Sketch of Wichita, a Caddoan Language

DAVID S. ROOD

Phonology 7.2. Inflectional Possibilities: Mood, Evidential, Tense/Aspect 1. Syllable Nuclei 8. The Noun 1.1. Vowels and Length 8.1. Se1ectional Classes: Countable, Liquid, 1.2. Pitch and Stress Collective, Animate, Activity 2. Syllable Margins 8.2. Inflectional Possibilities: Case, Number, 3. Syllables Person, Focus, Definite 4. Underlying Phonology 9. Modifiers Grammar 9. 1. For Nouns 9.2. For Verbs 5. Citation of Forms 9 .3. Intensifiers 6. Organization of the Description 10. Derivation

Semantic Structure Surface Structure 7. The Verb 11. Word and Morpheme Order 7 .1. Selectional Classes: Action, Process, Stative, 12. Conclusion Transitive, Impersonal, Benefactive 13. Selected Vocabulary

In 1991, Wichita was spoken by about a dozen people (1976, 1977) are in the form of stories or conversations in central and south-central Oklahoma, principally that were dictated or staged expressly for the author. around Anadarko and Gracemont, but also including In 1994 the language was spoken rarely, even by Lawton. Together with Pawnee and Arikara, it forms those who were able to do so. the North Caddoan branch of the Caddoan family, of Most of the data on which this description is based which Caddo is the only other living representative. were collected in the summer of 1965 and throughout Information is also available about one other North the academic year 1966-1967. Rood (1976) was Caddoan language, Kitsai, which is extinct. based entirely on these data. Rood's main assistant In the 1990s there were no dialect variations remain­ from 1964 until the early 1980s �as Bertha Provost ing among the various Wichita speakers, although for­ (fig. 1 ), but information has also come from George merly Waco, Tawakoni, and Wichita proper were Bates, May Lamar Davis (fig. 2), Berdina Holder, recognized as separate dialects. For a survey of early Doris Lamar (fig. 2), Elton Lamar, Leta Lamar, recorded information about Caddoan languages and a Vivian McCurdy (fig. 3), Frank Miller, Houston discussion of the genetic relationships among them, see Miller, Clara Moonlight, Faye Owings, Bertha Taylor ( 1963, 1963a). Picard, Helen Wheeler Querdibitty, Martha Reeder, All fluent speakers in 1994 were older than 60. There and Lorraine Ross. Most of the texts from which the were no living monolinguals. In 1965, speakers who examples used below were drawn appear in Rood could use the language tended to do so at every oppor­ (1977). tunity; older people gathered for socializing or for busi­ ness preferred to conduct conversations in Wichita if PHONOLOGY possible; grandparents who wished to communicate about grandchildren with the parents of the children 1. SYLLABLE NUCLEI used Wichita as a "code," even though the parent was J.J. VOWELS AND LENGTH usually unable to respond in Wichita. These occasions Wichita utterances utilize three phonemic vowels: /i, e, never produced exclusively Wichita utterances; a/. Each of these occurs either short, long, or overlong, English words and sentences were frequently intermin­ with varying frequencies. In addition, a sequence of gled (see Rood 1989a for some detailed examples). short vowel plus /w/ plus short vowel will often be pro­ 580 Consequently, most of the continuous text data in Rood nounced [ o·] (like the oo of German Boot), so that one the sequence layil or liyal. But since there is often no evidence to motivate the choice of one of these sequences over the other, for the present /e/ must be retained in both the surface and underlying phonologi­ cal representations of some forms (section 4 ). 1.1.3. /a/ is usually a low, back, unrounded vowel [a]. It is thus similar to the English vowel of cot-caught in the speech of many western and southern Americans. Before or after /w/, it is sometimes rounded slightly, to sound like the vowel of caught in most English dialects that separate cot and caught. When short in unstressed syllables, it is often raised and centralized to [A] (like the u of but). The low central [a] (the vowel of father) Fig. I. Bertha Ross Provost (ka·santatiyeh 'following with a is rarely heard anywhere. /a·/ and /a:/ are always low, scalp'. nicknamed tikamrnac 'grinding corn') (b. ca. 1890, d. 1983), back, and unrounded. Both /a/ and /a'/ are common, but and her great-grandson Lester Poolaw, Jr. Beginning in 1964, /a:/ occurs in very few words. Contrast, however, Provost shared much with Rood about traditional life and many na· ?ih 'his' with nd: ?ih 'his child', or hdrah 'there Wichita stories, which she had learned from her grandmother. Provost spoke only Wichita until she was 9 years old and was (used when pointing)', ha·rf·h 'that one', and ha:rih taken by force to the Riverside School in Anadarko, Okla. While 'there, in that place'. she was a teenager her parents arranged her marriage to James 1.1.4. Ross, who died soon after the birth of their second child. She then married William Henry Provost, a Sioux, who was a preacher. She [o·] is normally the only length variant for this phone. helped him in his Bible classes and church services, often serving One word, [ho?os] 'soon', presents the only other as the Wichita interpreter.,Photographed probably at the Wichita occurrence of a back, rounded vowel, but it does not and Pawnee gathering in Pawnee, Okla., about 1975 (digitally force the conclusion that the language has a phoneme retouched). /of or lui. From various kinds of evidence, it can be deduced that this word should be represented as lhaw?asl, and all the occurrences of [ o·] represented as actually hears four vowels (i, e, a, o) when listening to sequences involving lwl. Garvin (1950) contains sev­ Wichita. eral transcriptions of words with short /u/, all of which In this chapter, a raised dot following a vowel indi­ actually represent /a/ in a backing and rounding envi­ cates that the vowel is held about twice as long as an ronment (Rood 1975). unmarked vowel; a colon means it is held from two and 1. 1.5. one-half to three times as long as the short vowel. /i/ and /a/ are voiceless in word-final position. The pre­ 1. 1. 1. ceding consonant is always either /k/ or f?f. In the Iii is phonetically mid or high front and unrounded. It examples below, an underlying final vowel may be can thus sound like any of the vowels in English beat, written after other consonants, but it is not pronounced bit, or bait (although German Beet is closer than there. There are no examples of /e/ in this environment, English bait). Usually it is higher (more like beat) so there are no examples of voiceless /e/. Voiceless when short, especially after [r], and lower (more like vowels are always short and may carry secondary Beet) when lengthened, so that one hears [i] and [e·] or stress. [ e: ]; nevertheless, this is not consistent, and the vowel 1. 1.6. is best described as ranging from [e] to [iJ, with these There are no vowel clusters. Garvin (1950) does and all the phones in between being in free variation. describe several of them, but reexamination and the This vowel occurs about equally often short, long, and addition of further data have revealed that each of his overlong. clusters is either /VyV/ or an erroneous treatment of 1.1.2. /w/. Furthermore, his discovery of variable length in /e/ is phonetically low, front unrounded [:E] or [£]. It certain environments was not confirmed by Rood can thus sound like the vowel of either cat or pet. It (1965-1969). very rarely occurs short, except in the sequence /e?e/; 1.2. PITCH AND STRESS and it is by far the most frequent overlong vowel. This Every vowel will have either a high pitch (tone) (which distribution, as well as the strange configuration of the in word-final position is a falling pitch contour) or a vowel system in general and the parallelism of [o·] = low pitch accompanying it. The distribution of pitches IVwVI, lead one to suspect that /e/ could be treated as is entirely unpredictable and phonemic; stress, which 581

SKETCH OF WICHITA, A CADDOAN LANGUAGE from the main stresses. A pattern of alternating stressed and unstressed syllables is thus developed, in which the stressed syllable can have either primary or secondary stress. If two primary stressed vowels occur in the same word and would seem to assign con­ flicting secondary stresses, the conflict is usually resolved by stopping at the place where the two over­ lap, allowing a sequence of two unstressed syllables if necessary. 1.2.3. Examples are as follows. Bolding marks primary stress; underlining marks secondary stress; the acute accent marks high pitch. (1) nahe'htirih 'creek' is stressed [na-he·-ha-rih], following the rule that primary stress coincides with high pitch, and the rule that secondary stress occurs on alternate vowels from the pitch in either direction. (2) kinni·ca ?ak?f·has '�ih 'alfalfa' (literally 'that which does not die out') is longer, but similar. The stresses are lkin-ni·-ca-?ak-?1·-has-?ih]. (3) k?fta·kski·ya·k?a 'millet' (literally 'coyote tail') demonstrates a secondary stress on a voiceless vowel; the pattern is [k?i-ta·ks-ki"-ya·k-?a]. (4) tikasi"sk"' 'he has a beard', stressed [!!-ka­ si'skw], illustrates primary stress on a long vowel, plus secondary on alternate vowels from the primary. Fig. 2. Doris Jean Lamar (McLemore; b. 1927), standing, and her mother May Lamar (Davis; b. 1906). May grew up on her parents' (5) niye·skic?i·s 'baby' (literally 'unripe child') shows allotment southeast of Gracemont Okla., and attended Riverside two primary stresses, one on each long vowel, School in Anadarko and Haskell Institute in Kans. Doris was raised and no secondary stresses: [ni-ye·s-kic-?i·s]. by her grandparents on the same allotment and grew up fluent in ( 6) tika? acs 'he is eating it' and naka ? acskih 'the Wichita. For 30 years she worked as an educational aide at the one who is eating it' illustrate words with boarding school. From about 1986 she was Rood's primary consultant. Both women were instrumental in producing a set of short, low-pitched vowels and stress on the last Wichita language lessons on tape. Photograph by Ron South, vowel; note that the root, -ka ?ac-, receives Chickasha, Okla., Aug. 1993. varying kinds of stress, depending on the shape of the rest of the word: [!!-ka-?acs; na-ka-?acs­ kih]. (7) arasi·cfte·riw 'you finished it (put an edge or occurs in three degrees (primary, secondary, ancl border on it)', stressed [a-ra-si·-ci-te·-riw], unstressed) can be predicted most of the time from the shows the suspension of the secondary stress position of the pitches. assignment rule where conflict results. ara­ 1.2.1. would demand that -si·- be stressed, while -cf­ The rules for stress prediction are complex, and unex­ would demand that the preceding -ra- be plained counterexamples exist. For primary stress, a hier­ stressed; the result would be *[3-ra-si·-ci-. . . ], archy of priorities exists: in a given word, all high-pitched which is not the actual form. syllables will have primary stress; if no high pitches occur (8) counterexamples to the rules are of three types: in the word, long vowels receive primary stress; if neither (a) Sometimes secondary stresses occur on high pitch nor a long vowel occurs in the word, the last adjacent syllables, without obvious reasons voiced vowel has primary stress--except that in two­ why. Note [sa·-ri-2,!-!!-ka?a] 'Arapaho' as one vowel words with only short, low-pitched vowels, neither instance. vowel is more strongly stressed than the other. (b) Secondary stresses sometimes occur on 1.2.2. syllables adjacent to high pitches, as in [ka·­ Once the primary stresses are established, secondary kin-na-kwha·c-�-ki] 'apple' (literally, 'some 582 stress is assigned to alternatevowels (in either direction) things that are red').

ROOD counted to determine stress placement are apt to have been deleted by later rules, thus destroying the obvious surface regularity. But this will not account for 8c, because kita is a single morpheme.

2. SYLLABLE MARGINS Wichita uses no true labials, and no phonemic nasals, in its consonant system except for two verb roots lkammacl 'grind corn' and lcamma·cil 'hoe, cultivate'. The system has the following 10 members: labia-velar alveolar palatal velar glottal stops kw ( k ? affricate c fricatives s h approximants w r-n y 2.1.

The stops and affricate (lc/ = [ts]) are voiceless, unaspi­ rated, and tense (similar to French voiceless stops). /s/ is alveolar, and varies freely from grooved to flat artic­ ulation (but usually one speaker prefers one articula­ tion, the next the other). The phoneme written /r-n/ is an alveolar flap or tap ([f], the single r of Spanish pero) which is nasalized when it occurs before other alveo­ lars, when it is geminate, or when it is in initial position before vowels. In other words, the medial or final clus­ ters beginning with this phoneme include [nc, nt, ns, nn, r?, rhJ; initially, [n] and [rh] occur (and [r] is voice­ less here); intervocalically, [f] is the allophone used. Both [r] and /w/ (and the [w] component of fkwf) are voiceless in word-final position. 2.2. Fig. 3. Vivian McCurdy (te'Ska·hi·k?a 'corn woman') (b. 1925), Clusters of up to five consonants ([ncksk] in who provided Rood information on Indian names. She was the nahi ?inckskih 'while sleeping' is the longest exam­ enrollment clerk for the tribe in the late 1970s and early 1980s. ple) occur medially; up to four occur finally. These Photograph by Emma I. Hansen, Anadarko, Okla., 1981. clusters are composed of alternating stop-continuant­ stop-continuant sequences, or of series of continuants, or of both, where /c/ and f?f function as either stop or (c) In some situations, the counting of continuant (Garvin 1950:182). In addition to [nn], the alternate syllables seems to extend farther geminate clusters are /ss/ and /cc/ ([tsts]). Word ini­ from one primary stress than from another, as tially, besides /rh/, the only clusters attested are /ks, in [kiya·kiriwa·c?arasarikita?ahi"riks] 'he th, k?, ch, kwh, kh, ckh, and kskh/. There is a contrast - brought the big (quantity of)me at up to the top between initial vowel and initial f?f plus vowel: /?if­ (by making many trips)'. Here both syllables marks the third person of the negative indicative of -kita- 'top' receive secondary stress, the -ki­ tense, while li/- marks the equivalent form of the under the influence of -?d-, the -ta- under the directive tense. influence of -hf'-. According to the general /y/ does not participate in any (surface) consonant patterns described above, only the -ta- should clusters. It usually occurs between /i/ or /e/ and /a/, but have been stressed. rare instances of liye/, /eye/, /aye/ and /aya/ exist. For In situations where secondary stresses occur in examples, compare niye·s 'child', ka·si· ?dre·ye ?es?i unexpected places, they are marked with a grave 'the place is unknown', ta·ye·cs(l?as 'he is bringing accent. Thus the example in 8c would be written fire', and ta·ya·rhdra ?as 'he is bringing wood'. kiya· kfriwa· c?drasarikita ? ahf· riks. 3. SYLLABLES Probably the resolution of some of these problems Every Wichita vowel is the nucleus of a syllable. In lies in ordering the stress-placement rules with vowel word-initial position only, the vowel may have from deletion rules (section 4.5.). Some vowels that must be zero to four consonants preceding it: /a-kwf-thah/ 583

