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Phan Bt)I Chau and Japan

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Phan Bt)I Chau and Japan South East Asian Studies, Vol. 13, No.3, December 1975 Phan Bt)i Chau and Japan by Masaya SHIRAISHI* I Key Factors to be Analyzed It was during or after the Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905, that some Vietnamese nationalists, including Phan BQi Chau, came to Japan. The reason they came to Japan has been interpreted by Japanese scholars as the result of Japanese influence upon themY However, few scholars have made a concrete or close analysislD of the reasons why * ~:E .'§ifL, Graduate School of Sociology, University of Tokyo 1) In phan B¢i Chfm's case, see; Heiji Nakamura, "Indo-Tonan Ajia niokeru Minzoku-undo" in Sekai-rekishi 23, Iwanami, ("Nationalism in India and Southeast Asia" in World History vol. 23) pp.117-118. And Yoshihiko Tanigawa, Tonan-Ajia Minzoku-kaiho Undo-shi. (History of Southeast Asian Nationalist Movement, Keiso-shobo, Tokyo, 1969), pp.47-49. 2) There are two written theories discussing Phan B¢i CMu's trip to Japan. One is David Marr's Vietnamese Anticolonialism, 1885-1925 (Univ. of California, 1971). This book, using full Vietnamese documents and other books, draws a map of Vietnamese anti­ French movements up until 1925, and it gives us many useful auggestions. On page 106, the author suggests two reasons that brought Phan B¢i CMu to Japan: "First, because the Japanese were the same race as the Vitnamese and second, because their reform effort had enabled them to defeat China and was giving them amazing strength against the Russians. " I agree with his suggestions, but his reasoning is not completely persuasive. Because (1) it has not clearly answered the questions as to why Phan B¢i Chdu did not rely upon his own people but instead dared to ask for foreign help and (2) it does not clearly tell us what had influenced him to come to Japan even though he knew Japan was the country that had annexed the Ryukyus. The second study about Phan B¢i CMu's trip to Japan is Kunie Kawamoto's "Phan B¢i CMu no Nihon-kan" (Phan B¢i CMu's impressions of Japan) in Rekishigaku-kenkyu, no. 391. In his article Kawamoto makes two important points. First it was before the outbreak of the Russo­ Japanese War that Phan B¢i CMu's group became interested in Japan. Second it was contrad­ ictory that Phan B¢i CMu went to Japan though he was conscious of Japan's aggressiveness (like France's) and its annexation of the Ryukyus. Kawamoto's suggestions are very important and interesting. As for the first point, he attributes Phan B¢i ChAu's interest in Japan mainly to the influence of TWIg Be;tt Hl>, who had visited China and was an old friend of Nguy~n Thanh. But Phan B¢i CMu wrote his article on the Ryukyus as early as 1903, while he met Ti(ng Be;tt Hl> in late 1904. So there must be another source for Phan B¢i CMu's knowladge about Japan and the subjugated Ryukyus. As for Kawamato's second argument, he states that althongh Phan B¢i Chdu was aware of Japan's aggressiveness, he was fascinated by its strength rather than being afraid of it. The author almost says that Phan B¢i CM.u seems to have gone to Japan rather reluctantly. But in the beginning of the 20th century, not only Phan B¢i CMu, but many other Vietnamese did not hesitate to express their admiration for Japan's strength and its continued existence in a hostile world, Thus we need another hypothesis to resolve the above-mentioned "contradiction." 427 Japan was chosen by the Vietnamese nationalists as the most suitable place for a new movement. Phan BQi Chfm was one of a group of the prominent intellectuals who had a traditional academic background, but they were also influenced by the new thoughts from China at the turn of this century. He was a leader of the Dong Du ORJl{f) movement, or "Visit the East" movement of 1905 to 1908. Even after this period, his appeal to renovate the country encouraged many youths to engage in revolutionary activities. It was not until 1925 that his political career was over. Some of the influence of the Dong Du movement was alive even 111 the 1940's, in the form of the Pro-Japanese nationalist movement during the era of Japanese occu­ pation. This continuity is demonstrated by such figures as Prince CU'o'ng De who was among the most important participants in the Dong Du movement and who also played a key role in the 1940's movement. Thus it is important as well as interesting to analyze why Phan BQi Chau's group chose Japan and what its