DOCSLIB.ORG

Of Democracy in Transdniestria

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Of Democracy in Transdniestria THEMENSCHWERPUNKT | Isachenko, ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria Daria Isachenko* Abstract: This article examines the relationship between the dynamics of state­building and the function of the international com­ munity in the case of Transdniestria, the eastern region of Moldova. It looks in particular at the practices that local authorities use in promoting Moldovan statehood in the international arena. The Transdniestrian state­building project has been characterised by virtual means such as the Internet and by simulation that aim to produce the ‘symptoms’ of democracy in order to legitimise the claim to statehood. It is argued that these symptoms cannot be understood without reference to the international community, which in the case of Transdniestria serves as a normative framework for the process of state­building and leads to simulations of democracy in the de facto state. Keywords: Transdniestria, defacto state, democracy, virtual politics Transnistrien, De­facto­Staat, Demokratie, virtuelle Politik 1. Introduction1 disguise the real substance of ‘inner politics’” (Ibid: 47). Vir­ tual politics can be understood as a form of simulation, to use or those����������������������������������������������������� with little knowledge of Transdniestria, or the Jean Baudrillard’s term. According to Baudrillard (1983: 5), “to locally preferred term of Pridnestrovie, one of the web­ simulate is to feign to have what one hasn’t.” Yet, simulation in­ sites launched to promote the unrecognised state which volves more than simply pretending: “Someone who feigns an Fis officially part of Moldova summarizes: “Since declaring inde­ illness can simply go to bed and make believe he is ill. Someone pendence in 1990, it has an export­oriented economy, its own who simulates an illness produces in himself some of the symp­ government, and a multi­party democracy with the opposition toms” (Ibid). As a result, it becomes problematic to distinguish 2 in control of parliament.” Then, a seemingly legitimate ques­ between the real and imaginary. Simulation is thus more than tion is posed: “Will this be enough to put Pridnestrovie on the a deception in that it destroys an original reality. To account for map?” this elusiveness, Baudrillard suggests the idea of hyperreality, Its self­depiction contrasts strikingly with what has generally wherein the distinction between real and imaginary no longer been known of the informal state. Among the images typically applies: it is the product of a simulation of the real, whereby employed are a “museum of communism” or “Stalin’s last col­ the imitation is preferred, becoming more real than the real. ony”, a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational crimi­ Importantly, it is the dominance of images and representations nals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, that leads to hyperreality. ranging from cheap submachine guns to high­tech missile The article explores how Transdniestria’s authorities attempt to parts”, a hub of smuggling, and Moscow’s puppet regime.3 make use of the postmodern condition of hyperreality. I argue Aware of the negative image, local authorities decided to use that the Transdniestrian state­building project has been marked cyberspace in an attempt to promote their version of the story. by virtual techniques and simulations, the aim of which is to Taking postmodern theories seriously, Dmitri Soin, informal produce the ‘symptoms’ of democracy in order to legitimise leader of the most active youth movement, for example, specu­ lates, “if this world is an informational illusion anyway, why the claim to statehood. These symptoms of democracy cannot can’t we construct an illusion the way we want it to be?”4 In­ be understood without reference to the international commu­ deed, at least in cyberspace, Transdniestria appears to function nity, which serves as a normative framework for the process of as a real state. The methods by which the illusion of Transdni­ state­building and contributes to the simulation of democracy. estrian statehood is constructed are the focus of this article. It is thus suggested to view the Transdniestrian state­building project in Baudrillardian terms as a product of the internation­ In order to make political sense of Transdniestria, it is helpful al community. The implication here is that the state­building to refer to Andrew Wilson who suggests viewing post­Soviet efforts of local authorities find their roots in the international politics as virtual: authority is neither earned nor asserted but community's values and heavily depend on them to create a rather invented. In the process of invention, political technolo­ hyperreality. gies are used to “stage the basic mythology of the state” (Wilson 2005: xvi). Furthermore, “politics is ‘virtual’ or ‘theatrical’ in the sense that so many aspects of public performance are purely 2. From ‘Papa’s and My Republic’ to ‘Sheriff Re- epiphenomenal or instrumental, existing only for effect or to public’? * Daria Isachenko is lecturer and research fellow at the Department of Politi­ cal Science, Otto­von­Guericke University Magdeburg. This article is peer­re­ Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the viewed. early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse.5 1 I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers as well as John D. Heather­ shaw, Berit Bliesemann de Guevara and Florian P. Kühn for their valuable In the late 1980s, the Russian­speaking elite in Transdniestria, comments and suggestions. who had previously dominated the Moldovan Soviet Republic, 2 www.pridnestrovie.net (15 February 2008). 