SKETCH OF WICHITA, A CA DDOAN LANGUAGE 'above', /rhinc?a/ 'trousers', /ckha·r?a/ 'night', (11) lti + ?ak + ?ariki I (indicative third person + /kskha·r?a/ 'joint where thigh attaches to hip'. In other plural + stand) > ta "�ak?ariki 'they are stand­ positions in the word, at least one (and usually only ing' one) consonant must precede the vowel in its syllable. That is, third-person indicative tense marker ltil appears Up to four consonants may follow the vowel in the syl­ as /ta-/ before the l?al of the plural marker. lable. In word-final position, all syllables end with Nevertheless, there are surface sequences of fi?af. either a consonant or a voiceless vowel. The best account of these is to assume that the Iii in this Much of the description of syllable structure environment represents underlying lui. Observe: follows from the description of consonant clusters (12) lis + ru + ?ariki + ikil (imperative second-per­ (section 2.2.). Despite the general canon of son + collective + stand + causative) > (C)(C)(C)(C)V(C)(C)(C)(C), the longest medial issi?ari·ki 'set them down' cluster found consists of only five consonants; so (13) lis + ?ariki + ikil (imperative second-person + there must be some restrictions on the sequences of stand+ causative)>is?ar i·ki 'set it down' syllable types. (14) lti + ?ariki + is I (indicative third person+ stand Phonetically, /c/ and /s/ are often syllabic between + caustive imperfective) > ta"�ari·s 'he set it other consonants, but the conditions for this have not down' been determined. The explanation of surface sequences of fi?af despite 4. UNDERLYING PHONOLOGY the rule that Iii changes to /a/ before f?af is thus accom­ Many Wichita morphemes have several pronuncia­ plished by the establishment of an underlying lui. The tions, depending on their contexts. For example, /ra·k/ other environment where lui solves a problem follows 'non-third-person is plural' may also be /ra·r/, fra·s/, from the observation that a very general rule changes /ha·kf, /ha·s/, /a·s/, /a·k/, or even /a"/, depending on the noninitial ltl to lei unless the ltl is followed by lui or lal. particular word in which it occurs. By establishing a Hence the surface environment /-ti/ indicates an under­ single phonological shape, called the underlying shape, lying 1-tul. Compare, for instance, 15-17. (In the exam­ for the morpheme, and listing a few rules that describe ples, the term preverb refers to a separate part of some how underlying sounds change in various environ­ roots. Potentially, many morphemes may occur ments, all these variations and many more can be between the preverb and the rest of the root. Compare explained. The underlying shape for 'non-third-person positions 5 and 10 in section 12 .1. 11.). plural' is thus lra·kl, identical in this case with one of (15) Ita + t + i + i?ahil (indicative + first-person sub­ the surface shapes. ject + pre verb + hold) >taci· ? eh 'I am holding The phonological system needed to account for all it' the morpheme variation differs somewhat from the sur­ (16) Ita+ t +a· + uc + i + i?ahil (indicative + first­ face structure system described above. The inventory person subject + reflexive + possessive + pre­ of underlying phonological elements contains four verb + hold) > tata·ci· ?eh 'I am holding my vowels, li, e, a, ul (and all but lui occur both long and own' short); a pitch contrast; and 11 consonants: lkw, t, k, ?, (17) Ita+ t+ uc + i + i?ahil >tati·ci""/eh 'I am hold­ c, s, r, w, y, hi and IRI. ing his' (glosses of individual morphemes as in 15 and 16) 4.1. Note in these examples the first-person marking lei At the most easily recoverable level, the underlying in 15, where it occurs before Iii, but /t/ in 16 and 17, vowel system contains four members, li, e, al and lui. A system of three members, li, a, ul, is probably correct at where it occurs before lal or lui respectively. Note, too, a slightly deeper level (section 1.1.3. discusses an alter­ that here lui disappears after ia·l but becomes /i·/ in native analysis of lei). other environments. Underlying lui is surface /i/ or li"/ in all environ­ 4.2. ments; but discovering which surface fils are to be The difference between long and short vowels (for i taken as representatives of lui is not simple, except in and a at least) is distinctive in the underlying system as two environments. well as in the surface system. However, the overlong It is apparent that a rule of the form vowels are probably to be derived from sequences of (9) i >a /_?a long vowel plus consonant plus short vowel, where the (read: Iii changes to /a/ in the environment before i?ai) consonant has been deleted. Internal evidence for this is needed to account for such variations as the follow­ is scanty, but informal comparison with related lan­ ing: guages reveals that Wichita frequently loses intervo­ (1 0) lti+ ta-ras+ ?ak + ?arikil (indicative third person calic lhl and IYI where other languages preserve them. +horse+plural +stand) >tit a·ras?ak?ariki 'the Nevertheless, until further work can be completed, it is 584 horses are standing' necessary to preserve the contrast between long and

RO OD overlong to account for the differences in pairs of roots Table 1. Cluster Simplification for Two-Consonant Clusters such as l''i·s''l 'look at' versus l?i:sl 'see', or lre·hil 'put Morpheme initial plural object lying' versus lre:hil 'buy; choose; pick Morpheme It I lkl lkwl 1?1 lei lsi lrl lwl IYI Ihi up'. It is highly probable that these pairs are related, final one fo rm somehow derived from the other; but the It I ct ck ck' c? cc c c ck' ch details are not presently recoverable. lkl st k •k' k ? ·c ks rh k" h kh 1?1 k k" ? c s r w 4.3. lei ct ck ck· c' cc cs c ck' Many forms with high pitch on a vowel can be derived ���) from an underlying form without the pitch, but with a lsi st sk sk' s? sc ss ss sk" ss more complex sequence of consonants than the surface (:�) structure presents. An obvious example is the word for lrl c hk hk' r? nc c nn hk' rh 'house', lakhahr?al. If the second vowel of this word is Ihi 't 'k 'k'" '? 'c s hw 'h the last voiced vowel in a surface structure word, it is r�r long; hence the pronunciation in isolation is akha-r?a. IYI 't 'k y 'r ·y Elsewhere that vowel is short and high pitched, as in NoTES: */'r/ occurs when a voiced vowel follows in the word; the compound akhdkhac 'white house', underlying 1-r/ occurs otherwise. lakhahr + khacl. When the 1-hrkh-1 cluster is simplified, A consonant on the left, followed by one on top, results in the it leaves a high pitch behind on the vowel. surface structure consonants or cluster given at the appropriate It therefore seems reasonable to assume that high intersection of the columns. A blank on the chart means no exam­ pitch is a kind of compensation for (or marking of) an ples of the combination have occurred. There are no morphemes / / f •f, underlying consonant cluster simplification. Yet the ending in w or k so these phonemes are omitted from the ver­ residue of forms that cannot be treated this way is not tical dimension of the chart. For IRI see section 4.4. negligible. Noun roots such as te·s 'corn' and k?fta·ks 'coyote' seem to have an inherent pitch on one of the Table 2. Some Underlying Possibilities for Surface Consonants root vowels; and neither internal reconstruction, nor Sutface Structure May represent underlying morphophonemics, nor comparative evidence moti­ k' lk"l; lwl/ c, s, r, C vates an underlying form without pitch for such roots. t ltl; IRtl k It is therefore unavoidable that some vowels be marked lkl; lkkl; IRkl for pitch in the underlying form. ? 1?1 c lei; tl; lcRI; ltrl; lrtl; lrsl 4.4. s lsi; lrl; lsRI; lyl; lhsl; lkl/_t Underlying consonants include all those listed in the w lwl surface phonological description, plus IRI. The differ­ r lkl/_h; IRI; lrl ence between IRI and lrl is that the latter coalesces with h lhl; IYII#_; lrlfr, s_; lrlf_k, k• neighboring consonants to form clusters (e.g. lrsl >/ss/; NoTE: To the right of the slashes are indicated special environ­ lrtl >/c/; lrkl >/hk/; lrwl >/hkw/; lkrl >/rh/; etc.) while ments; thus lkl/_t means "underlying lkl before t", and lyl/#_ means the former simply disappears in the same environ­ "underlying IYI after word boundary." ments; both appear as ffl between vowels or as [n] word-initially before a vowel. 4.5. receives a high pitch as part of this process. Finally; the The process of going from underlying to surface forms word-final Iii is devoiced, and because it is not follow­ involves three steps. First, certain vowels of the under­ ing /k/ or f?f, it is lost; this leaves /kw/ in word-final lying forms are syncopated (deleted); second, the con­ position, where the [w] element is devoiced. The result sonant clusters that result are simplified; finally, is the surface structure form sounds are assimilated to their environments as illus­ (19) tiyd·hkw 'tree'. trated in tables 1 and 2. An illustration of exactly how In the case of this word, numerous related forms with this process works is the word 'tree', literally, 'wood more and different morphemes enable the recovery of stands upright'. The underlying form is the ltal and the lrVI with a very high degree of certainty. (18) Ita + i + ya·k + ri (ru?) + wil (indicative + third­ However, in many of the data the determination of the person subject + wood + collective + stand precise shapes of the underlying forms is difficult, if upright) not impossible. It is therefore frequently the case that First, the lal of ltal and the Iii (or lui) of lril are synco­ so-called underlying forms will be given below as if pated, although why these vowels are chosen instead of step one of the phonological realization process had others is unexplained. Second, the intermediate form already been accomplished. For example, 'tree' would ltiya·krwil undergoes consonant cluster simplification, most likely be cited as lti + ya·k + r + wil, rather than in which lkrwl becomes /hkw/, and the vowel of 'wood' as in 18. 585

SKETCH OF WIC HITA. A CADDOAN LANGUAGE 4.6. verb talk is selectionally restricted to occur with only The consonant cluster simplification rules are given in human or anthropomorphized subjects, and normally table 1, for two-consonant clusters. Vowel rules not does not take objects, while its semantically similar already mentioned are not included. Table 2 presents counterpart say must normally have an object that is in the consonant information from the point of view of the turn a sentence of some sort. analyst seeking the underlying forms. These tables sub­ In addition, each of the classes of sentence-building stitute here for the formal list of rules that would be elements has a set of possible inflectional units, which needed in a complete grammar. See Rood (1975) for a may optionally occur with it in any given sentence. more formal discussion of Wichita phonology. These mark semantic variables such as tense, aspect, and number. GRAMMAR 6.2. 5. CITATION OF FORMS The description of a language, therefore, proceeds most The examples used to illustrate Wichita grammar logically by first enumerating the selectional restric­ below will always be given in two forms. First, the sur­ tions on verbs and then discussing verbal inflectional face phonemic form (an indication of pronunciation) units. From there, it moves to similar discussion of will be presented, with the following modifications: nouns: first selectional, and then inflectional cate­ (a) [r] and [n] will be distinguished, for mnemonic gories. Verbs are necessarily described first, for it is reasons, as rand n; frequently the case that the choice of some verbal cate­ (b) [o·] will be written when the regular pronuncia­ gories limits the choice of nominal categories in the tion of the form demands the contraction (the sentence; but noun features never determine verb fea­ underlying form can be read from the second tures. For full justification of this claim, see Chafe transcription); (1970:97ff.). (c) Vowels with irregular secondary stress will be 6.3. written with a grave accent wherever the rules The description will then move to explanation of how given in section 1.2.2. do not predict it correctly. the enumerated elements and categories combine in the Second, a morpheme-by-morpheme analysis will be particular language under discussion, and what the presented. Here each Wichita morpheme will be tran­ scribed in its underlying (morphophonemic) form and phonological representations of the various categories translated. In this analysis, the plus sign ( +) will be might be. used to separate bound morphemes; the semicolon (;) 6.4. will separate forms that are independent words in the In such a description, the first stage (section 6.2.) is surface structure. Occasionally, underlying forms will called the description of semantic structures, and the be written with n rather than r to distinguish two mor­ second (section 6.3.) is the description of the transfor­ phemes that would otherwise look identical. The most mations that the semantic structures undergo in a par­ frequent example of that is na 'participle', which con­ ticular language. This is fo llowed by descriptions of trasts with ra 'indicative interrogative'. Moreover, linearization (statement of the sequences in which mor­ although most morphemes, including verb roots, do not phemes occur) and symbolizati�n (the forms of the occur as separate words, hyphens will not be written, morphemes). and vertical bars will not be used in these analyses. 6.5. 6. 0RGANIZA TION OF THE DESCRIPTION No place was reserved for the modifier class of section The theoretical approach taken here is that outlined in 6.1. in the scheme outlined in sections 6.2.-3., because Chafe (1970). all those modifiers can ultimately be shown to be 6.1. semantically either inflectional or verbal elements. It is assumed that the simplest sentence in any language However, proof of this is best left to discussion of lin­ consists of a verb only. Other sentences, up to the most guistic theory, and for the purpose of describing a spe­ complex, are in effect expansions of the verb through cific language and its structure, there will be many the addition of nominal expressions, or through the shortcuts. One section of this description will be addition of adverbial limitations or expansions of the devoted to various kinds of modifiers, without any basic meaning of the verb root. There are thus three attempt to take all of them back to their verbal origins. categories of sentence-building elements: verbs, nouns, Furthermore, there will be very few descriptions of and modifiers. those inflectional and selectional elements that have Each of these categories is subdivided by various only covert effects on the surface structure, that is, that selectional restrictions inherent in the meaning of any prevent rather than generate certain sentences or given root: restrictions on the type of constructions in combinations of sentences. Instead, only those units 586 which the root can occur. For example, the English that are reflected in specific Wichita morphemes will

