Korean Translations of Vietnam: Relocating the Korean Great Han Empire in World-Historical Precedent Joshua Van Lieu, LaGrange College Introduction On May 5, 1909, citing the damage they had caused to the peace and order of the Great Han Empire, then a Japanese protectorate, Home Minister Pak Chesun (1858–1916) banned the sale and distribution of two immensely 朴齊純 popular Korean-language translations by Hyŏn Ch’ae (1856–1925) and 玄采 Yi Sangik (1881–?) of Yuenan wangguo shi (The history of 李相益 越南亡國史 the fall of Vietnam), titled Wŏllam mangguk sa in Korean.1 As soon 월남망국사 as it had been published in Shanghai in 1905, the original literary Sinitic text by Vietnamese independence activist Phan Boi Chau (1867–1940) was 潘佩珠 in broad circulation in Korea.2 A little more than two years before the book was banned, the book dealers Chu Han’yŏng (?–?) and Kim Sangman 朱翰榮 (?–?) together took out an advertisement that ran in every issue 金相萬 of the Hwangsŏng sinmun [Imperial capital news] for a month, 皇城新聞 in which they promoted the purchase of Hyŏn Ch’ae’s translation in particular 1 “Naebu kosi che-27 ho” [Interior ministry notification no. 27], Kwanbo [Official gazette] 4370 (May內部告示第二七號 7, 1909): 27. In the present article, the Chinese title Yuenan wangguo官報 shi refers to the Chinese-language source text while the Korean title Wŏllam mangguk sa refers to the Korean-language translations of the Chinese source text. 2 The original text was published by Phan Boi Chau under the pen name “Chaonanzi, the refugee from Vietnam,” [Yuenan wangming ko Chaonanzi ], under the title of Yuenan wangguo shi [The history of the fall越南亡命客巢南子 of Vietnam] (Shanghai: Guangzhi shuju, 1905, reprinted 1907,越南亡國史 1908). The Chinese reformer Liang Qichao wrote a preface and took charge of publishing the work in a series he edited in Shanghai,梁啓超 which led to the work being included in Liang’s collected works despite Phan’s authorship, see Xu Shanfu , “Guanyu <Yuannan wangguo shi> de zuozhe” [On the 徐善福author of the The History of the Fall of Vietnam], Dong Nanya关于《越南亡国史》的作者问题 zhongheng 3 (1992): 35–37. The Korean translations of this period, however, include dialogue between东南亚纵横 Liang and Phan as well as essays by Liang entitled Myŏlguk sinbŏp ron [Treatise on a new method of destroying nations] and Ilbon ŭi Chosŏn [Japan’s滅國新法論 Chosŏn], among others. These edited volumes may therefore be understood as日本의 co-authored. 朝鮮 Hyŏn Ch’ae produced the first translation into Korean, published by Posŏnggwan in 1906 and reprinted in 1907. Chu Sigyŏng (1876–1914) produced the second translation,普成館 published by Pangmun Sŏgwan in 周時經1907 and reprinted twice in 1908. Yi Sangik produced the third translation in 1907 but the博文書館 publisher is unclear. 54 Korean Translations of Vietnam: Relocating the Korean Great Han Empire as an urgent matter of patriotism: “We only wish that patriotic young men of purpose will try at least once to read this book.”3 The tale of the Vietnamese fall to the French was a warning to Koreans who loved their country that the same fate awaited them should they remain indifferent to the loss of Korean sovereignty under the newly established Japanese protectorate. A text that inspired popular patriotic fervor would seem a boon to the Korean state, but by the spring of 1909, a little more than one year before its complete annexation by the Japanese Empire, the Home Ministry was in no position to tolerate, let alone encourage, challenges to the authority of the Japanese Protectorate General; what had recently been a patriotic duty now became a crime against the state. Most existing scholarship has identified Wŏllam mangguk sa as a call to Korean patriotism in the face of imminent annexation. Indeed, the first Korean translation of Phan’s account of the Vietnamese fall to French imperialism was in circulation so close to the establishment of the Japanese protectorate over the Great Han Empire in 1905 that the parallels could hardly be missed. More recent scholarship has convincingly identified Wŏllam mangguk sa as part of a new international consciousness among younger Korean intellectuals at the turn of the twentieth century that was coeval with the emergence of early Korean nationalist ideologies.4 The circulations of the Vietnam case in general and Wŏllam mangguk sa in particular in the rhetorical praxes of the Korean imperial court, however, speak to a more nuanced intellectual dynamic in which an existing historical consciousness of East Asian states and statesmen integrated the fall of Vietnam and the processes of global imperialism which it represented into a hybrid historical consciousness that removed the Great Han Empire and its predicament from a national or regional history and relocated it in a global history that was unfolding in the early twentieth century. Until relatively recently, scholarly interest in Wŏllam mangguk sa was minimal. The greater portion of the research to date concerns publication 3 Having first appeared in Hwangsŏng sinmun (January 5, 1907): 3, the advertisement subsequently appeared the same year on p. 4 of皇城新聞 each of the daily editions of January 7–12, January 26 and 28, February 2 and 4. All translations are my own, unless otherwise stated. 