3 Cf. Tröbst (2003); Herd (2005); The Economist (19 April 2007). 4 Interview, Tiraspol, 13 April 2006. 5 For overviews of the conflict, see Aklaev (1996); Büscher (1996); King (2000). 96 S+F (27. Jg.) 2/2009 https://doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2009-2-96 | Generiert durch IP '170.106.40.219', am 28.09.2021, 03:33:43. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. SuF_02_09_Inhalt_korr02.indd 96 12.05.2009 11:15:23 Isachenko, ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria | THEMENSCHWERPUNKT felt threatened by an emerging nationalist movement whose pride for Transdniestria’s aspirations to statehood,6 it has been aims were to convert the Moldovan language from Cyrillic to somewhat unclear who is in charge of this company. Concen­ Latin script, to declare it the official state language, and to re­ trating largely on illegal trade activities, it was established by unify with Romania. The Russian­speaking population began two ex­officers of the special services in the mid­1990s. Initially, to mobilise, with the initiative coming mainly from workers’ its entrepreneurial activities developed by special arrangement collectives organised by factory directors. In August 1989, the with the president’s family. In return for unconditional sup­ Moldovan authorities adopted the new language law. A year lat­ port, Sheriff was offered complete exemption from tax pay­ er, in September 1990, the Transdniestrian leadership declared ments and import duties (Kommersant, 19 September 2006). independence. In spring 1992, the situation escalated into war However, as its entrepreneurial activities grew, so did its po­ between Moldova and paramilitary groups in Transdniestria. litical ambitions. A number of observers believe that although With the support of the Soviet 14th Army, Transdniestrian initially Sheriff did have close links with the Smirnov family, forces defeated Moldovan governmental forces and further interests gradually diverged. Sheriff is believed to have eventu­ pursued the process of state­building, although still lacking ally become discontent with the isolation of the PMR, a situa­ international recognition. tion which is detrimental to its growing business activities. As a result, some insinuate the readiness of this group to sacrifice A feature distinguishing Transdniestria is the dominance of the PMR statehood for an arrangement with Moldova to legalise president’s family in political and economic areas. Igor Smir­ its business.7 nov, president of the informal state, came to the region in 1987 upon appointment to direct operations at a machine­building In 2000, the Obnovlenie (Renewal) movement was founded with factory. In 1989, he was elected to lead the United Workers Col­ Sheriff’s financial support. Concerned with economic develop­ lectives, an entity which organised strikes against the language ments in the region, a number of deputies and entrepreneurs gathered, as the movement’s name suggests, to ‘renew’ the law. When independence was proclaimed in 1990, Smirnov republic by concentrating on market reforms. Major disagree­ was elected president and subsequently re­elected four times ments with the executive branch started in spring 2005, when in succession. In the course of informal state­building, Smir­ 17 deputies of Obnovlenie, led by then vice­speaker of the Su­ nov managed to turn the republic into a state governed solely preme Soviet Evgeny Shevchuk, initiated an amendment to by presidential rule. All power is concentrated in the executive the constitution that would have curtailed presidential powers. branch, both de facto and according to the constitution. The Following accusations that they were trying to usurp power, public support for Smirnov’s leadership is guaranteed by the the deputies subsequently abandoned the initiative. In the par­ Ministry of State Security (MGB – Ministerstvo Gosudarstven-
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Trafficking in Transnistria: the Role of Russia
    Trafficking in Transnistria: The Role of Russia by Kent Harrel SIS Honors Capstone Supervised by Professors Linda Lubrano and Elizabeth Anderson Submitted to the School of International Service American University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with General University Honors Bachelor of Arts Degree May 2009 Abstract After declaring de facto independence from the Republic of Moldova in 1992, the breakaway region of Transnistria became increasingly isolated, and has emerged as a hotspot for weapons and human trafficking. Working from a Realist paradigm, this project assesses the extent to which the Russian government and military abet trafficking in Transnistria, and the way in which Russia uses trafficking as a means to adversely affect Moldova’s designs of broader integration within European spheres. This project proves necessary because the existing scholarship on the topic of Transnistrian trafficking failed to focus on the role of the Russian government and military, and in turn did not account for the ways in which trafficking hinders Moldova’s national interests. The research project utilizes sources such as trafficking policy centers, first-hand accounts, trade agreements, non-governmental organizations, and government documents. A review of the literature employs the use of secondary sources such as scholarly and newspaper articles. In short, this project develops a more comprehensive understanding of Russia’s role in Moldovan affairs and attempts to add a significant work to the existing literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Kovalov Ou 0169D 10959.Pdf
    UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE THE EFFECTS OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRATIC QUALITY IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, AND UKRAINE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By MAKSYM KOVALOV Norman, Oklahoma 2013 THE EFFECTS OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRATIC QUALITY IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, AND UKRAINE A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY ______________________________ Dr. Mitchell P. Smith, Chair ______________________________ Dr. Charles D. Kenney ______________________________ Dr. Ronald K. Gaddie _____________________________ Dr. Suzette R. Grillot _____________________________ Dr. Daniel L. Hicks © Copyright by MAKSYM KOVALOV 2013 All Rights Reserved. Моим дорогим родителям за их безусловную поддержку, любовь и веру, что у меня все получится. Acknowledgements First and foremost, I am very grateful to my advisor, Dr. Mitchell Smith, for his help and guidance. During these long years of taking classes and writing papers he has been a tremendous source of inspiration, ideas and encouragement. I am thankful for his detailed feedback on numerous drafts of this dissertation. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee – Dr. Charles Kenney, Dr. Suzette Grillot, Dr. Keith Gaddie and Dr. Daniel Hicks – for their valuable comments, discussions and suggestions. My six months of dissertation research would not have been possible without financial support from the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Oklahoma, the Robberson Research Grant awarded by the Graduate College and the John Halvor Leek Memorial Scholarship awarded by the Department of Political Science. These grants and scholarships provided travel funding for my fieldwork in the Czech Republic, Poland and Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
    Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64).
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction 2 Setting up a State
    Notes Introduction 1. Clement Dodd (1993) edited a volume on Turkish Cypriot affairs, cover- ing political, social, and economic areas. More recent research has been concerned with particular issues such as the dynamics of political econ- omy (Lacher and Kaymak, 2005; Sonan, 2007); the question of Turkish Cypriot identity building and social conflicts within Northern Cyprus (Kızılyürek and Gautier-Kızılyürek, 2004; Hatay, 2005, 2008; Ramm, 2006; Navaro-Yashin, 2006); as well as the analysis of the connection of Turkish Cypriot sovereignty with Turkey’s involvement from different perspec- tives (Navaro-Yashin, 2003; Bahcheli, 2004a). The case of Transdniestria, on the other hand, has been marked by a paucity of research. Whereas economic developments have been followed in detail by Moldova’s Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms (CISR), internal political dynamics have been explored in only a very few specialized articles (Büscher, 1996; Tröbst, 2003; Hanne, 2004; Korobov and Byanov, 2006; Protsyk, 2009). 2 Setting up a State 1. The metaphor is borrowed from Richmond (2002a) mentioned in Chapter 1. 2. Although it is widely believed that Denktas¸ was the founder and leader of the TMT, Denktas¸ himself described his role within the organization as a political advisor (Cavit, 1999, p. 512). For an alternative view of the TMT’s activities and Turkey’s role in the formation of this group see Ionnides (1991). 3. It should be noted, however, that although these armed clashes are often referred to as ‘inter-communal’ fighting, on closer examination this term is a misnomer. The two armed groups were highly nationalist in ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU Border Mission at Work Around Transdniestria: a Win-Win Case?
    n°21, janvier 2010 Daria Isachenko Université Humboldt de Berlin & Université de Magdeburg The EU border mission at work around Transdniestria: a win-win case? Until recently little was known about Transdniestria, a small piece of territory situated between Moldova and Ukraine. What was mostly known is that this place is a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational criminals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, ranging from cheap submachine guns to high-tech missile parts”.1 In brief, it is a “gunrunner’s haven”, where “just about every sort of weapon is available” upon request.2 Moreover, to arms production and smuggling, many experts add human trafficking and drug smuggling.3 Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse. Since then, Transdniestria remains a contested territory which officially belongs to Moldova, but has managed to create its own attributes of statehood, seeking international recognition. The claim to statehood of this entity presents a great challenge to Moldova’s territorial integrity, whose officials mostly view this statelet as a puppet, created by the “certain circles” in the Kremlin with the sole purpose of keeping Moldova under Russia’s sphere of influence. Since no progress was made in settling this “frozen” conflict over the years, Moldova started to search for allies in the West. By 2005 the Moldovan government managed to persuade the European Union to 1 G. P. Herd, “Moldova and the Dniestr region: contested past, frozen present, speculative futures?”, Central and Eastern Europe Series, 05/07, Conflict Studies Research Centre, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Febuary 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova and the Transnistrian Conflict