ROOD be enumerated. A major exception to this policy is the many Australian languages. First and second person, in initial description of selectional restrictions on verbs, contrast, represent a split intransitive system, like that because these verb classes are so important for under­ of Siouan languages: some intransitive verbs require standing the rest of the grammar. for their subjects pronominal forms identical with the subject forms of transitive verbs, while other intransi­ 6.6. tive subjects match the object forms of transitive verbs. The outline of this description is as follows: section 7 Third-person pronominal forms exemplify a differ­ is devoted to description of the semantic selectional ent version of the split-intransitive type. If any and inflectional possibilities for verbs; section 8 non-third-person pronoun is used, third person is accomplishes the same task for nouns. Section 9 unmarked (represented by 0). Otherwise, the forms dis­ describes modifiers of both nouns and verbs. tinguish participants that are "in focus" from those that Section 10 is then devoted to the topic of derivation, are "out of focus" (see 8.2.4.), but this contrast is sus­ or how roots that are selectionally of one class or type pended for those intransitive verbs that take transitive can be changed or modified to fit a different class. object pronouns for first and second persons. In these In a formal grammar section 11 would begin the cases, only out-of-focus marking occurs. description of constructions and transformational rules Four category names from traditional grammar will needed to establish semantic structures for sentences be used here to label the relationships between nouns or and to convert these semantic structures into surface pronouns and verbs. The names, and their semantic structures. Since such rules are largely superfluous in definitions, are as follows: an informal description, section 11 describes Wichita The agent is the person or thing which acts or con­ surface structures, using word and morpheme order as trols the action. It is the single nominal with verbs like the organizational criterion for the section. Section go and dance, and the active participant with verbs like 11.1. describes the sequences of words in sentences and hit or eat. of morphemes in words; section 11.2. describes a The patient is any nonactive or noncontrolling par­ selected set of surface structure constructions, such as ticipant in an event. It is the only nominal found with a subject and object number marking, and marking of verb like fall or be hungry. (One is not actively hungry; possession. Readers who are accustomed to item-and­ one only suffers hunger.) With verbs like hit or eat, it arrangement grammars will find section 11 the most is the suffering participant. familiar part of this sketch, while those who are inter­ The subject is either the same as the agent, if there is ested in what is obligatory and optional in the expres­ one, or the only nominal in verb constructions that per­ sion of ideas in Wichita will be more enlightened by mit only one. Some subjects are therefore patients, sections 7-10. The combination of these two while others are agents. approaches should give everyone an idea of how mean­ The object is the patient of a verb that has both an ings are symbolized by speakers of Wichita. agent and a patient. Considerations of Wichita structure from other theoret­ These four terms are used in two different ways in ical perspectives can be found in Rood (1973, 1981, the following discussion (see table 3). If the terms are and 1989). not qualified, the definitions just given will apply; in this case, the terms refer to the relationship between a SEMANTIC STRUCTURE predicate and its argument or arguments, that is, between a verb and the nouns or pronouns that occur 7. THE VERB with it. 7.1. But if the terms are used with "third person" and Wichita verbs are subdivided into at least four large "non-third person," they are the names of particular classes on the basis of selectional restrictions. These morphemes. "Non-third-person subjects" are the forms classes are defined by the number and type of nominal that represent semantic agents, or the patients of Class expressions that occur with them. There are no surface 1 verbs (see next section); "non-third person objects" morphemes to indicate the class to which a given verb are the forms used for objects, and for the patients of belongs; nevertheless, syntactic restrictions on the con­ class 2 verbs (see below). "Third-person agents" are struction possibilities indicate this information clearly. the agents of transitive verbs, that is, the forms that would be in the ergative case in a straightforwardly 7.1.1. ergative language. "Third-person patients" are every­ Typologically, Wichita has a kind of split-ergative case thing else: subjects of intransitive verbs, and objects of structure. Third-person number marking and noun transitive verbs. incorporation distinguish ergative (subject of transitive In the examples here usually only "in focus" third verbs) from absolutive (everything else) in a rather persons are used, and the morpheme is glossed 'third- pure fashion, as do all the noun phrases in Basque and person subject'. 587

SKETCH OF WICH ITA, A CADDOAN LANGUA GE Table 3. Noun-Verb Relationships

Verb Noun or Pronoun Wichita Semantic Semantic Wichita Wichita Wichita Class type structure third person non-third person third person number marking pronouns active agent patient subject +focus or -focus ('come', 'sing') stative patient patient subject +focus or -focus ('be dirty') 2 stative patient patient object -focus ('be hungry') process patient patient object -focus ('fall') 3 transitive agent and agent and subject and +focus or -focus ('see') patient patient object subject; object

unmarkeda 4 process +focus impersonal ('rain') stative +focus or -focus impersonal (see examples 50 and 51) ('be a creek')

au a non-third-person pronoun is present, third person is always represented by zero.

7.1.2. Class 4 contains only impersonal verbs. These verbs The verb classes are as follows: have no nominal in the semantic structure, and permit Class 1 includes action verbs, which have agents in only third-person singular inflections in the surface the semantic structure. In the surface structure, first­ structure. They include a ...hir i ?a 'rain', a ... ?i: ?a and second-person pronouns are in the subjective case, 'snow', wa·wkwic 'heat lightning', re ?erha 'be a village while third-person forms may be either in or out of or encampment', and he·ha 'be a creek' among many focus, and third-person number marking follows the others. Most of these verbs take in-focus subjects, but rules for patient inflections. Examples are u ... ?a at least one, hanthiri 'be daylight' requires an out-of­ 'come', hisha 'go', kira·h 'sing', and wa·wa?a 'dine'. focus subject (see examples 50-5 1). Table 3 summa­ Many semantically stative verbs belong to this class in rizes the facts about theoretical and Wichita verb Wichita, too: verbs like tac ?i 'be big', he·c ?i 'be fat', classes and nominals. kwha·c ?i 'be red', and ne?estha·r ?i 'be dirty'. 7.1 .3. Class 2 contains process verbs and those stative There may be a fifth class, beneficiary verbs, which verbs not included in class 1. In the semantic structure, these verbs have only patients; in the surface structure, have a beneficiary nominal in construction with them first- and second-person pronouns take their objective instead of or in addition to agents and patients. The case forms, while third-person pronouns are always out only candidate for membership in this class and no of focus, and third-person number marking utilizes the other is the verb uc... ?i 'be in a state' (used in expres­ forms for patient inflections. Examples are u ...we 7 e ha sions such as 'How are you?'); and even this is ambigu­ 'fall', ?ac 'be cold', and hiya· 'be hungry'. ous, for the uc could be considered simply a preverb of Class 3, transitive verbs, have both an agent and a this verb rather than the marker of a beneficiary, and patient in the semantic structure. Here the surface the verb then placed in class 1. The analysis of other structure forms for first- and second-person pronouns beneficiaries could take one of two directions: they are subjective for agents, and objective for patients. could be considered subclasses of each of the classes Third-person subjects may be either in or out of focus already named, or they could be considered a fifth if both subject and object are third person; anything class, subdivided according to the criteria used to sep­ else (any third person with a first or second person in arate classes 1-4. The analysis that makes 'beneficiary' another role, or a third-person object) is unmarked. a selectional feature for verbs of classes 1-3 appears to Third-person number forms are agent for subjects, be the more useful. patient for objects. Examples of such verbs include Class 1 verbs that require a beneficiary in addition to 588 ?i:s 'see', ka?ac 'eat', and irasi 'find'. an agent include uc ... tate-tu 'help'.

ROOD Class 2 verbs that require a beneficiary in addition to to carry out the act. a patient are illustrated by uR... ?i 'own, possess'. Habitual indicates that the act is habitual for the sub­ Class 3 verbs that require a beneficiary in addition to ject of the sentence ('he smokes', rather than 'he is an agent and a patient include uc... ?ih 'give (as a gift)'. smoking'.) Verbs such as (uc)... i? ahi 'hold, keep' and many Durative indicates that the verb describes an activity others permit an optional beneficiary, and the uc occurs that is coextensive with something else. English trans­ only if such a beneficiary is expressed. lations of this aspect usually contain phrases such as 7.2. 'and all the time' or 'and at the same time' or 'mean­ The inflectional categories in Wichita verbs include while'. mood, evidential, tense, and aspect. A slightly different The [-time l choice is analyzed as implying the version of sections 7.2.1.-7.2.4. appears in Rood absence of any time reference, rather than as present time, because this fits the facts more closely. The (1975a). aspect clearly takes precedence in meaning over the 7.2.1. time reference, and English translations vary in tense Mood has two members, subordinate and nonsubordi­ for individual forms. Perfective translates as English nate or independent. The subordinate verbs occur only past; intentive usually translates as the "going to" in sentences that also contain an independent verb. future; habitual and durative regularly translate as pre­ 7.2.2. sent tense, with adverbs like 'always' or 'meanwhile' Evidential describes a statement by the speaker about to support the aspectual interpretation. The unmarked the source of information: the quotative implies that the timeless aspect is a simple indicative, sometimes trans­ information was heard from someone else; the nonquo­ lated as past, sometimes as present progressive. tative means the speaker saw the event happen person­ Going back up the tree, if speakers decide that time ally. This distinction occurs with (and is obligatory is indeed important to their statements, they must with) the aorist (past), the perfect, and the future tense choose between past and future time. Again, they forms; statements using other tenses are not marked choose either a marked or an unmarked aspect. With obligatorily for evidential. future time, the marked aspect will be either imperfec­ 7.2.3. tive (indicating that there is no information about the Tense and aspect cooccur in a rather complex, overlap­ state of the act with respect to completion) or habitual. ping set of categories, illustrated for independent verbs With past time, they may choose either of these, or in figure 4. intentive. Moreover, bringing time into the picture obliges speakers to add something about their source of 7.2.3.1. information, too. Observe that the durative aspect is not Figure 4 illustrates the tense and aspect structure as if it compatible with a time reference and that intentive can­ were a set of choices that Wichita speakers must make not occur together with future time markers. as they select the markers they will use for independent If, on the other side of the tree, the speakers first elect verbs in a given sentence. See figure 5 and section to offer personal opinions about the event together with 7.2.3.2. for specific forms that illustrate the discussion. their reports, they must then decide whether just to show First, speakers must decide whether to express a per­ surprise (by choosing the exclamatory tense marker), or sonal opinion about the statement, or simply to report whether to express an attitude about the subject of the the facts impersonally (note that this is not the eviden­ verb. They may inflectionally state one of four such atti­ tial choice; that has to do with source of information, tudes: that they are commanding the subject to do some­ not opinion). If they elect to be impersonal, they must thing; that they are wishing that the subject would do then determine whether or not time is important to their something; that they are stating an obligation or duty of statement. Depending on this choice, they will continue the subject to do something; or that they are reporting along either the time or the -time branch of the tree. some sort of plan on the subject's part. If time does not matter, that is, if the -time branch is Once they have chosen one of these opinions to followed, speakers must nevertheless select an aspect; offer, the rest of their choices are determined by the but they can elect to use an "unmarked" aspect if they facts. If they are commanding, they can do it by giving wish. ("Unmarked" refers to the normal, ordinary state instructions (directions, as in dictating a recipe or of affairs, the one that needs no special comment from describing hQ.W something is made), or by giving direct the speaker.) If, however, they select a marked aspect, orders. Instructions are implied if the directive tense speakers have four choices here: markers are used; commands, if the imperative is cho­ Perfective indicates that the act is completed and fin­ sen. If the imperative is used, it can be marked for ished. If this aspect is chosen, evidence for the state­ future time (implying that the command need not be ment must also be given. carried out right away), and if the future imperative is Intentive indicates that the subject plans or planned used, speakers can indicate whether the command is to 589

SKETCH OF WICH ITA, A CADDOAN LANGUAGE v

personal report impersonal report

attitude toward t e -time subject im of verb is expressed iskiri- �

f marked past uture aspect

a·ra­ ·s ari ta- t s � ?\ aspect /\p in en hab t t as \ -p t past I I a/i- & a- t I hab quot -starist -·ssa- h f ent quot -quot impf -quot 1\ kara- lmp A /\ t\ a·?a.1.ki- .'. 1\ � I -quot ki- 1\ ke?e- quot tl \ � /\ eh -- ka?a- /qu uot quot a·ra- ara- -quat quat ' quat -quot -quot -� -� a·?a ...-·sski- . / _-as ... ki-s quot -quot \? / j \ tari I I \ a··ss ...k1- . .. a·-stans a .. :kl- k��;- . . ki- ak i-s e�t- k:;e ��e�- - a·?a . 5 -s

is idiomatic suffix

Fig. 4. Tense and aspect categories and intlections in Wichita independent verbs.

be followed once or habitually, by choosing or not depending on the prefix involved. choosing the habitual aspect. The ltl of the indicative morpheme changes to lrl for When speakers decide to express a wish about the a question, and to 1?1 for a negative statement, and the subject of the sentence or to state that the subject has a lal of the aorist is dropped in questions. duty or obligation, they may again let time enter the 7.2.3.3. picture if it is already too late. That is, they may inflect For the subordinate verbs, the choices are far fewer. the verb for past if they are commenting on something Only two suffixes, perfective h and imperfective skih, that might have happened but in fact did not. The are possible, and only five prefixes can occur: resulting English translation would be 'I wish she had' lhi-il 'conditional' (translated 'if' or 'when'). Note or 'he should have'. that this prefix is the same as that for imperative with Alternatively, they can assume that it is not too late independent verbs; only the mood marker distinguishes and select either a marked or an unmarked aspect for these forms. the action. The only marked aspect for obligation or lha ...ki l 'subjunctive'. This lkil is the same as that of duty is habitual; for wishes, habitual, imperfective, and the aorist. The form is used where English would use intentive are all possible. 'would' or 'might' and often where English would use 7.2.3.2. an infinitive, with or without for ('for him to go'). At the bottom of each branch of the tree in figure 4 is a lnal 'general participle'. Translations are numerous, prefix and a suffix for the completed verb form, the but all are nominalizations of sentences or temporally combination of which will express the sum of any subordinate clauses, such as 'the one who .. .', ' .. .ing', meanings selected while passing through the tree. Each 'while .. .ing', 'afte� ...ed ', etc. of these prefixes and suffixes can be given a mnemonic lkil 'past participle'. This lkil is also the same as label, as has been done in the heads of the rows and the aorist and subjunctive lkil. Translations are columns of figure 5, where the possible combinations past tense forms of nominalized sentences. This form of (independent mood) prefixes and suffixes are given is the most frequently used one in personal names: typical translations with the verb 'cook'. ki·c?ak�akhari?a·w 'he who spoke to them' is an Note that while both a prefix and a suffix must be example. used, and while the suffix labels are all aspectual in lkaral 'debetative participle'. A subordinate sentence nature, not all the prefix labels are tenses. Note further expressing the speaker's opinion that the subject of the that what has been called the unmarked aspect in the sentence should or was supposed to do something. description of the semantics of the system is idiomati­ Translations usually include 'the time... was supposed cally sometimes imperfective, sometimes perfective, to .. .' but can also be 'the one who was supposed to .. .'.

Fig. 5. Synopsis of tense aspect possibilities for a Wichita verb. Note that the actual prefixes and suffixes used with the verb, ?arasi 'cook', do not correspond precisely with the underlying forms given at the row and column headings. The explanation lies in the morphophonemics 590 of the verb for the prefixes and in the fact that this verb takes a causative suffix before aspect suffixes.