experiences in Japan were. It appears there are three key factors ought to be analyzed in order to answer the preceding questions: ( 1) All the Vietnamese Confucianist lettres born in the middle of the nineteenth century were deeply affected by the thoughts of contemporary Chinese scholars such as K'ang Yu Wei (jff*r):';'g), Liang Ch'i Ch'ao (~~fj]), and later, Chang Ping Lin (t'(l ~f~D and Sun "Ven (1*50. ( 2) Behind their ideas, especially those of Phan BQi Chau, are calculative and utilitarian elements. However, Phan BQi Chau and his group's considerations were vulnerable to Japanese considerations of power politics. ( 3) There was a large gap between their vision, which they nourished before their departure for Japan, and the actuality that they confronted in Japan. II Beginning of Phan's Interest in Japan Nguy~n LQ Tn,lch, author of "Thien HC;l tJC;li The Lu?n" (::k-fA~mm, On the General Situation of the World)3) and one of the famous intellectuals who preceded Phan BQi Chau's generation, paid great attention to Japan which he saw as an innovative and developing Asian country. Phan BQi Chau himself expressed the same opinion in his "Lu'u Cau Huyet L~ Tan Thu'" (jJfU*lfIl~*JrVr, New Letter with Blood and Tears on Ryukyu). Nguy~n LQ TrC;lch's appeal was written in 1892 and Phan BQi Chau's was in 1903. Thus even before the Russo-Japanese War broke out, Vietnamese scholars 3) Nguy~n Van Xu{ln, Phong Trao Duy Tan, (La Boi, Saigon, 1970), pp.28-35, referred this article. The other articles of Nguy~n L¢ Tr?ch are summarized in Huynh Thuc Khang, Nguyen Lf) Trach, (Anh Minh, Hue, 1966). 428 M. SHIRAISHI: Phan Boi Chau and Japan had been interested in the rise of a new great power in the Far East. And according to his autobiography, Phan B¢i Chau had read Nguy~n L¢ Tr?ch's manuscript, which seemingly informed Phan of Japanese success in development, before he wrote "Luu Cau Huyet L~ Tan Thu'."') How did Nguy~n L¢ Tr?ch and Phan B¢i Chau gain this knowledge about Japan? We can suppose that the Chinese books were their main sources of information. Huynh Thuc Khang, one of the Confucianists of Phan B¢i Chau's period, wrote in his autobiography that a book titled "Nhe;tt Bfm Duy Tan Sit' (f3 **ltrr~, History of Japan's Innovation) came from their nothern neighbour along with other reformists' books. S) Furthermore, the Chinese reform movement itself was strongly affected by the reforms enacted during Meiji Restoration. Especially motivated by the defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese reformists took the Japanese constitutional monarchy as their model and organized a movement to send youths to Japan, and translate Japanese books while engaging in other reformist activities.6) It is natural to think that the Vietnamese, like the Chinese, would be interested in Japan. Because of Phan B¢i Chau's emphasis on the Russo-Japanese War III his autobiog­ raphy,n we tend to think, wrongly, that Vietnamese nationalists became interested in Japan shortly after the outbreak of war. But as mentioned above, this does not seem to be the case. We should recognize that Phan B¢i Chau and his comrades were concerned with Japan well before that war, even though Japan's war with Russia accelerated Vietnamese interest in Japan. In brief it is through the Chinese reformists' writings that the Vietnamese lettres' attention was first directed to Japan. The Chinese refonmists sought a clue to break the deadlock which they were facing, and so they turned to Japan as a model. The 4) Phan B<)i CM.u, Ttl! Phan, (Anh Minh, 1956), pp.34-35. 5) Huynh Thuc Khang, Tlf' Truy~n, (Anh Minh, 1963), p.26. Furthermore, Nguy~n Hien L@', Dong Kinh Nghla ThlfC, (La Bai, 1968), p.27, counted three books; Nh~t Ban Duy Tl\n Khang Khai Su: (Outline Histroy of Japanese Innovation), Nh~t Ban Tam Th?p Ni@,n Duy Tan SIi' (30-year History of Japanese Innovation), and Nh?t Ban Quac SU: (History of Japan). 6) I referred to the following books; Hidemi Onogawa, Shinmatsu Seiji-shiso Kenkyu, (Studies in Political Thoughts of Later ch'ing, Kyoto Univ., 1960). Jun Takada, Chugoku no Kindai to jukyo, (Modernization and Confucianism in China, Kinokuniya, Tokyo). Masataka Banno, Kindai Chugoku Seiji Gaiko Shi, (History of Politics and Diplomacy in Modern China, Univ. of Tokyo, 1973). 7) In his Nglf-c Trung Thu',(Tan Vi~t, Saigon, 1950), p.28, Phan B<)i CMu said, "The Russo-Japanese war showed us a truely new world. Our people only knew China before the French occupation, and after it, we only knew France.
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