    Chapter 4 Moldova and the Transnistrian Conflict Marius Vahl and Michael Emerson The Transnistrian conflict emerged with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. The two sides have been unable to agree on any of the proposals tabled by the international mediators, Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE. The EU played a negligible role during the first decade of the Transnistrian conflict, but has recently become more engaged. This was preceded by a growing emphasis on the EU and Europeanization in Moldovan political discourse. Disillusionment with the negotiating format has grown in Moldova, increasing support for Europeanization of Moldova independently of the settlement of the conflict. The EU engagement has led to a growing resentment towards the EU in Transnistrian political discourse. Differences among the major external actors have become more pronounced, with Russia disapproving of the ‘interference’ of the West and the growing engagement of the EU. 4.1 A brief history of Moldova1 Moldova traces its roots to the Principality of Moldova established in the late Middle Ages. Centred in present-day Romania to the northwest of today’s Moldova, the Principality reached its peak during the 15th century, before becoming a vassal state of the Ottomans in the early 16th century. Moldova was never fully incorporated into the Ottoman Empire. Its vassal status was withdrawn and Greek administrators were appointed in the early 18th century, following anti-Ottoman insurrections. The revolt was supported by the expanding Russian empire, which reached the Nistru river in the late 18th century.2 In 1806, Russia invaded the Eastern part of the Principality known as Bessarabia, an annexation accepted by the Ottomans in 1812.3 The rump Moldovan principality on the west side of the Prut, in present-day Romania, remained part of the Ottoman Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Recognition: the Case of Transnistria by Georgii Nikolaenko
    The Legitimacy of (Non)Recognition: The Case of Transnistria By Georgii Nikolaenko Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations Supervisor: Professor Xymena Kurowska Word count: 12, 777 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract The aim of this thesis was to show how international actors сan be recognized in ways other than legally. The link to legitimacy in its contextual understanding devised by Friedrich Kratochwil was applied to perform an in-depth analysis of the case of Transnistria. This thesis argues that recogntion in international relations is not confined to diplomatic recognition – in fact, there are instances of informal recognition. In the case of Transnistria, this recognition manifests itself in relation to the narrative which was produced by the OSCE Mission to Moldova and EUBAM. As a result, the OSCE Mission to Moldova and EUBAM appear to be capable of endowing other actors with recognition as the recognition of Transnistria is legitimized by the two missions. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Xymena Kurowska, my supervisor, for her support and advice as well as intellectual challenge throughout the year; I learnt a lot from you. I also want to thank the staff of the Department of International Relations for their everyday support but also for their assistance during the time when I lost my Hungarian residence permit in the Netherlands and they were the only ones who replied to my emails over the Christmas holidays.
    [Show full text]
  • “Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria
    There’s a new “Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria Michael Bobick Cornell University Havighurst Center Miami University Young Researcher’s Conference 2012 Please do note cite without the author’s permission Abstract Crime and corruption have plagued Transnistria since its initial declaration of independence in 1990. Transnistria has all of the requisite symbolic and institutional aspects of statehood but lacks international recognition. Transnistria’s economy, like the state itself, exists outside of any normative regulatory or juridical framework. Long viewed a black spot on the political map of Europe, the region’s economy has played a central role in illicit transactions throughout the post-Soviet period. This paper explores the issue of corruption in Transnistria through the lens of a single company, Sheriff. As a holding company that controls the vast majority of the region’s profitable enterprises, Sheriff is the most visible economic entity in the region (its businesses include supermarkets, gas stations, internet, telecommunications, textile production, broadcast and cable television, auto sales, publishing, cognac production, light manufacturing, publishing, and advertising). Sheriff has turned Transnistria’s liminality into a means of generating immense profits and rents due to its close relationship to the state. Yet Sheriff serves as a crucial buffer between residents who face an otherwise bleak material existence, offering both charity and other modern conveniences to residents. Sheriff has, in the words of one informant, brought a “civilized” consumer experience to the region. This paper examines the wider political context that gave rise to Sheriff (i.e., its murky rise to its monopoly position), its position as a facilitator of illicit economic transactions, and how Sheriff, through its provisioning of goods and services, displaces, masks, and ultimately disarms allegations of corruption both inside and outside of the region.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova's Uncertain Future