ROOD p R E F I X E s s u F F I X E s

perfective ( -RJ) imperfective (-s) intentive ( -staris) habitual (--ss) too late ( -i-hi-?)

aorist 'She cooked it.' 'She was cooking it.' 'She was going to 'She always used cook it, but didn't.' to cook it.' a... ki- dka ?drasiki dka7ardsis dka 7ardsistaris aka ?ardsiki·ss

aorist 'I heard that 'I heard she was 'I heard she was 'I heard she quotative she cooked it.' cooking it.' going to cook it.' always used to cook it.' a- ?a... ki- d·ka 7cirasiki d·ka?ardsis d·ka ?ariisistaris 6-ka?ardsiki-ss

future 'She will cook it.' 'She'll be cooking it.' 'It will be her job to cook it every time.' ke7e- ke· >arasiki ke· 7tirasis ke·7drasiki·ss

future 'I heard she'll 'I heard she'JI 'I heard it will be her quotative cook it.� be cooking it.' job to cook it every time.' ehe-- ehe· 7drasiki ehe· "�drasis ehe· 7drasiki-ss

perfect 'She's cooked it.' ara- ara'1arcisiki

perfect 'I heard she's 'I heard she is quotative cooked it.' going to cook it.' a·ra- d·n1?ardsiki d·ra ?ardsistaris

indicative 'She's cooking it; 'She's going to 'She is always the talti- She's cooked it.' cook it.' one who cooks it.' ta '�ardsis ta7 ardsistaris ta? ardsiki-ss

exclamatory 'Look! She's cooking it!' iskiri- iskird·rdsis

durative 'And all the time, ali- she was cooking it.· a ?ardsis

directive '(And then) one cooks it.' ali- a ?ardsis

imperative 'Let her cook it.' hili- ha?urdsiki

future 'And then you must 'Let her always imperative let her cook it.' be the one to cook it.' ki7i- ki· ?ardsiki ki· >arasiki-ss

optative 'I wish she would 'I wish she would '1 wish she'd plan '1 wish she'd 'I wish she had ka?a- cook it.' be cooking it.' to cook it.' always cook it.' cooked it.' ke ?e ?drasiki ke'le'ldrasis ke "e '�drasistaris ke?e ?Qrasiki·ss ke ?e ?drasiki-hi-?

debetative 'She ought to 'She ought always 'She should have kara- cook it.' to be the one to cooked it.' cook it.' kara?ardsis kara >ardsiki-ss kara ?drasiski-hi·?

591

SKETCH OF WICHITA, A CA DDOAN LA NGUAGE 7.2.4. The first division of nouns is into those that can be Other moods and aspects are expressed periphrastically counted and those that cannot. In general, this corre­ in Wichita, much as they are in English. Ability, for lates with the possibility for plural marking: +count instance, involves the use of a verb equivalent to 'to be nouns can be marked for dual or plural; if not so able' or 'can': marked, they are assumed to be singular. -Count nouns, (20) lhi?inc6·wisir?il 'be able'. (analysis uncertain on the other hand, cannot be pluralized. except for hi'�ir 'patient is animate'.) 8.1.1. (21) chah tachi'�incrhvisir?i hatakic '�drasikih 'I can Those -count nouns that are also liquids are marked as still cook my own (food).' (chah 'still'; ta such by a special morpheme, kir, that occurs in every 'indicative' + t 'first-person subject' + sentence in which such a noun is a patient, such as in hi'�inc6·wisir'�i 'be able'; ha... ki 'subjunctive' example 25: + t 'first-person subject' + a 'reflexive' + uc (25) ta·tf'sa·skinna '�as 'He is bringing (liquid) med­ 'dative' + '�arasi 'cook' + iki 'causative' + h icine' (ta 'indicative' + i 'third-person subject' 'subordinate mood'.) +a· 'preverb' + ti·sa·s 'medicine' + kir 'liquid' Similarly, possibility (English 'might') is expressed + ri 'portative (changes motion verb to carry by the use of adverbs and the future: verb)' + ?a 'come' + s 'imperfective'.) (22) e·kw h6'�os ke '�eti·ch 'I might do it.' (e·kw 'maybe'; h6'�os 'soon'; ke?e 'future' + t 'first­ 8.1.2. person subject' + uc 'preverb' + hi 'do'. Those -count nouns that are not liquid are not otherwise English must has varying translations, depending on marked in Wichita. This feature is labeled dry mass. which particular meaning it has in a given instance. Forms such as ye·c 'fire', kir?i·c 'bread', and ka·hi·c When it implies a very firm but nevertheless polite 'salt' are included in this category. imperative, Wichita uses the future imperative: (26) tirye·csa'�as 'He is bringing fire.' (ta + i +a·+ (23) ki '�iskw 'You must go.' (ki?i 'future imperative' ye·c 'fire' + ri + ?a + s; unglossed morphemes + s 'second-person subject' + wa 'go, perfec­ as in 25.) tive'.) (27) ta·kd·hi'csa '�as 'He is bringing salt.' (Analysis When must implies inevitability for the event, the as in 26, with ka·hi·c 'salt' in place of ye-c.) adverb te:? 'anyway' is used. A typical sentence might 8.1.3. be translated 'I'll have to do it anyway' or 'I must do Wichita [+count] nouns are divided into those that are it.' Another meaning of must, namely, that the sentence collectives and those that are not. The collective cate­ is the result of a deduction, will be translated with the gory includes most materials, such as wood; anything adverb werah 'maybe; probably; I guess': that normally comes in pieces, such as meat, corn, or (24) k'�ita·ks werah has'�a·?akicitirhe'�eh 'Coyote flour; and any containers such as pots, bowls, or sacks must have had his knife with him' . (k?fta·ks when they are fi lled with pieces of something. 'Coyote'; werah 'maybe; must'; has'�a 'this is However, it is not always clear to a speaker of English a story' + a? 'quotative' +a 'third-person sub­ just why one noun should be in this category, while ject and reflexive object' + ki 'aorist' + uc another fits into the dry mass classification. For 'dative' + i 'extra vowel' (see section example, salt is a noncountable dry mass, while flour, 12.1.10.)' + ta·ha 'knife' + i?ahi 'hold' .) which is also powdery, is collective. Moreover, it is not always clear what the singular form of a collective will 8. THE NOUN 8.1. Nouns have selectional restrictions that are like the nouns arbitrary gender-class assignments in, for example, Latin and German, in that they are inherent in the ------nouns and determine certain surface structure configu­ +COUnt -count rations of morphemes. However, in Wichita the assign­ � � ment of these restrictions appears to correlate fairly consistently with physically observable facts about the +collective -collective liquid dry mass object named by the noun. The hierarchy of semantic selectional features in fig­ m� M; ec ure 6 summarizes the system. Each of the features named is of importance but, as in figure 4, the surface activity

structure representation is of a whole branch of the tree, Fig. 6. Semantic selectional features that subclassify Wichita 592 rather than of a single unit. nouns.

ROOD mean. The singular of 'corn' means 'one ear of corn', the verb. The use of this morpheme is not predictable while the singular of 'wood' means 'one piece of by rule and must be specified for each verb in the lan­ chopped wood'; and the singular of 'flour' is meaning­ guage that requires it. Note that the regular translation less. Observe the behavior of the various nouns in 28- of 'bring' with an animate patient is 'lead' . 32, and the restrictions on referents that result from (37) tf· rass 'He found it (inanimate).' (ta 'indicative' various verb markings in 33-36: + i 'third-person subject' + irasi 'find' + s (28) ta·rassara ?as 'He is bringing meat.' (This is 'imperfective'.) the normal response when speakers are asked (38) tihir?( rass 'he found it (animate).' (Analysis to translate the English sentence.) (ta + i + a· same as 37, with hir?i 'patient is animate' as in 25 + ?aras 'meat' + ra 'collective' + ri + added before the root.) ?a + s as in 25.) (39) ta·ra ?as 'He is bringing it (inanimate, noncollec­ (29) ta·rassa ?as 'He is bringing (one piece of) tive).' (ta + i +a·+ri +?a+s, glosses as in 25.) meat.' (This is the semantically less pro­ (40) ta·hi?nna?as 'He is leading it (bringing ani­ bable form and is sometimes given reluc­ mate object).' (Analysis same as 39, with hi?r tantly.) (The analysis is the same as 28, with­ before the portative.) out ra.) (41) he·hir'?(-ras 'Let him find you.' (hi 'imperative' + (30) ta·ya·rhdra ?as 'He is bringing wood.' (ta + i + a· 'second-person object' + hir?i + irasi as in 38.) a· + ya·k 'wood' + ra 'collective' + ri + ?a + s (42) takihir?(· rass 'He found me.' (Same as 38 as in 25.) except that ki 'first-person object' replaces i (31) ta·ya·rhd?as 'He is bringing one piece of 'third-person subject'.) chopped wood.' (This form is declared to 8.1.5. "sound funny" by some speakers.) Analysis One other subcategory of nouns contains those that are same as 30, but without ra 'collective'.) names of activities. Naturally enough, most of these are (32) ta·tf·sa·ssara ?as 'He is bringing medicine.' nominalized verbs (section 10.3.). Like hi?ri 'patient is (Analysis same as 25, but with ra 'collective' animate', the morpheme in question here, wakhahr, in place of kir 'liquid'.) means 'patient is an activity'. It may occur without an (33) is ?ari"ki 'Set it down' (refers to something overt noun, in which case it is often translated into countable, such as a chair). (i 'imperative' + s English as 'way (of doing)' or 'what is going on'; or it 'second-person subject' + ?arik 'stand' + iki may simply be an agreement feature in the verb, 'causative'.) reflecting the active nature of the patient noun. (34) issi ?ari·ki 'Set it down' (refers to a sack or pot Examples 43-46 demonstrate the use of this morpheme with something in it, or to wood, corn, etc.). alone. Comparison of 43 with 44 shows that the activi­ (Same as 33, but with ru 'collective' before the ties are countable; 45 contrasted with 46 shows the portative.) change in meaning when wakhahr is left out. In 4 7, (35) is?ak?ari"ki 'Set it down' (refers to the plural wakhahr agrees with an action noun but is left out of whatever was possible in 33). (Analysis when the noun is not an action. same as 34, but here ?ak 'noncollective plural' (43) ne· ?ah nhvakhdrikih 'devil' (literally, 'one replaces ru 'collective'.) who has bad ways'). (ne· ?ah 'bad'; na 'partici­ (36) issi?ak?ari·ki 'Set them down' (refers to sacks, ple' + uR 'possessive' + wakhahr 'patient is an pots, or chairs). (Combines the ?ak of 35 and activity' + ?iki 'be plural' + h 'subordinate the ru of 34 in a single form.) mood'. Possession is discussed in 12.2.1.) It is easy to understand the distinction between 'col­ (44) wi·c withlho·h te·wakha·r?i 'A man has a dif­ lective' and plural through contrasting 34 with 35, but ferent way.' (wi·c 'man' ; witiho·h 'different'; it is not clear why 36 should be equally applicable to ta 'indicative' + i 'third-person subject' + uR both collective and noncollective nouns. 'possessive' + wakhahr + ?i 'be singular'.). 8.1.4. (45) to·kha·r?f"ckh 'It's the end (of an action).' (ta Some of the noncollective nominals are also marked 'indicative' + i 'third-person subject' + for other selectional restrictions. In particular, with wakhahr + ?f·ckha 'be the end'.) some verbs, animate nouns (including first and second­ (46) ti ?(·ckh 'It's the end (of something like a rope person pronouns) require special treatment when they or ribbon)'. (Analysis same as 45, but here are patients in the sentence. Activities are also a sepa­ without wakhahr.) rate category (see section 8.1.5.). (47) (a) wickhe'?es tikinni·ciri?f:hiris?i 'It's a funny Whenever there is an animate patient or object of car'. (wickhe?es 'funny'; ta 'indicative' + i certain verbs such as u ...ra ?a 'bring' or irasi 'find', the 'third-person subject' + kfnni·ciri ?f:hiris 'car' morpheme lhi?ril (/hir?f, /hi?r/, /hir?il) also occurs with (see 72) + ?i 'be'.) 593

SKETCH OF WICHITA. A CADDOAN LANGUAGE (b) wickhi?es to·kha·r?i na· '�askih 'It's funny active verb as indefinite or plural. The English equiva­ he came.' (wickhi?es 'funny'; ta 'indicative' + lent to (b) with transitive verbs is often a passive con­ i 'third-person subject' + wakhahr + ?i 'be'; na struction; (c) is parallel to an impersonal or indefinite 'participle' + a 'preverb' + ?a 'come' + skih 'they' in some constructions, such as 'somebody forgot 'subordinate imperfective'.) their coat' or 'they speak French in Algeria'. In this sketch, generally only examples of +focus marking are 8.1.6. used, and the morpheme is referred to as 'third-person Countable nouns that are neither animate nor activities, subject'. such as chairs, apples, rocks, or body parts, do not require any semantic class agreement morphemes in the 8.2.5. surface grammar of Wichita. Third-person nouns in Wichita may be inflectionally marked definite; if they are not so marked, they are pre­ 8.2. sumed to be indefinite. See section 11.2.3. for further The inflectional categories of nouns include case, num­ discussion. ber, person, focus, and definiteness. 9. MODIFIERS 8.2.1. Modifiers really have no place in the description of The important case categories in the semantic structure the semantic structure of languages; they are ulti­ are agent, patient, and dative. These identify the nomi­ mately all verbal or inflectional elements of some kind. nal relationships with respect to verbs (section 7 .1.). Nevertheless, the picture of Wichita structure is con­ The surface reflections of these relationships are com­ siderably simplified if modifications of semantic struc­ plex and differ from one type of nominal to another. ture are allowed, at least to the extent discussed below. See the sections on subject and object order (section 9.1. 11.1.5.), person reference (section 11.1.11., nos·. 4 and Noun modifiers are best subdivided into three groups: 6), possession (section 11.2.1.) and number marking quantifiers, demonstratives, and adjectives. (section 11.2.2.) for discussion of some of this com­ The quantifiers are much the same as in other lan­ plexity. guages. In the surface structure, they are either pre­ 8.2.2. posed or postposed to the noun they modify. Examples Wichita nominals (if selectionally marked [+count]) are asse·hah 'all', ta·w?ic 'few', and the numbers. can be inflected for singular, dual, or plural. In the case There are two demonstratives: ti?ih 'this' and ha·r(·h of collective nouns, plural is the normal condition, and 'that'. They may occur with or without the definite dual probably never occurs; for other countable nouns, inflection, and they may either precede or follow the singular is the unmarked condition, and either dual or noun they modify. plural can occur with them. The surface details of num­ Surface structure adjectives are probably always sta­ ber marking are described in section 11.2.2. tive verbs in the semantic structure; but in Wichita, a 8.2.3. few descriptive adjectives such as 'big' and 'old' have Any animate Wichita noun can be inflected for person. surface forms different from the equivalent predica­ The choices are first, second, inclusive, and third. The tives. It is almost as if the descriptive forms were nonsingular first person is automatically exclusive, that inflections on noun stems, or the second elements of is, it implies 'he or they and I', while the inclusive noun compounds, rather than adjectival modifiers: (48) akhdriwa·c or akha· r?a niwa·c 'big house'. (which is always nonsingular) means 'you and I'. (akhahr 'house'; Riwa·c 'big'. Final -?a is a Non-third-person nouns with additional lexical infor­ noun suffix only used on certain roots when mation are of course rare, but examples include things these are pronounced slowly or in isolation.) such as first-person marking in 'chief' in an expression (49) akha·r?a tac ti· '�i or tac fi· ?i akha·r?a 'The that is translated '1, the chief,' and in 'women' in the house is big.' (tac 'big'; ta 'indicative' + i phrase translated 'some of us older women'. The sur­ 'third-person subject' + i 'extra vowel' (sec­ face structure marks person in the verb (cf. section tion 11.1.11., item 11) + ?i 'be'. 11.1.11., nos. 4 and 6, and also example 77). In the examples, 48 shows the adjective 'big' (which 8.2.4. is the word that the Wichita speaker will give first Third-person nominals are marked in Wichita for posi­ when asked to translate 'big', namely, niwa·c), while tion relative to the focus of attention. +Focus is the 49 shows the stative verb construction 'is big', tac ti' ?i. normal condition; -focus is used (a) when a subordinate Because of the lexical changes involved here, it is character in a story is the subject of the verb; (b) to unlikely that either of these constructions can be indicate that a named noun is patient rather than agent derived from the other except at the semantic level; in a given sentence, or to mark the patient of a class 2 therefore, it seems best to recognize an adjective clas­

