Recognition: the Case of Transnistria by Georgii Nikolaenko
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Trafficking in Transnistria: the Role of Russia
Trafficking in Transnistria: The Role of Russia by Kent Harrel SIS Honors Capstone Supervised by Professors Linda Lubrano and Elizabeth Anderson Submitted to the School of International Service American University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with General University Honors Bachelor of Arts Degree May 2009 Abstract After declaring de facto independence from the Republic of Moldova in 1992, the breakaway region of Transnistria became increasingly isolated, and has emerged as a hotspot for weapons and human trafficking. Working from a Realist paradigm, this project assesses the extent to which the Russian government and military abet trafficking in Transnistria, and the way in which Russia uses trafficking as a means to adversely affect Moldova’s designs of broader integration within European spheres. This project proves necessary because the existing scholarship on the topic of Transnistrian trafficking failed to focus on the role of the Russian government and military, and in turn did not account for the ways in which trafficking hinders Moldova’s national interests. The research project utilizes sources such as trafficking policy centers, first-hand accounts, trade agreements, non-governmental organizations, and government documents. A review of the literature employs the use of secondary sources such as scholarly and newspaper articles. In short, this project develops a more comprehensive understanding of Russia’s role in Moldovan affairs and attempts to add a significant work to the existing literature. -
The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64). -
Introduction 2 Setting up a State
Notes Introduction 1. Clement Dodd (1993) edited a volume on Turkish Cypriot affairs, cover- ing political, social, and economic areas. More recent research has been concerned with particular issues such as the dynamics of political econ- omy (Lacher and Kaymak, 2005; Sonan, 2007); the question of Turkish Cypriot identity building and social conflicts within Northern Cyprus (Kızılyürek and Gautier-Kızılyürek, 2004; Hatay, 2005, 2008; Ramm, 2006; Navaro-Yashin, 2006); as well as the analysis of the connection of Turkish Cypriot sovereignty with Turkey’s involvement from different perspec- tives (Navaro-Yashin, 2003; Bahcheli, 2004a). The case of Transdniestria, on the other hand, has been marked by a paucity of research. Whereas economic developments have been followed in detail by Moldova’s Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms (CISR), internal political dynamics have been explored in only a very few specialized articles (Büscher, 1996; Tröbst, 2003; Hanne, 2004; Korobov and Byanov, 2006; Protsyk, 2009). 2 Setting up a State 1. The metaphor is borrowed from Richmond (2002a) mentioned in Chapter 1. 2. Although it is widely believed that Denktas¸ was the founder and leader of the TMT, Denktas¸ himself described his role within the organization as a political advisor (Cavit, 1999, p. 512). For an alternative view of the TMT’s activities and Turkey’s role in the formation of this group see Ionnides (1991). 3. It should be noted, however, that although these armed clashes are often referred to as ‘inter-communal’ fighting, on closer examination this term is a misnomer. The two armed groups were highly nationalist in ideology. -
The Project "Transnistrian Problem: View from Ukraine"
Strategic and Security Studies Group TRANSNISTRIAN PROBLEM: a view from Ukraine KYIV 2009 STRATEGIC AND SECURITY STUDIES GROUP The publication contains the results of the research of interstate relations between Ukraine and Moldova through the lens of Transnistrian settlement problem. The focal points of the research are the assessment of cooperation between two states, issues of citizenship, border regime, interethnic relations, NGOs partnership etc. The publication is aimed at enhancing the dialogue of Ukrainian and Moldovan experts and politicians. It was prepared within the project “Transnistrian problem: a view from Ukraine” supported by International Renaissance Foundation (project manager – O.Basarab). Chapters 14 and 16 were prepared with the kind assistance of Open Ukraine Foundation and Victor Pinchuk Foundation. The project was implemented by “Strategic and Security Studies Group” (SSSG) - non-governmental organization, which has been working since 2003 in the field of: National security policy and sustainable development of Ukraine International relations and foreign policy of Ukraine Regional and international security European political and integration processes Euro Atlantic dialogue and integration SSSG supports transparency in decision-making process and wider discussion regarding foreign, security and defense policy policy of Ukraine and to promotes democratic changes in society. Our contacts: Info[a]gsbs.org.ua www.gsbs.org.ua + 38 (044) 491 - 3830 Publication edited by S. GERASYMCHUK Authors: N. BELITSER (Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy) S. GERASYMCHUK (Strategic and Security Studies Group) O. GRYTSENKO (Strategic and Security Studies Group) Y. DOVGOPOL (Independent expert) Z. ZHMINKO (Strategic and Security Studies Group) Y. MATIYCHYK (Strategic and Security Studies Group) O. SUSHKO (Institute of Euro-atlantic Cooperation) O. -
Moldova and the Transnistrian Conflict