    MOLDOVA’S UNCERTAIN FUTURE Europe Report N°175 – 17 August 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. A CHANGED INTERNATIONAL LANDSCAPE ..................................................... 2 III. NEW PRESSURE ON TRANSDNIESTRIA ............................................................... 4 A. HOW THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ECONOMY WORKS ...................................................................4 B. THE EU’S ENGAGEMENT ......................................................................................................5 C. THE CUSTOMS REGIME .........................................................................................................8 IV. MAKING THE CASE FOR A UNITED MOLDOVA................................................ 10 A. A SPLIT IN THE TRANSDNIESTRIAN ELITE? ........................................................................10 B. MOLDOVA’S FLAWED APPROACH .......................................................................................11 C. MAKING MOLDOVA MORE ATTRACTIVE .............................................................................12 1. The EU-Moldova Action Plan .................................................................................14 2. Trading with the European Union ...........................................................................15 3. Attracting (and pressuring) Transdniestrian
    [Show full text]
  • Author Accepted Manuscript
    Public Disclosure Authorized AUTHOR ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT FINAL PUBLICATION INFORMATION Divided Space, Divided Attitudes? Comparing the Republics of Moldova and Pridnestrovie (Transnistria) Using Simultaneous Surveys The definitive version of the text was subsequently published in Eurasian Geography and Economics, 54(2), 2013-08-06 Published by Taylor and Francis Public Disclosure Authorized THE FINAL PUBLISHED VERSION OF THIS ARTICLE IS AVAILABLE ON THE PUBLISHER’S PLATFORM This Author Accepted Manuscript is copyrighted by the World Bank and published by Taylor and Francis. It is posted here by agreement between them. Changes resulting from the publishing process—such as editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms—may not be reflected in this version of the text. You may download, copy, and distribute this Author Accepted Manuscript for noncommercial purposes. Your license is limited by the following restrictions: Public Disclosure Authorized (1) You may use this Author Accepted Manuscript for noncommercial purposes only under a CC BY-NC-ND 3.0 Unported license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. (2) The integrity of the work and identification of the author, copyright owner, and publisher must be preserved in any copy. (3) You must attribute this Author Accepted Manuscript in the following format: This is an Author Accepted Manuscript of an Article by O’Loughlin, John; Toal, Gerard; Chamberlain-Creangă, Rebecca Divided Space, Divided Attitudes? Comparing the Republics of Moldova and
    [Show full text]
  • “Frozen Conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (Ed.)
    “Frozen conflicts” in Europe Anton Bebler (ed.) “Frozen conflicts” in Europe Barbara Budrich Publishers Opladen • Berlin • Toronto 2015 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-3-8474-0428-6. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org © 2015 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. (CC- BY-SA 4.0) It permits use, duplication, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you share under the same license, give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ © 2015 Dieses Werk ist beim Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH erschienen und steht unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Diese Lizenz erlaubt die Verbreitung, Speicherung, Vervielfältigung und Bearbeitung bei Verwendung der gleichen CC-BY-SA 4.0-Lizenz und unter Angabe der UrheberInnen, Rechte, Änderungen und verwendeten Lizenz. This book is available as a free download from www.barbara-budrich.net (https://doi.org/10.3224/84740133). A paperback version is available at a charge. The page numbers of the open access edition correspond with the paperback edition.
    [Show full text]
  • The Conflict in Transnistria: Origins, History and Prospects of Resolution 26 Marzo 2020 Leonid Gusev, Igor Seleznev, Vladlena Tihova
    Tribunale Bologna 24.07.2007, n.7770 - ISSN 2239-7752 Direttore responsabile: Antonio Zama The Conflict in Transnistria: Origins, History and Prospects of Resolution 26 Marzo 2020 Leonid Gusev, Igor Seleznev, Vladlena Tihova Abstract The article provides an analysis of the Genesis, the unfolding, and the specificity of the flow of the Tra nsnistrianconflict, conclusions and forecasts on the situation in post-Soviet Moldova, with the use of securit y communities’political theory. Table of Contents: 1. Formulation of the problem 2. The specifics of the conflict: events and facts 3. Conclusion 1. Formulation of the problem The purpose of this work is to give an analysis of the genesis , unfolding and specificity of the course of the Transnistrian c onflict, to draw conclusions and predictions about the situation in the post-Soviet Moldova, usingmodern political science theory. According to some political analysts, the Transnistrian conflict within the overall range of the Balkan confli cts [1,2]. As a result of the frozen Transnistrian conflict, on the territory of the former Moldavian SSR, a state formation wasformed, including the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian Moldavian Republic. Using the terminology of politologist Karl Deutsch, the author of the concept of security communities in int ernational relations, this state-territorial entity can be described as an “amalgamic” security community. A ccording to K. Deutsch, the maincharacteristic of any security community is the mutual confidence of it s members that none of them will resort to force, no matter what disputes arise between them. And there are two types of security communities – “amalgamic” and “pluralistic”.
    [Show full text]