594 verb (see section 7.1. 2.); and (c) to mark the agent of an sification for morphemes such as Riwa·c 'big', Rikic

ROOD 'little', riya·s 'old', and for the colors (such as khac suffix Ra·hir? identifies them; or they are body parts, 'white' and k�ha·c 'red'). These will be referred to as in which case they are marked as instrumental by a "true adjectives" below. characteristic location in the verb complex. There are no Wichita constructions exclusively par­ (54) kirikir'?i·sa·hir? 'in Wichita (the language)'. allel to what are usually called relative clauses in other (55) harhiwi·ca·hir? assi'�ari·s 'Put it aside in a languages. For substitutes, see section 10.3. bowl.' (harhiwi·c 'bowl' + Ra·hir? 'instrumen­ tal'; a 'directive tense' + s 'second-person sub­ 9.2. ject' + ru 'collective' + ?ariki 'stand' + is Verbal modifiers are traditionally separated into 'causative imperfective'. More literally, the expressions of time, manner, and place. In Wichita, form means 'using a bowl, cause it (collective) most time and manner modifications are formally sub­ to stand'.) ordinate sentences. (56) tac ?ickhite· shas 'I peeked over the edge.' (ta (50) hi·hanthirih 'tomorrow' (literally 'when it is 'indicative' + t 'first-person subject' + ?icka day'.) (hi· 'conditional third-person out-of­ 'face, instrumental' + hita 'edge' + hi.�·has 'go focus subject' + hanthiri 'be daylight' + h past'. Literally, then, the form means 'using 'subordinate mood'.) the face, I went over the edge'.) (5 1) ti?ikhanthiris?ih 'yesterday' (literally 'this which was day'.) (ti? 'this' + i 'out-of-focus 9.2.3. subject' + ki 'aorist participle' hanthiri 'be Another kind of adverbial, having the form of bound daylight' + s 'imperfective' + ?i 'stative' + h morphemes, occurs in two subtypes. One type has only 'subordinate mood'.) one attested representative: hf· riks 'repeatedly', which (52) chih a·kj'?f" rakhdris ?{" h 'suddenly' (literally occurs near the end of the verb form (section 11.1.11., something like 'it was continuing in the state no. 26). of happening.') (chih 'continues'; a· 'third­ The other type occurs toward the end of the fi rst part person subject quotative' + ki 'aorist' + of the verb (section 11.1.11., no. 15). Eight representa­ ?(·rakhari 'happen' + s 'imperfective' + ?i 'be' tives have been identified: Re·?f'R 'first'; i·se?f·R 'for or 'stative' + h 'subordinate'. Analysis is ten­ a while', 'lici 'repeatedly', ?i·r'?f·R 'quickly', ?fyarhe·R tative.) 'although', ?f'R 'accidentally', re·R 'this is new infor­ There is thus no need to regard these as anything mation for you', and i'li"R... hrih 'this is a polite sug­ but verbal constructions at any level. But a few time gestion'. In the last example, the second element is the modifications, some manner modifications, and most same as the verbal locative suffix. place modifications are best treated as separate kinds of elements. 9.2.4. The independent particles that have adverbial fu nctions 9.2.1. include those like akwithah 'above' and ha·w?ic The few particles that must be termed "time adverbs" 'below', which are locative, and those like isa? 'thus, are structurally proclitics some of the time, midway in this way', which are manner adverbials. Unlike the between words and prefixes. The rest of the time they time particles described above, these do not change the are separate words, postposed to the verb they modify. phonology of the following verb, but like them, they They are accepted as separate words by speakers, but may either precede or follow the forms with which they when they are preposed to the verb form, they condi­ occur. tion a change in the phonology of the form through the insertion of an "extra" vowel after the preverb. Note 9.2.5. what happens to 'I went' in example 53, depending on Locative adverbs may be: demonstratives (ti?rih whether hir?(·s 'first' precedes or follows it. 'here', harah 'there', hi"raka·h 'way off' ); nouns (53) hir?f·s taci·his or tachis hir?(·s 'I went first.' marked by the suffix kiyah (?ika·kfyah 'where the rock (hir?[· s 'first'; ta 'indicative + t 'first-person is'); verb particles marked by the suffix hrih subject' + i· 'extra vowel' (in the first variant) (niya·hkwirih 'where the tree is'); bound morphemes in + hisha 'go' .) the verb, situated just before the root (no. 22 of section Some other morphemes that parallel the behavior of 11.1.11.) (kita 'on top', etc.); or a combination of these. hir?{"s are ti· ? 'at once', has 'permanently', wah (57) ?ika·kfyah tikite ?ixaki 'He is sitting on top of 'already', chah 'still', and chih 'continues'. the rock.' (?ika· 'rock' + kiyah 'locative'; ta 'indicative' + i 'third-person subject' + kita 9.2.2. 'top' + ?icaki 'sit'.) Instrumentals may be expressed in one of two ways: (58) niya·hkwirih t'ik'ite ?ixaki 'He is sitting in the top either they are independent nouns, in which case the of the tree.' (na 'participle' + ya·k 'wood' + r 595

SKETCH OF WICHITA, A CADDOAN LANGUAGE 'collective' + wi 'stand upright' + hrih 'loca­ 10.1. tive' ; remainder as in 57.) Verbs may be derived to fit a selectional class (section There are between 20 and 30 morphemes like kita, 7 .1.) in which they do not basically belong. and some of them can combine with each other. 10.1.1. Additional examples include hita 'edge', kata 'on the A stative verb may be changed into a process verb by side', (i)wac 'outside', ha 'in water', ka 'in a topless use of one of the roots '�ahrih 'become' or hi 'do' ; or it enclosure', and ka· 'in a completely enclosed space'. may be changed to a transitive verb by use of the root Combinations include things like kataska 'in an open ra '�i 'make'. Note what happens to the stative root area' + '�ir 'in a direction', giving kataske 7er 'through kakic 7i 'be dry' when it becomes a process verb the yard', or this plus iwac 'outside', giving (examples 61-64) and to the stative root tariwi·k ?i 'be kataske 'lero·c 'out the other way from the yard' . round' when it becomes a transitive verb (examples 65 66): 9.3. and (61) tikakic '?dris 'It is drying.' (ta 'indicative' + i Modifiers of modifiers include principaHy intensifiers. 'third-person subject' + kakic 'dry' + ?ahrih There are several of these, one of which is the word 'become' + s 'imperfective'.) wickhe·h 'very'; sometimes kas 'hard' is used in the same (62) tikakics 'It is drying.' (ta + i + kakic +hi 'do' + s.) way. Alternatively, a bound morpheme in absolute initial (63) tikakicahis 'They are getting dry.' (ta + i + position on the verb is used, as in examples 59 and 60: kakic + ra 'collective' +hi+ s.) (59) kirikiydkihare·s?i 'They were deep in the (64) (i'rakakicsh 'They got dry.' (a· 'quotative' + water.' (kiri 'intensive' + kiya 'quotative' + ki ara 'perfect third-person subject' + kakic + ra 'aorist' + ha 'in water' + re· hi 'put plural +hi.) object' + s 'imperfective' + ?i 'stative'.) (65) titdriwi"k?i 'It' s round.' (ta + i + tariwi·k (60) ka· '!a·'�irk 6·khd·r?a 'Long ago it came to pass 'round' + '?i 'be'.) that. .. ' (traditional opening for a story). (ka·? (66) titariwi·rhir?is 'He is making them round.' (ta + 'intensive' +a· 7 'quotative' +a· 'third-person i + tariwi·k + ru 'collective' + ra '?i'make' + s.) subject and preverb' + ki 'aorist' + wakhahr 'patient is an activity' + '�a 'come'.) 1 0. 1.2. Process (and some active) verbs are changed to transi­ 9.4. tive verbs through the use of the causative suffix iki From the surface structure point of view, modifiers are 'perfective', is 'imperfective' . Frequently this coa­ thus of four types: particles, phrases, bound mor­ lesces with the root in unexpected ways. Thus '�ariki phemes, and subordinate sentences. But these formal 'stand' becomes '?ari·ki 'cause to stand; put, perfective' classes bear no resemblance to semantic classes; adjec­ and ?ari·s 'cause to stand, imperfective', while '�arasi tives and adverbs are both represented by more than 'cook' becomes '�arasiki-'�arasis 'cook, causative one type. (transitive)'. Example 67 is thus ambiguous, while 68 Particles can be true adjectives, such as Riwa·c 'big'; and 69 are clearly separate: stative verbs such as tac (?i) '(be) big'; temporal pro­ (67) ta '�ardsis 'It is cooking' or 'She is cooking it.' clitics, such as has 'permanently'; or intensives, such (ta 'indicative' + i 'third-person subject + as wickhe·h 'very'. '�arasi 'cook' + either s 'imperfective' or is Phrases can be locative adverbs or instrumental 'causative imperfective'.) adverbs. (68) (i"ra'�ardsiki 'I heard she cooked it.' (a· 'quota­ Bound morphemes can be true adjectives, as when tive' + ara 'perfect third singular subject' + Riwa·c 'big' is suffixed to a noun; adverbs such as '�i·R ?arasi 'cook' + iki 'causative imperfective.') 'by accident' or hi"riks 'repeatedly'; intensifiers such (69) a·ra?aras 'It cooked.' (Analysis same as 68, as kiri; or locative specifications such as to· ra· 'down without -iki.) in'. 10. 1.3. Subordinate sentences can be adjectives, as when Additionally, active verbs of motion are derived to be participles function similarly to English relative transitive verbs of carrying by the use of ri 'portative': clauses (see section 10.3.); or adverbs such as example u ... ?a 'come' thus becomes u ... ra?a 'bring'; riya·s 'go 50 'tomorrow'. randomly' becomes ririya·s 'carry around; pace the

10. DERIVATION floor with' ; hi?iyas 'cross water' becomes rhi?iyas There are two kinds of derivation important in Wichita; 'take across water'. one alters some of the inherent features of nouns or 10.1.4. verbs, and the other changes forms from one class to Equally easily, many active or transitive verbs may be 596 another. derived to express states. This is done by simply adding

ROOD the verb uc... ?i 'be in a certain state' to the completed (73) ka·kinnakwha·c?ikih 'apple' (literally 'some form; the result is the meaning 'is in the state of' + the things which are red'). (ka· 'indefinite pro­ verb. Compare 70 and 71: noun' + kiri 'thing' (combination means 'some­ (70) tackira·s 'I am singing.' (ta 'indicative' + t thing') + na 'participle' + k"'ha·c 'red' + '�iki 'first-person subject' + kira·h 'sing' + s 'be plural' + h 'subordinate mood'.) 'imperfective' .) (74) na:sa·khf?nnih 'Sunday' (literally 'when it is (71) tati·ckira·s?i 'I like to sing; I am a singer.' (ta his day'). (na 'participle' + uR 'possessive' + + t + uc 'preverb' + kira·h + s + ?i 'be'.) sa·khir 'sun; day' + ?i 'be' + hrih 'locative'.) 10.1.5. (75) kfriware·sa·khf'�nnih 'Monday' (literally, Other verbs have irregular derivational mechanisms for 'when it is no longer his day' ). (kiri 'not' + wa changing to stative meaning. Motion verbs, for 'a1ready' + na + uR + i 'extra vowel demanded instance, such as 'come' and 'go', incorporate another by kiri' + sa·khir + ?i + hrih as in 74.) root, such as hiss 'arrive there' or wiss 'arrive home' For further examples, see the selected vocabulary, before the basic motion root to form stative stems. noting especially the names for other days of the week Process verbs tend to employ a simple perfective aspect and terms for additional items borrowed from White inflection instead of derivational devices, so that 'It has culture. fallen over' is equivalent to 'It is in the state of having fal len over: it' s lying there'. SURFACE STRUCTURE 10 .1.6. 11. WORD AND MORPHEME ORDER Finally, there are phonologically unrelated roots whose Wichita is a typical example of a polysynthetic lan­ meaning differs only in the selectional restrictions guage. Almost all the information in any simple sen­ placed on them. Clearest are these: wa·wa ?a 'eat' is tence is expressed by means of bound morphemes in active, but intransitive (cf. English 'dine'), while ka '?ac the verb complex; the only exceptions to this are: noun 'eat' is always transitive. stems, specifically those functioning as agents of tran­ sitive verbs, but sometimes those in other functions as 10.2. well; and specific modifying particles, mostly those Nouns are covertly derived to fit noninherent selec­ described in section 9.2. This means, then, that most of tional classes. Recall tf"sa·s 'medicine' in examples 25 the semantic units enumerated above show up as parts and 32 above, where the inherently collective root (of of the verb complex; whether they are semantically 32) is derived to represent a liquid root to fit example verb or noun units does not matter. 25. In addition, of course, many animals become Nevertheless, one-word sentences are relatively rare. human in stories, with the consequence that 'human' Any actual surface structure is apt to be complex, con­ morphological elements (such as kiya 'someone') may sisting of numerous subordinated sentences. A typical occur with them. sentence from a story is the following: 10.3. (76) wa·c?ar?a kiya·kfriwa·c?cirasarikittl'?ahf'rikss By far the most common example of derivation is the niya·hk"Irih. 'The squirrel, by making many device used to form nouns from verbs. This is simply trips, carried the large quantity of meat up into the participle inflection described in section 7.2.3.3. the top of the tree, they say.' (wa·c'?ar'?a By using participle markings, any verb or sentence 'squirrel' ; kiya 'quotative' + a ...ki 'aorist' +a can be nominalized, and the resulting construction 'preverb' + Riwa·c 'big (quantity)' + ?aras can translate into English as a noun ('the eater'), a 'meat' + Ra 'collective' + ri 'portative' + kita relative clau-se ('the one who is eating' or 'the thing 'top' + '?a 'come' + hi·riks 'repetitive' + s she ate'), or a subordinate sentence with implications 'imperfective'; na 'participle' + ya·k 'wood' + of preceding or simultaneous action ('after he ate', r 'collective' + wi 'be upright' + hrih 'loca­ 'while she was eating', 'when he had eaten'). The tive'.) Wichita for any of these translations would be Note that 'squirrel', the agent, occurs by itself, with naka ? acskih. no morphemes indicating number or anything else. The This is also the principal device for accommodating verb, in addition to the verbal units of 'quotative', new cultural items to the language. Note these forms: 'aorist', 'repetitive', and 'imperfective', also contains (72) kinni·ciri ?f:hirih 'automobile' (literally, 'what morphemes that indicate that the agent is singular, the goes without a harness'). kfri 'not' + na 'par­ patient is collective, the direction of the action is to the ticiple' + uc 'preverb' � i 'extra vowel (cf. top, and all the lexical information about the whole 11.1.11., item 11) + ri ?i: 'be harnessed'; patient noun phrase, 'big quantity of meat'. The loca- remaining analysis uncertain, perhaps + hir­ tion is then further specified by another word, a loca­ 'go' as in hir?a· 'go and stop' + hrih 'locative'.) tivized, nominalized verb that comes out in English as 597