Chapter 4 Moldova and the Transnistrian Conflict Marius Vahl and Michael Emerson The Transnistrian conflict emerged with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. The two sides have been unable to agree on any of the proposals tabled by the international mediators, Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE. The EU played a negligible role during the first decade of the Transnistrian conflict, but has recently become more engaged. This was preceded by a growing emphasis on the EU and Europeanization in Moldovan political discourse. Disillusionment with the negotiating format has grown in Moldova, increasing support for Europeanization of Moldova independently of the settlement of the conflict. The EU engagement has led to a growing resentment towards the EU in Transnistrian political discourse. Differences among the major external actors have become more pronounced, with Russia disapproving of the ‘interference’ of the West and the growing engagement of the EU. 4.1 A brief history of Moldova1 Moldova traces its roots to the Principality of Moldova established in the late Middle Ages. Centred in present-day Romania to the northwest of today’s Moldova, the Principality reached its peak during the 15th century, before becoming a vassal state of the Ottomans in the early 16th century. Moldova was never fully incorporated into the Ottoman Empire. Its vassal status was withdrawn and Greek administrators were appointed in the early 18th century, following anti-Ottoman insurrections. The revolt was supported by the expanding Russian empire, which reached the Nistru river in the late 18th century.2 In 1806, Russia invaded the Eastern part of the Principality known as Bessarabia, an annexation accepted by the Ottomans in 1812.3 The rump Moldovan principality on the west side of the Prut, in present-day Romania, remained part of the Ottoman Empire. -
“Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria
There’s a new “Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria Michael Bobick Cornell University Havighurst Center Miami University Young Researcher’s Conference 2012 Please do note cite without the author’s permission Abstract Crime and corruption have plagued Transnistria since its initial declaration of independence in 1990. Transnistria has all of the requisite symbolic and institutional aspects of statehood but lacks international recognition. Transnistria’s economy, like the state itself, exists outside of any normative regulatory or juridical framework. Long viewed a black spot on the political map of Europe, the region’s economy has played a central role in illicit transactions throughout the post-Soviet period. This paper explores the issue of corruption in Transnistria through the lens of a single company, Sheriff. As a holding company that controls the vast majority of the region’s profitable enterprises, Sheriff is the most visible economic entity in the region (its businesses include supermarkets, gas stations, internet, telecommunications, textile production, broadcast and cable television, auto sales, publishing, cognac production, light manufacturing, publishing, and advertising). Sheriff has turned Transnistria’s liminality into a means of generating immense profits and rents due to its close relationship to the state. Yet Sheriff serves as a crucial buffer between residents who face an otherwise bleak material existence, offering both charity and other modern conveniences to residents. Sheriff has, in the words of one informant, brought a “civilized” consumer experience to the region. This paper examines the wider political context that gave rise to Sheriff (i.e., its murky rise to its monopoly position), its position as a facilitator of illicit economic transactions, and how Sheriff, through its provisioning of goods and services, displaces, masks, and ultimately disarms allegations of corruption both inside and outside of the region. -
Author Accepted Manuscript
Public Disclosure Authorized AUTHOR ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT FINAL PUBLICATION INFORMATION Divided Space, Divided Attitudes? Comparing the Republics of Moldova and Pridnestrovie (Transnistria) Using Simultaneous Surveys The definitive version of the text was subsequently published in Eurasian Geography and Economics, 54(2), 2013-08-06 Published by Taylor and Francis Public Disclosure Authorized THE FINAL PUBLISHED VERSION OF THIS ARTICLE IS AVAILABLE ON THE PUBLISHER’S PLATFORM This Author Accepted Manuscript is copyrighted by the World Bank and published by Taylor and Francis. It is posted here by agreement between them. Changes resulting from the publishing process—such as editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms—may not be reflected in this version of the text. You may download, copy, and distribute this Author Accepted Manuscript for noncommercial purposes. Your license is limited by the following restrictions: Public Disclosure Authorized (1) You may use this Author Accepted Manuscript for noncommercial purposes only under a CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 Unported license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. (2) The integrity of the work and identification of the author, copyright owner, and publisher must be preserved in any copy. (3) You must attribute this Author Accepted Manuscript in the following format: This is an Author Accepted Manuscript of an Article by O’Loughlin, John; Toal, Gerard; Chamberlain-Creangă, Rebecca Divided Space, Divided Attitudes? Comparing the Republics of Moldova and -
“Frozen Conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (Ed.)
