on the border between Kosovo and Serbia. When the post of Jarinje was vandalised, President Tadić essentially called attention to the action of persons aiming at putting the bilateral dialogue in question, while the Kosova Prime Minister spoke of ‘parallel Serb structures’1. The Serbian President avoided implicating his fellow citizens of Kosovo, knowing that he had only a rather narrow margin for manœuvre with them. In order to avoid in the future this type of attack, some observers suggested as the solution negotiations and assistance with legal commerce 2. These negotiations ended seven months later in results which no one expected any longer: a ‘semi-recognition’ by Belgrade of the existence of Kosovo. Meanwhile, Belgrade and Priština have understood that normalisation of trade between the two countries was without doubt the solution.
    [Show full text]
  • NEWEPAPER CLIPPIGN's TOPICS\Europe\1-Europe\EU-6.PDF
    ~.., ~"". \../ \IV' \ f/ .- ; ~ ~ I GLeBAL -.. ~. j.I . 1(0 f~ I . V 1.11 Kosoyo I W. nthetownOfPecin farbOOrOught.' westernKosovo,unknown ThefKhasneverthelessmanaged ( I menstdppeda car and fired towinlersomeoftheoldAlbanian, 1 I I D.' onitsoccupantslatein the comrn~stleadersintheprovince,like afternoon of 4 January. Tahir Zernaj, MahnlBakalli, and some eminent u,ndefused ~ his son, and a cousin, all well known intelltllals. It also enjoyed open ~ milit{lnts from President }brahim SUppottltleast until 200 1, in diplo- Rugova's Democratic League of rnatictles, particularly in the United Kosovo has been a UN protectorate for almost four Kosovo (DLK), were killed. Zernaj had States.lhasnevermade any real 1 been a commander in the Kosovo impactDtheelectorate. But it has years. The situation there is unresolved. The economy j liberation Army (KLA) but his real been tIJIIgto makeits place as a third is in a mess, Serbs have been overruled and ejected,' l ~ allegiance was to the Armed Forces of force impoliticalset-up dominated by ~ the Republic of Kosovo (Fark), a the clallbetweenRugova's DLK and and the Kosovans are fighting among themselves . paramilitary group that was formed in HashimThaci'sDemocratic Party of 1998 by Bujar Bukoshi, who was then KosovoIDPK),to which most of the prime minister of the Kosovo govern- old KUleadersbelong. Hence the ment-in- exile.Fark included loyal 'supportof someinternational players, followers of Rugova, but it had tojoin weary oftheDLK's conservatism and forces with the KLA, led by national- cronyismandthe DPK's drift into ists who were accustomed to Albanian- organisedcrime.But the venture will style Marxist-Leninism. come toDothingif H~adinaj's criminal The murder of Zemaj was the latest past doescatch up with him.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo 2014 International Religious Freedom Report
    KOSOVO 2014 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution affirms the freedom of religion but the law does not specify a means by which religious groups may register to obtain legal status. The government implemented the law safeguarding religious and cultural special protective zones (SPZs) by providing security measures for religious sites. Kosovo Police (KP) detained several Kosovo Islamic Community (BIK) religious figures on charges of abetting or committing criminal offenses against the constitutional order and security of the country, including incitement of hatred. The government undertook several measures to improve religious tolerance between ethnic Albanian Muslim and ethnic Serbian Orthodox Christians and condemned vandalism of minority religious houses of worship, but religious groups said municipal authorities often did not treat groups equally, especially with regard to the provision and protection of religious property. Ethnic Albanian protestors threw stones and attempted to prevent Serbian Orthodox pilgrims, including internally displaced persons (IDPs), from attending Christmas Mass in Gjakove/Djakovica and from celebrating the Feast of the Assumption in the village of Mushutishte/Musutiste in Suhareka/Suva Reka municipality. On several occasions, religious properties, particularly Serbian Orthodox and Protestant churches, were vandalized. U.S. embassy representatives met frequently with government officials to urge religious tolerance, passage of legislation to allow for the registration of religious institutions, and to support full implementation of the law on SPZs. The embassy cosponsored a conference on interfaith tolerance and a project to bring attention to Prishtine/Pristina’s Jewish heritage. The embassy provided funding to partners who completed restoration work on several Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) properties.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence
    Order Code RL31053 Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence Updated June 20, 2008 Julie Kim Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence Summary Close to nine years after NATO intervened militarily in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, Kosovo declared itself an independent and sovereign state on February 17, 2008. A new Kosovo constitution came into force on June 15. These developments marked a new stage in, but not the end of, international concern and engagement in the western Balkan region. Serbia strenuously objects to and does not recognize Kosovo’s independence. Kosovo represented the last major unfinished business from the wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s. In 1998 and 1999, the United States and its NATO allies engaged in collective action to end escalating violence in Kosovo. These efforts culminated in a 78-day NATO bombing campaign (Operation Allied Force) against Serbia from March until June 1999, when then-Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic agreed to withdraw his forces from the province. Afterward, Kosovo was governed through a combination of U.N. and local Kosovar interim governing structures. Under the terms of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999), the U.N. Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) retained ultimate political authority in the province. A NATO-led peacekeeping force, KFOR, was charged with providing a secure environment. UNSC Resolution 1244 did not settle Kosovo’s disputed status. The ethnic Albanian majority demanded full independence for Kosovo; Serbs insisted that Kosovo remain an integral part of Serbia.