4 Ko Pyŏnggwŏn and O Sŏnmin , “Naesyŏnŏllijŭm ijŏn ŭi int’ŏnaesyŏnŏl: Wŏllam mangguk sa ŭi 고병권Chosŏnŏ pŏnyŏk e taehayŏ”오선민 [The international prior to nationalism: On the Korean translation of 내셔널리즘The History 이전의 of the 인터내션얼 Fall of Vietnam] Han’guk hyŏndae munhak yŏn’gu 21 (2010): 293–323. 한국현대문학연구 The Journal of Transcultural Studies 2018, Issue 1–2 55 history and questions of translational faithfulness.5 This is especially true of some of the earlier work by Kim Kŭnsu6 and Ch’oe Kiyŏng,7 but also of more recent writings by Yi Chongmi,8 Song Yehui (Song Yŏphwi), and Song Myŏngjin.9 The most common interpretive approach to Wŏllam mangguk sa is as an appeal to patriots. This is perhaps less interpretation than a recapitulation of the salient points of Phan’s argument: patriots must stand guard against foreign aggression lest sovereignty and the nation are lost. According to the 1975 summary of the text by Kim Kŭnsu, the reasons for the fall of Vietnam to the French were government corruption, social and political conservatism, an unwillingness to reform state and society through the study of various fields of Western learning, and a 5 Yi Kimun , “Haesŏl” [Critical introduction] in Chu Sigyŏng , Chu Sigyŏng chŏnjip 이기문 [The collected解說 works of Chu Sigyŏng] (Seoul: Asia Munhwasa,周時經 1976), 13–14; Ch’oe Kiyŏng周時經全集 , “Kugyŏk Wŏllam mangguk sa e kwanhan il koch’al” [An examination崔起榮 of the Korean translation of The History of the Fall of 國譯Vietnam 越南亡國史에], Tonga yŏn’gu 대한 一考察 6 (1985): 487–506; Chŏng Hwan’guk , “Kŭndae kyemong ki yŏksa chŏn’gimul pŏnyŏk東亞硏究 e taehayŏ: Wŏllam mangguk sa wa It’aeri鄭煥局 kŏn’guk samgŏl chŏn ŭi kyŏngu” [On Enlightenment근대계몽기 Period translations역사전기물 of번역에 historical 대하여: biographies: 越南亡國史와 the cases 伊太利建國三傑傳의 of The History of the경우 Fall of Vietnam and Biographies of Three Heroes of the Founding of Italy], Taedong munhwa yŏn’gu 48 (2004): 1–32; Ch’oe Pakkwang , “Wŏllam mangguk sa wa tongasia ŭi chisigindŭl”大東文化硏究 [The History최박광 of the Fall of Vietnam and East Asian intellectuals], 월남망국사와Inmun kwahak 동아시아의 36지식인들 (2005): 7–23; Pak Sangsŏk , “Wŏllam mangguk sa ŭi yut’ong kwa suyong” 인문과학 [The circulation and박상석 reception of The History of the Fall of Vietnam], Yŏnmin월남망국사의 hakchi 유통과 수용 14 (2010): 81–104. These authors use the publication history of the text to make a case for its淵民學志 universal popularity. For studies on a Korean Catholic critique of Wŏllam mangguk sa, see Ch’oe Kiyŏng , “Hanmal ŭi ch’ŏnju kyohoe wa Wŏllam mangguk sa” [The Hanmal-period崔起榮 Catholic church and The History of the Fall of Vietnam한말의], Asia 천주교회와 Munhwa 越南亡國史 12 (1996): 393–418; Pak Sangsŏk, “Wŏllam mangguk sa.” 아시아문화 6 Kim Kŭnsu , “Wŏllam mangguk sa e taehayŏ” [On The History of the Fall of Vietnam],金根洙 Han’gukhak 5 (1975): 27–35. 越南亡國史에 對하여 韓國學 7 Ch’oe Kiyŏng, “Kugyŏk Wŏllam mangguk sa.” 8 Yi Chongmi , “Wŏllam mangguk sa wa kungnae pŏnyŏkpon pigyo yŏn’gu: Hyŏn Ch’ae pon kwa Chu Sigyŏng이종미 pon ŭl chungsim ŭro” [A comparative study of Korean translations越南亡國史와 of 국내번역본The History 비교 of the 연구: Fall 玄采本과 of Vietnam: 周時經 the Hyŏn本을 중심으로 Ch’ae and Chu Sigyŏng texts], Chungguk inmun kwahak 34 (2006): 499–521. 中國人文科學 9 Song Yŏphwi , “Wŏllam mangguk sa pŏnyŏk kwajŏng e natanan che munje” 宋曄輝 [Problems arising in the translation of The History of the Fall of Vietnam越南亡國], Ŏmun史의 飜譯에 yŏn’gu 나타난 諸問題 34, no. 4 (2006): 183–204; Song Myŏngjin , “Wŏllam mangguk sa ŭi pŏnyŏk, munch’e,語文硏究 ch’ulp’an” [The translation,송명진 literary style, and publication of The History of the월남망국사의 Fall of Vietnam 번역,], 문체, Hyŏndae 출판 munhak ŭi yŏn’gu 42 (2010): 171–203. For a contrasting interpretation of Liang Qichao’s understanding현대문학의 of the place연구 of China in the world, see Xiaobing Tang, Global Space and the Nationalist Discourse of Modernity (Stanford; Stanford University Press, 1996). See also Yang Kyech’o [Liang Qichao], comp., Yŏkchu Wŏllam mangguk sa [An annotated translation of The History of the Fall of Vietnam], trans. An Myŏngch’ŏl역주 월남망국사 and Song Yŏphwi (P’aju: T’aehaksa, 2007). 안명철 송엽휘 56 Korean Translations of Vietnam: Relocating the Korean Great Han Empire general apathy on the part of the Vietnamese people.10 Korean translators intended their readers to take these critiques as equally applicable to Korea in order to mobilize them to save Korean sovereignty from Japanese aggression and avoid the kind of national suffering and humiliation that the Vietnamese were suffering.