“Frozen conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (ed.) “Frozen conflicts” in Europe Barbara Budrich Publishers Opladen • Berlin • Toronto 2015 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-3-8474-0428-6. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org © 2015 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. (CC- BY-SA 4.0) It permits use, duplication, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you share under the same license, give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ © 2015 Dieses Werk ist beim Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH erschienen und steht unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Diese Lizenz erlaubt die Verbreitung, Speicherung, Vervielfältigung und Bearbeitung bei Verwendung der gleichen CC-BY-SA 4.0-Lizenz und unter Angabe der UrheberInnen, Rechte, Änderungen und verwendeten Lizenz. This book is available as a free download from www.barbara-budrich.net (https://doi.org/10.3224/84740133). A paperback version is available at a charge. The page numbers of the open access edition correspond with the paperback edition. -
The Conflict in Transnistria: Origins, History and Prospects of Resolution 26 Marzo 2020 Leonid Gusev, Igor Seleznev, Vladlena Tihova
Tribunale Bologna 24.07.2007, n.7770 - ISSN 2239-7752 Direttore responsabile: Antonio Zama The Conflict in Transnistria: Origins, History and Prospects of Resolution 26 Marzo 2020 Leonid Gusev, Igor Seleznev, Vladlena Tihova Abstract The article provides an analysis of the Genesis, the unfolding, and the specificity of the flow of the Tra nsnistrianconflict, conclusions and forecasts on the situation in post-Soviet Moldova, with the use of securit y communities’political theory. Table of Contents: 1. Formulation of the problem 2. The specifics of the conflict: events and facts 3. Conclusion 1. Formulation of the problem The purpose of this work is to give an analysis of the genesis , unfolding and specificity of the course of the Transnistrian c onflict, to draw conclusions and predictions about the situation in the post-Soviet Moldova, usingmodern political science theory. According to some political analysts, the Transnistrian conflict within the overall range of the Balkan confli cts [1,2]. As a result of the frozen Transnistrian conflict, on the territory of the former Moldavian SSR, a state formation wasformed, including the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian Moldavian Republic. Using the terminology of politologist Karl Deutsch, the author of the concept of security communities in int ernational relations, this state-territorial entity can be described as an “amalgamic” security community. A ccording to K. Deutsch, the maincharacteristic of any security community is the mutual confidence of it s members that none of them will resort to force, no matter what disputes arise between them. And there are two types of security communities – “amalgamic” and “pluralistic”. -
Of Democracy in Transdniestria
THEMENSCHWERPUNKT | Isachenko, ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria Daria Isachenko* Abstract: This article examines the relationship between the dynamics of statebuilding and the function of the international com munity in the case of Transdniestria, the eastern region of Moldova. It looks in particular at the practices that local authorities use in promoting Moldovan statehood in the international arena. The Transdniestrian statebuilding project has been characterised by virtual means such as the Internet and by simulation that aim to produce the ‘symptoms’ of democracy in order to legitimise the claim to statehood. It is argued that these symptoms cannot be understood without reference to the international community, which in the case of Transdniestria serves as a normative framework for the process of statebuilding and leads to simulations of democracy in the de facto state. Keywords: Transdniestria, defacto state, democracy, virtual politics Transnistrien, DefactoStaat, Demokratie, virtuelle Politik 1. Introduction1 disguise the real substance of ‘inner politics’” (Ibid: 47). Vir tual politics can be understood as a form of simulation, to use or those����������������������������������������������������� with little knowledge of Transdniestria, or the Jean Baudrillard’s term. According to Baudrillard (1983: 5), “to locally preferred term of Pridnestrovie, one of the web simulate is to feign to have what one hasn’t.” Yet, simulation in sites launched to promote the unrecognised state which volves more than simply pretending: “Someone who feigns an Fis officially part of Moldova summarizes: “Since declaring inde illness can simply go to bed and make believe he is ill. Someone pendence in 1990, it has an exportoriented economy, its own who simulates an illness produces in himself some of the symp government, and a multiparty democracy with the opposition toms” (Ibid). -