    [Show full text]
  • Warning Report Early Kosovo
    Ea r l y Wa r n i n g Rep or t Kosovo Rep or t # 5 September-December 2003 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of either UNDP or USAID. EARLY WARNING SYSTEM – A systematic Approach to Conflict Prevention The Kosovo Early Warning System Project is aimed at building the capacity of local analysts to foresee potential crises, and based on its findings to advise on crisis prevention policies. The Reports are intended as strategic planning, response, and policy tools for development and peace-building actors in Kosovo by deriving recommendations for preventative measures from trend analysis and monitoring of key sector indicators of fundamental conflict-causing factors. The Early Warning System Project is a UNDP regional initiative; at present most SEE UNDP Programmes produce Early Warning Reports on a periodic basis. The Kosovo Reports are cofunded by USAID and UNDP, and implemented by the Institute for Development Research “Riinvest” and independent Kosovan analysts. For any further information regarding the EWS project, please contact the UNDP Kosovo Office, Peyton Place St. 14, Pristina; Tel.+381 (38) 249066; Fax: +381 (38) 249065; email: [email protected]. Your comments and feedback are important for the further development of the Reports. Please forward these to: [email protected]. Sep-Dec Jan-Apr May-Aug Sep-Dec Trend 2002 2003 2003 2003 13.91 8.71 GDP growth rate (annual), % 10.82 0.82 2 Inflation rate (annual), % - 4-5 436 458 508 Bank deposits,
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Ethnic Conflict Regulation in Kosovo
    1 Discussion Paper 39 Enver Hoxhaj The politics of ethnic conflict regulation in Kosovo 2 Discussion Paper 39 (2005) Enver Hoxhaj, ”The politics of ethnic conflict regulation in Kosovo‘ Centre for the Study of Global Governance London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE http://www.lse.ac.uk/Depts/global 3 Contents Summary and Recommendations 1. Introduction 2. Historical Background 3. Methodology 4. Strategies of ethnic conflict regulation in Serbia/Yugoslavia 4.1. Attempted genocide and —ethnic cleansing“ 4.2. Forced mass-population transfer 4.3. Partition and /or secession (self-determination) 4.4. Integration and /or assimilation 4.5. Hegemonic control 4.6. Cantonization and/or Federalism 5. Strategies of ethnic conflict regulation under UN Mission 5.1. UN Mission as Third-Party Intervention (arbitration) 5.2. Consociationalism or power-sharing 5.3. Standards before Status 5.4. A review of UN Mission conflict regulation strategies 5.5. Kosovar self-determination: the option for long-term conflict resolution 5.6. The need for a state-building process and civic contract 5.7. Serbian federalisms: from cantonization to Kosovo‘s partition 6. Conclusion 7. References and notes 4 Summary and Recommendations Five years after NATO intervention and the ending of war, it is time to stop pretending that June 1999 represented a turning point in the resolution of the Kosovo conflict. The violence in March 2004 towards local Serbs emphasized the failure of the international authorities to resolve the conflict. This violent episode, more so than any previous event, called into question the role of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) peacekeeping and peace-building strategies.
    [Show full text]
  • Kosovo in the Process of EU Enlargement: Implementation of Political Criteria As One of “Copenhagen Criteria”
    MA in International Law Faculty of Law UNIVERSITY OF PRISHTINA “HASAN PRISHTINA” Kosovo in the Process of EU Enlargement: Implementation of Political Criteria as one of “Copenhagen criteria” EGZONA BEXHETI Abstract The European Union (EU) as a unique economic and political union was founded in the 1950s to cultivate European values, peace, and prosperity. Since then, the EU has grown from 6 countries to 28, becoming a home of more than 500 million people. It continues to be very attractive to the countries over Europe continent and it is open for all democratic European countries that want to join. Since the early 2000s the EU has opened the doors of membership to the countries of the Western Balkans. A part of Balkan is also Kosovo. This paperwork includes the case of Kosovo on its EU integration path. Hereto, I did a short description about the Union and its relations with Balkans. Joining EU is a choice and all of the countries have the opportunity to move forward on their way to it, they can all be members once they fulfill the criteria set by the Union. The focus of the paperwork is on Kosovo’s process of the enlargement and the implementation of the political criteria, also known as one of the three “Copenhagen Criteria”. This paperwork gives a clear understanding on what is achieved on the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities. Presented at the Transatlantic Students’ Conference “Europe in times of change: Convergence and competition in an evolving European political order” JAMES MADISON UNIVERSITY Florence, 10-11 April 2019 1 I.
    [Show full text]