SKETCH OF WICHITA. A CADDOAN LANGUAGE 'tree' but that is formally a subordinate sentence in 'causative imperfective' + kih 'imperfective Wichita. Note also: subordinate'.) (79) te·riya·h icihir?f·rasih (77) ka·hi·Pa ho·h natfra·k"akh(rr?ih 'We women 'He better watch out if I also had certain ways of doing things.' find him!' (te·riya·h 'He better watch out!' (ka·hi·k?a 'woman'; hawah 'also'; na 'partici­ (idiom, not further analyzable); i 'conditional' + t 'first-person subject' + i 'extra vowel' + ple' + t 'first-person subject' + uR 'possessive' hir?i 'patient is animate' + irasi 'find' + h + ra·k 'non-third-person is plural' + wakhahr 'subordinate perfective'.) 'patient is an activity' + ?i 'be' + h 'subordi­ (80) ti?i (sa? icak'?ah hinnih ke ?eci·cd·sto·ra·w nate mood'.) 'When I give this signal, we will all go down Here again, the agent is a noun, expressed by a sim­ (into the canyon).' (ti ?i 'this'; (sa? 'thus; in ple noun stem fi rst in the sentence. The next element is this manner' ; i 'conditional' + t 'first-person a conjunctive particle, of which there are fewer than subject' + rak'Ja 'say' + h 'subordinate mood'; 10 . Then comes the verb, in which all the other seman­ hinnih 'and'; ke?e 'future' + ciy 'inclusive tic information is incorporated: that the subject subject' + uc 'preverb' + ra·k 'non-third-per­ 'woman' is the first-person plural is shown by the t + son is plural' + to·ra· 'down into (a ditch or ra·k; that the object is an activity is shown by the canyon)' + wa 'go, perfective'.) wakhahr. The purely verbal concepts of 'have' ('pos­ sessive' + 'be'), tense, and aspect are also part of the 11.1.2. verb, but the point is that many of the semantically If a subordinate sentence describes a previous action, it nominal units are expressed in the verb rather than in will precede the main verb. This is a very common the noun. device for describing sequential actions in a story. Surface structure word classes can thus be seen to be (81) nahi?iyasisah nahite· tiskih kiyakf·ctawi·? three: nouns, verbs, and particles. Verbs are defined by hako·citih 'After he had crossed the water and their ability to take the affixes of figure 5, nouns by after he had gone out onto the bank, it was hard their ability to be incorporated, and particles by the for him to get out from inside (where he had absence of both of these properties. But since sentences been sitting).' (na 'participle' + hi?iyas 'cross often take over the functions of either nouns or parti­ water' + hisha 'go, imperfective' + h 'subordi­ cles, and since particles have many different functions, nate'; na 'participle' + hita 'edge, bank' + itu this classification of words gives little insight into the 'exit' + skih 'imperfective subordinate'; kiya way Wichita sentences are constructed. For this, refer 'quotative' + ki 'aorist' + uc ...tawi· ? 'be diffi­ to the semantic structure descriptions above. cult for'; haki 'subjunctive third-person subject' + wac 'outside' + itu 'exit' + h 'subordinate'.) 11.1. In this example, the first two clauses are translated The general outlines of the surface-structure ordering with English 'after', which implies a time sequence for of sentence elements are as follows. The ordering of the events; the Wichita contains no equivalent word, elements outside the verb ("independent words") is dis­ but the relationship is clear from the sequence of the cussed before the verb complex itself. In general, the sentences themselves. The main verb is marked for ordering is described as repeatedly coming from the tense, 'it was difficult', and another subordinate sen­ center of the sentence. Thus if A B C is the first tence, a 'for...to' clause, follows the main verb. sequence described, and B is then ordered with D and E to the sequence D B E, the ultimate sequence will be 11.1.3. ADBE C; in effect, D ...E has pushed A and C farther Any sentence that functions as a modifier in the surface "out" by its very presence. structure and that is not a participle (unless it fits the category of "prior action" described in section 11. 1.2.) 11.1.1. precedes the main verb. Examples are a·ki?f·rakhann If two sentences are paired as hypothetical cause and 'suddenly', chih a·ki?f·rakhdris?i· ? 'all at once', effect (if..., then ...), the "then" sentence comes first if it ciyare·sirih 'in plain sight', and hi"hdnthirih 'tomor­ is a question; otherwise, either order is possible. row'. (78) e·si·h karasi·chis kiyahdre· ?friyari·skih 'What would you do if someone were to scare you?' 11.1.4. (e· 'interrogative pronoun' + si·h 'event'; The only other kind of word that regularly occurs early kara 'debetative tense' + s 'second-person in the surface sentence is a locative demonstrative; subject' + uc... hi 'do' + s 'imperfective'; kiya ti?rih 'here', hi:raka·h 'way over there', and hdrah 'someone' + hi 'conditional' + a 'second­ 'there' are the most common examples. Otherwise, the person object' + re·R 'this is new information regular tendency in sentence construction is to place 598 for you' + '�iriyari 'go randomly' + is modifiers after whatever they modify. In example 81,

ROOD the "for ...to" clause modifies the main verb and follows 'maybe, must'; na 'participle' + i ...?i:s 'see' + it; in example 57, 'tree' modifies the main clause and kih 'imperfective subordinate'; ti?i 'this'; wi·c fo llows it. Example 82 illustrates the principles of sec­ 'man'; kiyarare-r?ih 'the' as analyzed earlier tions 11. 1.3. and 11.1.4. together. in the sentence.) (82) a·ki ?f"rakhann a· ki'?ickhite·s nare· he· hdrih 11. 1.6. niya·rhi7i·rika·wfrih. 'Suddenly he peeked If only one noun occurs in the sentence (with any over the edge of the water where the tree except class 3 verbs), it will be the subject of the verb, leaned over it.' ({i"ki?i"rakhann 'suddenly'; whether it is semantically agent or patient. With class 3 a·ki 'aorist third-person subject quotative' + verbs, it will be the object. In either case, the word 7icka 'face, instrumental' + hita 'edge' + hisha order does not signal the case relationship: the noun 'go'; na 'participle' + re·R 'the' + ha 'water, (85), (86), locative' + yiha 'be a place' + hrih 'locative'; may follow the verb be incorporated in it or (87): na 'participle' + ya·k 'wood' + ri 'collective' + precede it ?i·rika·wi 'lean over' + hrih 'locative'.) (85) ka·?iJ·?frkihi'?ike·s?a ne·rhir?a 'Then the buf­ In this example, a nonparticiple modifier is a sen­ falo came down to the creek.' (ka·? 'this is a tence ('suddenly') preposed to the main verb; then two new topic' + a·? 'quotative' + a ...ki 'aorist' + modifiers follow the main verb, both of which are par­ a 'preverb' + hi· 'ditch and creekbed' + ?ike·s ticiples, yet neither of which describes sequential activ­ 'down into' + ?a 'come'; ne·rhir?a 'buffalo'.) ity prior to that of the main verb. (86) kiyaki"cfwa·ce·rhir?as?irhaw 'There lay the big buffalo.' (kiya 'quotative' + ki 'aorist' + 11.1.5. uc ...?ir hawi 'be lying' + Riwa·c 'big' + The rules for ordering subject and object nouns with ne·rhir?as 'buffalo, combining form'.) verbs depend on the surface structure form of the noun, (87) ne·rhir?a a·ki·we'7eh 'The buffalo fell over.' and on the case relationship which is manifested by the (ne·rhir?a 'buffalo'; a·ki 'aorist third-person noun. subject' + u ...we?eha 'fall over'.) If the noun is a participle (nominalized sentence) and 11.1.7. is a patient, it will follow the verb. If there is a noun Dative objects may either precede or follow the verb, agent in the same sentence, it will precede the verb. but they usually fol low. If there is also a patient, it will If the noun is one of a certain set of kinship terms either precede the verb or be incorporated. There are no (but not body parts), it must be possessed. But only if examples of nonpronominal agent, patient, and dative the syntax forbids the nouns from being incorporated all occurring with the same verb. (inserted in the main verb) does the actual verb 'have' (88) te·s tac?arhara?as ne?e·h or tac'laste·ssara 'las show up in the surface structure. Compare the discus­ ne?e·h 'He is bringing corn to the chickens'. sion of possession marking, section 11.2.1. (te·s 'corn'; ta 'third-person subject indicative Other nouns that are patients may occur incorporated with preverb' + uc 'dative' ?ak 'dative plural ' into the verb complex (see 'wood' in 'tree' in example + ra 'collective' + ri 'portative' +?a 'come' + 82, or 'meat' in example 76), or they may be preposed s 'imperfective'; ne? e· h 'chicken'.) to the verb outside it. Then, if an agent occurs, it can either precede or follow this complex. This means that 11. 1.8. for sentences with unincorporated non-sentence Adjectives modifying nouns are of three types, when patients, the order S-0-V or 0-V -S is normal. Preposed word order is considered (section 9. 1. and examples 48 agents were illustrated in 76 and 77, but both of these and 49; Rood 1986). Those that are true adjectives will sentences showed incorporated patients. Other possi­ follow the noun they modify (see 48); of those that are bilities are as follows: stative verbs, construed with the verb 'be', some will (83) ka·hi"rd·f·c?a nanf"r?ih ha·khas?a a·kikakack precede the appropriate form of 'be' (see icdkis in 89- 'The old woman cut the ropes.' (S-O-V). 91) while others will be incorporated in it (see he·c in (ka·hi"- 'woman, combining form' + ra·i·c 'be 92 and 93). The noun will then precede (see 89 and 92), old' + ?a 'noun formative'; na 'third-person follow (see 90 and 93), or be incorporated into the participle' + re·R 'the' + ?ih 'be subordinate'; resulting complex (if the adjective is not already incor­ ya·khas?a 'rope'; a·ki 'third-person subject porated) (see 91). 'The rock is pretty' can thus be quotative aorist' + kakack 'cut plural object'.) expressed in three ways, while 'the horse is fat' has two (84) ka·hi"k?a kiyarare·r?ih werah ni·?f:skih ti?i translations (glosses are icdkis 'pretty', he·c 'fat', wi·c kiyarare·r?ih. 'This man must have seen ?ika·(?a) 'rock', kawdTah 'horse', ti 'indicative third the woman.' (0-V-S). (ka·hi"k?a 'woman'; singular subject', and ?i 'be'): kiya 'subject is human' + na 'participle' + re·R (89) ?ika·?a icdkis ti?i 'The rock is pretty.' 'the' + ?i 'be' + h 'subordinate'; werah (90) icdkis ti?i ?ika·?a 'The rock is pretty.' 599