Transnistrian Market and Its Impact on Policy and Economy of the Republic of Moldova
FRIEDRICH EBERT FOUNDATION Transnistrian Market and its Impact on Policy and Economy of the Republic of Moldova Chisinau 2005 Authors: Mikhail Burla, Anatol Gudim, Vladislav Kutyrkin, Galina Selari Scientific editor: Anatol Gudim Evaluations, expressed in the materials, reflect only the point of view of the authors. They do not always coincide with the opinion of the editor and by no means can be considered the opinion of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. 2 Contents Preface…………………………………………………………………….…………5 Introduction………………………………………………………………….………5 1. Transnistria’s Economic System: Interaction between Regional Authorities and Economy…………………………………………..….7 2. Macroeconomic Trends, Main Production Sectors…………………………..…..11 3. External Trade: Import and Export Structure and Direction…………………....14 4. Interaction between the Economies of Transnistria and Russia……………..….19 5. Transnistrian Market: Interaction with Neighbors – Moldova and Ukraine…....22 6. Impact of the Transnistrian Market on Policy and Economy of the Republic of Moldova……………………………………...25 Conclusion………………………………………………………………….…….….28 Annexes…………………………………………………………………….……..…30 References………………………………………………………………….………..48 3 4 Preface The Friedrich Ebert Foundation has initiated the preparation of a study on the economic dimension of the Transnistrian problem, which was realized by the Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms. This publication has to contribute to a greater transparency of the economic situation in this region. We also hope that facts and evaluations, which are contained in the material presented, will make easier coming closer to the resolution of the Transnistrian issue. At the same time, it should be especially mentioned, that the contents of the publication do not represent the opinion of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation. I hope that facts, statistical data, and evaluations of this study will give the reader the opportunity to develop some additional arguments, which will contribute to the achievement of a greater democracy and stability in this region of Europe. -
Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Moldova
Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire Doc. 11374 14 September 2007 Honouring of obligations and commitments by Moldova Report Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mrs Josette DURRIEU, France, Socialist Group and Mr Egidijus VAREIKIS, Lithuania, Group of the European People's Party Summary Since the adoption of the last monitoring report in 2005, Moldova has advanced significantly on the path of democratic reforms. To date, Moldova has signed and ratified 63 Council of Europe conventions. In particular, it was among the first member states to sign and ratify the Council of Europe convention on action against trafficking in human beings. During the past two years the Parliament adopted an impressive number of laws dealing with the country's commitments to the Council of Europe. The Moldovan authorities should now take all necessary steps to make the new legal framework fully operational. Further improvements should also be made to the legislation on the judiciary, the general prosecutor's office, political parties and local self-government. The recent local elections were generally well administered but some aspects of the electoral process still fall short of European standards for democratic elections and substantial improvements should be made to the election legislation and practice in the preparation of the forthcoming parliamentary election to be organised in 2009. The negotiations over the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict within the "5+2" format have so far been stalled. No efforts should be spared to resume the search for a solution. The settlement of the Transnistrian conflict must be based on the principle of full respect for Moldova's territorial integrity and sovereignty.