THEMENSCHWERPUNKT | Isachenko, ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria Daria Isachenko* Abstract: This article examines the relationship between the dynamics of state­building and the function of the international com­ munity in the case of Transdniestria, the eastern region of Moldova. It looks in particular at the practices that local authorities use in promoting Moldovan statehood in the international arena. The Transdniestrian state­building project has been characterised by virtual means such as the Internet and by simulation that aim to produce the ‘symptoms’ of democracy in order to legitimise the claim to statehood. It is argued that these symptoms cannot be understood without reference to the international community, which in the case of Transdniestria serves as a normative framework for the process of state­building and leads to simulations of democracy in the de facto state. Keywords: Transdniestria, defacto state, democracy, virtual politics Transnistrien, De­facto­Staat, Demokratie, virtuelle Politik 1. Introduction1 disguise the real substance of ‘inner politics’” (Ibid: 47). Vir­ tual politics can be understood as a form of simulation, to use or those����������������������������������������������������� with little knowledge of Transdniestria, or the Jean Baudrillard’s term. According to Baudrillard (1983: 5), “to locally preferred term of Pridnestrovie, one of the web­ simulate is to feign to have what one hasn’t.” Yet, simulation in­ sites launched to promote the unrecognised state which volves more than simply pretending: “Someone who feigns an Fis officially part of Moldova summarizes: “Since declaring inde­ illness can simply go to bed and make believe he is ill. Someone pendence in 1990, it has an export­oriented economy, its own who simulates an illness produces in himself some of the symp­ government, and a multi­party democracy with the opposition toms” (Ibid). As a result, it becomes problematic to distinguish 2 in control of parliament.” Then, a seemingly legitimate ques­ between the real and imaginary. Simulation is thus more than tion is posed: “Will this be enough to put Pridnestrovie on the a deception in that it destroys an original reality. To account for map?” this elusiveness, Baudrillard suggests the idea of hyperreality, Its self­depiction contrasts strikingly with what has generally wherein the distinction between real and imaginary no longer been known of the informal state. Among the images typically applies: it is the product of a simulation of the real, whereby employed are a “museum of communism” or “Stalin’s last col­ the imitation is preferred, becoming more real than the real. ony”, a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational crimi­ Importantly, it is the dominance of images and representations nals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, that leads to hyperreality. ranging from cheap submachine guns to high­tech missile The article explores how Transdniestria’s authorities attempt to parts”, a hub of smuggling, and Moscow’s puppet regime.3 make use of the postmodern condition of hyperreality. I argue Aware of the negative image, local authorities decided to use that the Transdniestrian state­building project has been marked cyberspace in an attempt to promote their version of the story. by virtual techniques and simulations, the aim of which is to Taking postmodern theories seriously, Dmitri Soin, informal produce the ‘symptoms’ of democracy in order to legitimise leader of the most active youth movement, for example, specu­ lates, “if this world is an informational illusion anyway, why the claim to statehood. These symptoms of democracy cannot can’t we construct an illusion the way we want it to be?”4 In­ be understood without reference to the international commu­ deed, at least in cyberspace, Transdniestria appears to function nity, which serves as a normative framework for the process of as a real state. The methods by which the illusion of Transdni­ state­building and contributes to the simulation of democracy. estrian statehood is constructed are the focus of this article. It is thus suggested to view the Transdniestrian state­building project in Baudrillardian terms as a product of the internation­ In order to make political sense of Transdniestria, it is helpful al community. The implication here is that the state­building to refer to Andrew Wilson who suggests viewing post­Soviet efforts of local authorities find their roots in the international politics as virtual: authority is neither earned nor asserted but community's values and heavily depend on them to create a rather invented. In the process of invention, political technolo­ hyperreality. gies are used to “stage the basic mythology of the state” (Wilson 2005: xvi). Furthermore, “politics is ‘virtual’ or ‘theatrical’ in the sense that so many aspects of public performance are purely 2. From ‘Papa’s and My Republic’ to ‘Sheriff Re- epiphenomenal or instrumental, existing only for effect or to public’? * Daria Isachenko is lecturer and research fellow at the Department of Politi­ cal Science, Otto­von­Guericke University Magdeburg. This article is peer­re­ Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the viewed. early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse.5 1 I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers as well as John D. Heather­ shaw, Berit Bliesemann de Guevara and Florian P. Kühn for their valuable In the late 1980s, the Russian­speaking elite in Transdniestria, comments and suggestions. who had previously dominated the Moldovan Soviet Republic, 2 www.pridnestrovie.net (15 February 2008). 3 Cf. Tröbst (2003); Herd (2005); The Economist (19 April 2007). 4 Interview, Tiraspol, 13 April 2006. 5 For overviews of the conflict, see Aklaev (1996); Büscher (1996); King (2000). 96 S+F (27. Jg.) 2/2009 https://doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2009-2-96 | Generiert durch IP '170.106.40.219', am 28.09.2021, 03:33:43. Das Erstellen und Weitergeben von Kopien dieses PDFs ist nicht zulässig. SuF_02_09_Inhalt_korr02.indd 96 12.05.2009 11:15:23 Isachenko, ‘Symptoms’ of Democracy in Transdniestria | THEMENSCHWERPUNKT felt threatened by an emerging nationalist movement whose pride for Transdniestria’s aspirations to statehood,6 it has been aims were to convert the Moldovan language from Cyrillic to somewhat unclear who is in charge of this company. Concen­ Latin script, to declare it the official state language, and to re­ trating largely on illegal trade activities, it was established by unify with Romania. The Russian­speaking population began two ex­officers of the special services in the mid­1990s. Initially, to mobilise, with the initiative coming mainly from workers’ its entrepreneurial activities developed by special arrangement collectives organised by factory directors. In August 1989, the with the president’s family. In return for unconditional sup­ Moldovan authorities adopted the new language law. A year lat­ port, Sheriff was offered complete exemption from tax pay­ er, in September 1990, the Transdniestrian leadership declared ments and import duties (Kommersant, 19 September 2006). independence. In spring 1992, the situation escalated into war However, as its entrepreneurial activities grew, so did its po­ between Moldova and paramilitary groups in Transdniestria. litical ambitions. A number of observers believe that although With the support of the Soviet 14th Army, Transdniestrian initially Sheriff did have close links with the Smirnov family, forces defeated Moldovan governmental forces and further interests gradually diverged. Sheriff is believed to have eventu­ pursued the process of state­building, although still lacking ally become discontent with the isolation of the PMR, a situa­ international recognition. tion which is detrimental to its growing business activities. As a result, some insinuate the readiness of this group to sacrifice A feature distinguishing Transdniestria is the dominance of the PMR statehood for an arrangement with Moldova to legalise president’s family in political and economic areas. Igor Smir­ its business.7 nov, president of the informal state, came to the region in 1987 upon appointment to direct operations at a machine­building In 2000, the Obnovlenie (Renewal) movement was founded with factory. In 1989, he was elected to lead the United Workers Col­ Sheriff’s financial support. Concerned with economic develop­ lectives, an entity which organised strikes against the language ments in the region, a number of deputies and entrepreneurs gathered, as the movement’s name suggests, to ‘renew’ the law. When independence was proclaimed in 1990, Smirnov republic by concentrating on market reforms. Major disagree­ was elected president and subsequently re­elected four times ments with the executive branch started in spring 2005, when in succession. In the course of informal state­building, Smir­ 17 deputies of Obnovlenie, led by then vice­speaker of the Su­ nov managed to turn the republic into a state governed solely preme Soviet Evgeny Shevchuk, initiated an amendment to by presidential rule. All power is concentrated in the executive the constitution that would have curtailed presidential powers. branch, both de facto and according to the constitution. The Following accusations that they were trying to usurp power, public support for Smirnov’s leadership is guaranteed by the the deputies subsequently abandoned the initiative. In the par­ Ministry of State Security (MGB – Ministerstvo Gosudarstven-