SKETCH OF WICHITA, A CADDOAN LANGUAGE (9 1) icakis ti?ika· ?i 'The rock is pretty.' coalesces with the future tense marker (position 3) to (92) kawa·rah tihe-c?i 'The horse is fat.' produce lehe·l 'future quotative' . (93) tihe-c?i kawa·rah 'The horse is fat.' 3. All tense/aspect prefixes except the aorist; the (94) kawa·rah nahe·c?ih icakis ti ?i 'The fat horse is forms are given in figure 5, with additions as described pretty.' in section 7.2.3.2. and 7.2.3.3. In the case of the sub­ Example 94 shows the stative verb 'be fat ' used as an junctive and the aorist, which are discontinuous, the adjective. first part of the morpheme occurs here. 4. Person of the subject or of the possessor of the 11.1.9. subject. Morphemes are ltl 'first person' (often /c/ in When one noun modifies another, the order is modifier­ actual forms, due to morphophonemic rules); lsi 'sec­ modified (cf. 'Wichita' in the selected vocabulary for a ond person'; Iii or zero 'third person' (choice of form possible exception). There are three uses for this con­ depends on the tense being used); /i·/ or Iii or /i"/ struction: (underlying liyl) 'out-of-focus or indefinite person'; (a) in forming noun compounds: lciyl 'inclusive person'. Note that the third-person and (95) issi'sta·ra·c 'needle' (issi·s 'sinew' + ta·ra·c the indefinite person markers occur only when there is 'awl'). no object or when the object is also third person. In (96) e·ckic?a 'milk' (e-c?a 'breast' + kic 'la 'liq­ other words, they do not occur with any of the mor­ uid'). phemes at position six except 'reflexive'. (b) in indicating the possessor of certain body parts: 5. The preverb of '�a 'come', which seems to be lui (97) ne·rhir?aska·hkaks?a 'buffalo intestines' with first- and second-person subjects, but lal with (ne·rhir?as 'buffalo, combining form' + third-person and all object forms; or the morpheme luRI ktrhkaks?a 'intestines'). 'possessive'. (c) for appositive constructions: 6. Direct or dative object person markers, or marker (98) ni·ha·sk"a'riks ne·rhir?a 'the old-man buffalo' for the person of a possessor when the possessed thing (ni·ha·s 'uncle' + wa·riks 'old'. This is not a is the patient of the verb. Morphemes are la·l 'reflex­ name, but does refer to a specific, venerable ive', lkil 'first person' ; Ia(') I 'second person'; zero buffalo in a story). 'third person'; lca·kil 'inclusive'. 11.1.10. 7. The aorist lkil (section 7.2.3.3.). Closest to the verb is the set of so-called proclitics (sec­ 8. If the object of the verb is something stated to be tion 9.2.1.). These are semibound forms that may occur unknown, Wichita marks it by the use of a discontin­ either immediately preceding or immediately following uous morpheme, la... nS· RI, the first part of which the verb complex, but that, if preceding, force a change occurs here. The equivalent of the English sentence "I in the phonology of the verb through the addition of an don't know what he is eating", for instance, is extra vowel at position 11 below (see section 11.1.11.). ta '�are· ka 'lacs, literally 'He is eating something The order seems to be arbitrary when more than one of unknown'. these proclitics occur together. 9. The form lucl 'dative'. 10. Regular preverb of the root, except 'come' or In addition to the time markers mentioned in section 'possessive' (see position 5, and section 11.2.). 9.2.1., this class includes khf'Jas 'poor', which shows 11. The so-called "extra vowel" demanded by the sympathy with the subject on the part of the speaker proclitics or the tense exclamatory (section 11.1.10. ('the poor thing'), and some of the preposed stative and examples 53, 72, 75). verbs (section 11.1.8.). Still phonologically in the pro­ 12. In negative sentences, the morpheme lyisl in this clitic class, but generally found only preposed to the position marks the statement as definitely true. verb and following the items just listed, are kfrih 'neg­ 13. The morpheme lra·kl, which marks any or all ative, not' and kiri or ka· '? 'intensive', kiya 'someone', non-third persons in the sentence as plural (section and has?a, which indicates that the word is part of a 11.2.2.). story. Frequently kiya and has'lacoalesce to /kiya·s?a/. 14. The demonstrative lre·RI 'the'. If any of these items occur together, they do so in the 15. One of the adverbial particles described in sec- order in which they are listed. tion 9.2. 11.1.11. 16. The second part of la... re·RI 'unknown'. Here is the order of elements within the verb itself: 17. l?akl 'dative or possessor is nonsingular'. 1. lhi(?)l Cli·?l before aorist forms, li·kl before quota­ At this point, a patient noun or noun phrase can be tive aorists or perfects), indicating various things about incorporated. This is considered a syntactic rather than the number of agents or patients (section 11.2.2.). a morphological position, and the slot is not numbered 2. Quotative, either lkiyal or la·?l with the aorist, for that reason. 600 la·l with the perfect. With the future; the quotative 18. The morpheme for 'collective' or 'patient is not

ROOD singular'. The shape of this varies from verb to verb, suffixes, and include only kiyah 'locative', Ra·hir? but the collective is usually lrul, lral, or lrl. 'instrumental', and (usually) for animate nouns s 'com­ 19. The noncollective plural, usually l?akl. Instead bining form'. The combining fo rm is used in com­ of a morpheme here, some roots change form to mark pounds of noun with noun (section 11.1.9.) or noun plural. Examples include 'larasi 'cook', plural with true adjective (section 9.1 .), and when the noun is wa·ras?i·r?i; ka ?ac 'eat', plural ?a; and ki 'kill', plural incorporated in the verb. 'lessa 'imperfective', and 'le-se· ? 'perfective'. A few nouns have irregularities in the combining 20. The morphemes required by the selectional fea­ forms. Those that end in /c/ or /s/ already in the citation tures of the nouns: lhir?il 'patient is animate', lkirl form do not generally change in the combining form. 'patient is liquid', and lwakhahrl 'patient is an activity' Examples are wa:khac 'cow', kfk?i·s 'turtle', wi·c (section 8.1.). 'man', niye·s 'child', and k'lfta:ks 'coyote'. Those that 21. Either the portative Clril), which changes a verb end in suffixes other than ?a in the citation form, such of motion to one of carrying ('come' becomes 'bring', as lhr?al (akhahr?a 'house', ha·hirahr?a 'body of 'go' becomes 'take'), or a noun used instrumentally water', ksahr?a 'bed') or lk?al (ka·hi"k?a 'woman', occurs here. Since these have never occurred together ti·k?a 'pole') lose the suffi x to derive the combining in the same word, the order that they might follow is form Clakbal 'house' or lka·hi·l 'woman', for example). still undetermined. In addition, kawa·rah 'horse' has a suppletive combin­ 22. The locatives described in section 9.2. ing form, ta· ras. Although wa:khac 'cow' and 23. lwal 'dual' in a few verbs; see section 11.2.2. kawa·rah 'horse' are apparently loanwords, ultimately 24. The verb itself, which will include the root and from Spanish, they seem to be fully integrated into derivational morphemes such as l?iril 'while in a lying Wichita structure except as just noted. position', and ltatal 'while following'. The free forms that modify nouns include only the 25. The distributive ICa)wa·l is actually an infix, demonstratives ti ?i 'this' and ha·rf·h 'that', and they occurring just before the last consonant of the verb may either precede or follow the noun. Other potential root. Compare examples 99 and 100: complexities in noun phrases-adjectives, possessives, (99) na·ckithah 'It is scattered in front of you.' (na the definite article-are always verb participles or sub­ 'participle' + uc 'preverb' + kitha 'be scat­ ordinate sentences, so the result is treated as part of the tered' + h 'subordinate mood'.) syntax of complex sentences. (100) na·ckitawa·hah 'A lot of it is scattered all 11.2. over.' (Same as 99, but with awa· 'distributive' Section 11.1. has presented the linear fe atures of the infixed before the last consonant of the root.) surface structure of Wichita, outlining the order in 26. The morpheme for 'repeatedly', lhi·riksl; see which simple sentences are joined to form more com­ section 9 .2. plex structures and indicating in list form the mor­ 27. The causative. phemes and their order in simple sentences. More 28. Any of the aspect suffixes listed across the top important than morpheme order are the details of sur­ of figure 5, except 'too late'. face structure expression of many of the semantic con­ 29. l?as?l, the second half of a discontinuous form cepts outlined in the first part of this chapter. Six of meaning 'place' (section 11.2.4.) or any one of various these have been selected for detailed discussion: pos­ derivational verb roots such as 'come', 'go', 'be', or 'be session, number marking, the definite article, nonspe­ continual'. These verbs signify an activity or state simul­ cific pronouns, geographical terms, and indirect taneous with the main verb. Many times these added roots statements and questions. then behave as if they were in position 24 and accept the 11.2.1. affixes of positions 25-28 (especially 28) themselves. Surface structure marking of possession in Wichita is 30. Subordinate aspect markers, lhl 'perfective' or complex and varies according to whether the possessed lskihl 'imperfective'. entity is agent or patient, and again, according to 31. The 'too late' aspect marker (cf. fig. 5). whether the patient is marked as a surface structure 32. lhrihl 'locative'. subject or object. These 32 positions for morphemes in the verb are The verb 'have, possess' in Wichita is uR... '�i,a com­ absolutely rigid; there is no freedom of arrangement bination of the preverb 'possessive' and the root 'be'. here at all, in contrast with the relative freedom Possession of a noun can be expressed by incorporating described among independent elements in section that noun in this verb and indicating the person of the 11.1.1.-11.1.10. possessor by the subject pronoun; the complex then 11.1.12. receives participle markings, and the result is a noun. The fe w morphemes that occur with nouns instead of in (101) natf" 'lak?ih 'my wife'. (na 'participle' + t the verb are easily described. All the bound forms are 'first-person subject' + uR 'possessive' + ?ak 601

SKETCH OF WICHITA. A CADDOAN LA NGUAGE 'wife' + 'J i 'be' + h 'subordinate'.) morpheme, while in 107 the object morpheme is used. (101) niye·s nat(·kih 'my children'. (niye·s 'child'; na To summarize, possessed agents of transitive verbs 'participle' + t 'first-person subject' + uR 'posses­ are marked by subordinate sentences indicating posses­ sive' + '�iki 'be plural' + h 'subordinate mood'.) sion. Possessed subjects of intransitive verbs are In example 102, the morphological construction is marked by using the subject pronoun indicating person the same as in 101, but in 101 the noun is incorporated, of possessor, plus the morpheme uR, and incorporating in 102 it is not. Note that number is marked as if the the noun in the verb (106 ). Possessed patients (1 04, surface structure noun were the subject of 'be', rather 105, 1 07) are marked by using the object case form of than the object of 'have', even though the pronoun the pronoun showing the person of possessor, the mor­ indicating the possessor is also a subject in form. pheme uc, and then incorporating the noun. Constructions such as I 0 I or 102 must be used if the 11.2.2. possessed entity is the agent of a transitive verb. They Number marking in the surface structure is not nearly may optionally be used for any other possessed nouns, as neat and simple as the description in the semantic too. However, if the possessed noun is the agent of an structure would indicate. The assertion that all count­ intransitive (active) verb, or a patient, it may be incor­ able, noncollective nouns can be marked semantically porated in the main verb instead of being marked by singular, dual, or plural, section 8.2.2., seems to be 'have'. In this case, the fact of possession is shown by true, But the surface structure forms are frequently the use of uR or uc at positions 5 or 9, respectively, of ambiguous in a number of ways. the verb. The person of the possessor will be marked by First, third-person nominals must be distinguished the subjective pronoun (position 4) if the possessed from those that are not third person. Second, surface entity is the subject of the verb, but by the objective (or agents must be distinguished from patients among the reflexive) pronoun (position 6) if the possessed entity third-person forms, and surface subjects from objects is the surface object of the verb. The distinction among the non-third-person forms. Figure 7 gives an between uR and uc is that the former is used with sub­ idea of this hierarchy. jective pronouns, the latter with objective ones. Each of these four categories is marked for number (103) tati·c ?i:s 'I saw his.' (ta 'indicative' + t 'first­ differently, making a possible total of 12 markers for person subject' + uc 'dative' + '�i:s 'see'.) verbs with one nominal, or 24 for those with two. In fact, in 103, the possessed entity is the surface object of the there are only six morphemes or combinations of mor­ verb; the objective third-person pronoun is zero, but the phemes (including zero) available to distinguish these 24 fact that an objective rather than a subjective pronoun categories, so some ambiguity is inevitable. In this dis­ represents the possessor is indicated by the choice of uc cussion, plural will mean 'more than two', and nonsin­ rather than uR. Further examples include 104 and 105: gular will mean 'two or more'. Moreover, the discussion (104) taki'c'�i:s 'He saw mine.' (Same as 103, but will frequently refer to the morpheme ?ak, which with ki 'first-person object' instead of t.) includes all the idiosyncratic number-marking devices (105) taki·cta·he?eh 'He is holding my knife.' (ta mentioned at positions 18 and 19 of section 11.1.11. 'indicative' + ki 'first-person object' + uc A surface structure object in the non-third-person 'dative' + ta·ha 'knife' + i?ahi 'hold'.) category can be clearly marked as singular, dual, or In 104, the possessed entity is object, as shown by plural. The morpheme ra·k (position 13) marks plural­ the choice of ki to mark the person of the possessor. ity; a combination of hi (position 1) and '�ak (position Example 105 shows the same relationships, but a pos­ 19) marks this object as dual. Singular is marked by sessed noun 'knife' appears in the construction as well. zero. When the non-third-person object is marked for Now compare 106, an active intransitive verb that has either dual or plural, it is impossible to indicate number a surface subject and no object, with 107, a stative verb for the subject or agent; consequently, the number of that has a surface structure object (and no subject): this entity is completely ambiguous. However, if the (106) tathirrashis 'My horse went.' (ta 'indicative' object is marked singular (by using zero), some indica­ + t 'first-person subject' + uR 'possessive' + tions of the subject number can be made. If that subject ta·ras 'horse, combining form' + hisha 'go'.) is also non-third-person, it can be marked singular (by (1 07) ta·kick"ita '�as 'Mine is boiling.' (ta 'indica­ zero) or nonsingular (by hi of position 1 ). tive' + a 'preverb' + ki 'first-person object' + If both agent and patient are third person, a few intran­ uc 'dative' + wita 'boil' + ?a 'come' + s sitive verbs permit the same distinctions for patients as 'imperfective'.) are possible for non-third objects: singular, dual, and These two examples show clearly the difference plural. These verbs (such as 'come' and 'sit', and very between surface structure subject role for the possessed few others) allow the morpheme wa to occur at position noun and surface structure object role for the same form, 23 to mark 'dual patient'. In all other cases, a position 18 602 since in 106 the possessor is marked by the subject case or 19 morpheme such as ? ak means 'patient is plural'.

ROOD In the absence of '?ak or wa, a third-person agent may countable nominals be marked nonsingular by the use of hi (position 1 ), or singular by the use of zero. But if position 18 or 19 is filled, there is no way to mark agent number: whether hi third person non-third person occurs or not, the number of the subject remains com­ ------pletely ambiguous. The result is the strange situation of agent patient subject object extremely few morphemes to mark number, and yet free Fig. 7. Syntactic-role categories of third-person and non-third­ variation with no change in meaning between two of the person nominals. possibilities. With nonsingular patients, the agent may be clearly marked singular by the absence of hi; but hi may also occur even if the agent is singular. For verbs where both agent and patient are third per­ be marked singular (by zero), or nonsingular (by hi). son, then, patients are regularly marked singular or Another way to examine this would be from the nonsingular, and if the patient is singular, agents may point of view of the hearer. Which combinations of also be differentiated into singular or nonsingular. But number morphemes occur, and what do they mean? if a patient is nonsingular, the agent is either shown to Partial glosses are as follows: be singular or is unmarked for number. lhil 'subject is nonsingular' (but cf. hi... ?ak) What happens if the classes outlined in figure 7 are l?akl 'third-person patient is nonsingular' mixed and have subjects and objects that do not match lra·kj 'non-third-person is plural'. If both the subject in person class? Two possibilities exist. and object are non-third person, reference is to If the patient is third person and the subject is the object only. non-third-person, that subject may be marked singular jhi ...?akl 'non-third-person object is dual. If the form (by zero), nonsingular (by hi), or plural (by ra·k). Thus has no non-third-person object, the meaning is a dual subject will necessarily be marked by hi, but the same as for 'lak alone. plural subjects may also be so marked. The patient may jra·k?akl 'combine meanings of ra·k and '�ak' continue to be marked as described above. zero 'singular' When the roles are reversed, and the agent is third per­ Note that hi never occurs with ra·k, and that when son while the object is non-third, the situation is similar the object is non-third-person, hi... ?ak can refer only to to that for non-third to non-third: if the object is either that object-the usual reference of hi to the subject is dual or plural, it will be marked as already described, by suspended in this situation. See table 4 for a summary. hi... ?ak or ra·k, respectively, and subject number will be In the table, the morphemes that can refer to the given ambiguous. But if the object is singular, the subject can combination of subject and object are represented, with

Table 4. Morphological Marking of Subject and Object Number Categories

Object

Th ird-person Th ird-person Non-third-person Non-third-person Non-third-person Subject singular nonsingular singular dual plural Third-person (J (J (@) (hi)... ?ak (J (J - hi... "ak - ra·k singular Third-person hi (J - hi... ?ak hi (J - hi... ?ak -- ra·k nonsingular Non-third-person (J (J (@) (hi) ... "ak (J (J - hi ... ?ak - ra·k singular Non-third-person hi (J - hi... ?ak hi (J - hi... ?ak - ra·k dual

Non-third-person k k (J '�ak hi (J - hi... ?ak - ra·k plural r:; } r:l } NOTE: The morpheme for subject number is given on the left of the column; that for the object number is on the right. For verbs with only one nominal, use the appropriate object (patient) marking. The dash indicates categories for which number cannot be marked and is therefore ambiguous. 603

SKE TCH OF WICHITA. A CADDOAN LANGUAGE the form referring to the subject on the left, the one (117) kd· kiyah 'nobody' referring to the object on the right. Parentheses mean (118) rkiyah 'who?' the morpheme may or may not be present, but there is (119) e·ka·h 'where?' no necessary change of meaning when it is missing. (120) e·ckinc 'how much?; how many?' The possibility of dual patients that are also third per­ (121) ka·ckinc 'a certain number; so many; so much' son (marked by wa) is ignored. (122) ka·sis 'a certain distance; sometime' 11.2.3. (123) e·si·h 'how?; what event?' The use of the definite article in Wichita is rather dif­ (124) ka·kirih 'nothing' ferent from that of English. It appears that the form in 11.2.5. Wichita means exclusively 'the one to which we have Wichita nouns that are names of geographical phenom­ already referred' and is thus normally used only in a ena are regularly formed from the locative verb mark­ narrative or in connected conversation. ers (section 9.2.) and the verb yiha 'be a place'. To The morpheme is lre·RI or lre?ehl, plural lri?ihl, and translate the English nouns, the participle of the verb is may occur in �-number of positions: suffixed to the noun, formed, using the locative indicator, and the result may incorporated in the verb 'be' and treated as a participial be treated as either a noun or, if the locative ending modifier of the noun, or as a bound form in the verb at hrih is attached to the participle, a locative expression. position 14. Examples 108 and 109 show the difference in (125) nahe·harih 'where the creek is' (na 'partici­ meaning between presence and absence of the form; ple' + ha 'water, locative' + yiha 'be a place' examples 110-114 show variations in place of occurrence. + hrih 'locative'.) (108) k?fta·ks hinnih nare· ?ak?ih 'The Coyote and (126) nihi'ke·hah 'ditch; ravine; canyon' (na + iy his (the aforementioned, i.e., Coyote's) wife 'out-of-focus subject' (here implying plural) + (k?fta·ks 'coyote'; hinnih 'and'; na 'participle' hi"ka· 'down in' + yiha 'be a place'.) + uR 'possessive' + re·R 'the' + ?ak 'wife' + ?i (127) nakataske·hdrih 'where the prairie is' (na 'be' + h 'subordinate'.) 'participle' + kataska 'open space' + yiha 'be a (109) k?ita·ks hinnih na:k?ih 'Coyote and his (the place' + hrih 'locative'.) other's) wife'. (Analysis as in 108, except that In actual usage in Wichita, these forms are clearly re·R is missing here.) verbs and can take any of the verbal inflectionsthat seem (110) k?ita·ks nare·r?ih na:k?ih '(The) wife of the appropriate to the context. Hence sentences like 128: (k?fta·ks (previously mentioned) coyote' 'coy­ (128) tikite·h 'There is a hill.' (ti 'third-person sub­ na re·R '?i h ote'; 'participle' + 'the' + 'be' + ject indicative' + kita 'top' + yiha 'be a place'.) 'subordinate mood'; 'wife' as in 109.) ( 111) See example 84 for two more examples of 11.2.6. re·R in the participle of 'be'. English and other Indo-European languages have a spe­ (112) wi·ce?eh 'the man' wi·c 'man' + re ?eh 'the'. cial construction for sentences that are the objects of (113) k?fta·ks nare· ?ak?ih 'The coyote's wife'. verbs of mental activity-verbs like 'think', 'ask', 'say', (Same as 110, but with 'the' incorporated as and 'wonder'. These are usually called indirect state­ part of the 'his wife' form. Compare 1 08.) ments or questions. I wonder who he is, or Ask him where (114) nare· ?ira·ci?ih ne?e:skih 'when her (the previ­ he's been can serve as examples. In Wichita this kind of ously mentioned one's) brother saw her,' (na construction is possible, but it is used only in formal, nar­ 'participle' + re·R + '�ira·ci 'brother of a woman' rative style. Ordinarily, the Wichita sentences translating + ?i 'be' + h 'subordinate mood'; na 'participle' these examples would be direct, nonsubordinate state­ + ?i:s 'see' + kih 'imperfective subordinate.) ments, more like I wonder, "Who is he?" or Ask him, "Where have you been ?". The construction used in the 11.2.4. narratives involves substituting a pronoun prefixed by Indefinite, negative, and interrogative pronouns (who?, ha·s (see section 11.2.4.) for the subject of the sentence, someone, no one, something, nothing) form a coherent and then using the conditional tense for the verb. and consistent subset of vocabulary items in Wichita. One (129) kiri ?o·k?as ha·skiyah hf'?ih 'He did not say set of prefixes can occur with another set of indefinite who it was.' (kiri 'negative' + ?i 'third-person nouns to form multiple pronouns. The prefixes are lha·sl subject, present negative' + wak?a 'say' + s 'indirect', le·l 'interrogative', lka·l 'indefinite', and lka·l 'imperfective'; ha·s 'indirect pronoun' + kiyah 'negative'. The nouns include lkirihl 'thing', lkiyahl 'per­ 'person'; hi 'conditional' + iy 'out-of-focus son', lckincl 'amount', Isis I 'extent of time or space', lka·hl ?i h or lsi·h... ?as?l 'place', and lsi·hl 'event' . Combinations are subject' + 'be' + 'subordinate'.) translated as in the following examples: 12. CONCLUSION (115) ha·skiyah 'who' (in indirect questions) In the picture of Wichita structure that emerges from 604 (116) ka·kiyah 'somebody' the preceding information certain generalities are

ROOD apparent. The surface phonology, while somewhat back nikiri ?a unusual (since it utilizes three degrees of length, no bad ne· '?ah phonemic nasals, and no phonemic labial consonants, as well as a vowel system with only height distinctions bark (tree) tf·k'Jac?iya·c?a 'pole shell' and no front-back dimension) is nonetheless quite sim­ bead (for hand game) ke·ris; for craftwork use ki"s?a ple: the number of phonemes is small and the complex­ 'bone' for large size, niya·khac, lit. 'white thing', ity of structure limited. for smaller sizes The morphophonemic system, on the other hand, is because hi·we'?ewakha·r?a extremely complex, involving numerous changes when belly ka·kWi·c?a sounds come together in words. The semantic system includes a number of obliga­ big tac (stative verb); Riwa·c (adjective) tory distinctions that are foreign to English and omits bird ichiri others that English requires. For example, evidential is bite -ta ?a sometimes obligatory, focus distinctions in third-per­ black ka·r?i·s; cawic'Ja 'dark; black' son pronouns are important, and both dual number and the inclusive-exclusive distinction are regularly blood wa·ckic ?a Cf. kic'?a 'water; liquid'. expressed. On the other hand, there is no gender dis­ blow -wa·ri·c tinction in the pronouns, morphemes corresponding bone ki"s?a closely to the English articles are missing, and there is book kha·ki·s?a Also used for 'paper'. Originally no construction used exclusively for relative clauses. 'a transparent membrane'. Moreover, some predicate adjectives are different from their semantically equivalent descriptive correlates. bow ksi·c'?a Also 'gun'. Finally, Wichita surface grammar is characterized by bread kir'Ji'c '?a heavy use of bound morphemes in the verb, sentence breast e·c'?a constructions that depend on word structure rather than breathe -hisciya·s word order, and a high frequency of subordinate sen­ tence constructions where English uses phrases or even brother (of a man) -a< 'i·ras (Verb root, meaning unanalyzable particles. more nearly 'he is a brother of...')

13. SELECTED VOCABULARY brother (of a woman) ra·cf'? (Always possessed). The words in the following list are citation forms, tran­ buffalo ne·rhir?a (male); ta·rha (female) scribed phonemically, except that verbs are given as burn -hiri verb stems (with leading hyphens in this list only); they buttocks ni ?is can be cited only by adding tense and person prefixes and an aspect suffix to them (filling positions 3, then 4 caddo te·sa '?a 'friendly ones' or 6, and 28, 30, or 31 as described in section 11.1.11.). chair ha·kassk"i 'wood-feet stand upright'. acorn hawa·c chief {' ri· 'Ja all asse· hah child niye· s incorporated form a· and hinnih claw isk"ic ?a and then hiriwa· h clothing ak"a·ha·r?a animals iy aris '�a 'those which walk around' cloud ke?e-r'�a ankle aski·s'Ja 'foot bone' come u-a... ?a Apache (Arizona) zsszkwita'�a Comanche na·ta '�d:h Apache (Fort Sill) kinne·s Also used for the cook - '�arasi 'enemy' or the 'bad guys' in stories. corn te·s arbor akhdtawa?a 'hanging house' corn (coarsely ground) cdka·s?a arm wi·r?a corn cob kiya·khir?a lower arm issa·c'?a corn, ear of ni· '?ac ?a upper arm wike·s?a corn husk tasa·r?a arrow nikwa·c'Ja Also used for 'bullet'. corn (parched) ka·sas'�a ashes ickha·r?a Also 'dust, sand'. If differentiation is required, niye-ckhdrhi"kic ?a 'lye water' is used. corn silk ni ?a·wic?a Compare ye·c 'fire'. corn stalk tac'�a 605

SKETCH OF WICHITA. A CADDOAN LA�GUAGE corn tassle nikiri· 7a fish ka·c?a count - ?ak?i·ri"ki five isk•i·c coyote k?{ta·ks float -a-u... hica ?a 'float to surface'; -hica�'iriya·s cut -tara; -kack 'float around on the surface'. Cf. hi 'water', ca 'surface', ?a 'come' and ?iriya·s 'go randomly'. dance ichas (noun); -ichasi (verb) flow -uc... kiris, from kir 'water' + hisha 'go'. day hinithiris ?a or hanthiris ?a Also use sa·khir?a 'sun' flower a·wic "�a die -te?es This is basically a taboo word, and as fog -?isk"a·wi (verb) such is not used for people. kfriwa "J i· ?i 'He is no foam wa·hi·s?a longer (here)' translates 'He is dead'. For plants, foot as ?a use -kakichi 'dry up'. four ta·kWic dig up -hawati; -hira·ra freeze -ra·hi dirty ne7estha·r Friday acs nasa·khaskhirih 'When a good day is doctor ik{wira· ?a going by.' dog kiciye·h; wdse?ek'Ja; combining form we ?es fruit No generic term drink -kik?a full tawa·wi dry kakic gamble -a·c... ?aris dull k"i·c gambler wakhdte ? dust ne�'eckha·r?a give -re?ehisha (imperfective), -ra "�a·w (perfective) eagle ko·s 'hand over'; -uc ... ?ih 'as a gift' ear a·c?a good acs earth hira·r?a grass hi"ya·kha·r?a; hanc 'hay; dry grass' Mother Earth hfraciya·ka·hf"k?ih ne ?er?{riwah green kaw?ac 'Our mother who is lying down' is the addressee of guts niya:c?a prayers offered before eating. hair tiya:c"�a eat -ka?ac (singular object); - ?a (plural object) hand isk?a (transitive); -wa·wa �'a (intransitive) he ha·rf"h 'that one' egg nik"i"k"�a head we ?ek?a; icki·s?a 'forehead; top of head' eight kiydtaw Cf. taw 'three' hear -"�a·ckhe"Je; -'1a·ckhike ?e. Cf. a·c?a 'ear' elm te 7e-c heart sikic? a eye kirik ?a heavy kik?i·c face icka ?a here ti?rih fall (down) -a·c... rirak" hip ka·ski"s ?a 'leg bone' (over) -iwe?eha hit -ti·k• 'snap; tap; hit' ; ?isi 'hit; sock' (off) -taksi hold -i?ahi far tac ti ?i·wah tac 'big' + ti ?i·wah 'it extends' horn ?arik?a fat he·c; kira·s?a 'grease, lard' horse kawa·rah Combining form ta·ras. Probably a father ta·tah (vocative); ?i?assi (possessed) loan from Spanish caballo. fe ar -u... wakhanniya·s 'be afraid' ; -hisica·s 'be house akha·r?a frightened' grass house hdnc?akha· r?a feather ni· s?a how e·si·h few taw?ic hunt -r... kiya·shis fight - ?ica· ri husband kir?a (always possessed) finger isk?ic?a I nac"�ih fire ye·c?a (noun); -ke ?e 'be fire' (verb); icka (locative); chir?a 'flame'. (Initial [y[ is pronounced ice na·hic?a 606 /hi.) if No single word. Use conditional tense forms.

ROOD in ka 'in topless enclosure; ka· 'in completely old tack"ah enclosed space'; kha 'on the bottom inside'. one chf?ass Occasionally in sentences ass is used. kill -ki (singular object); - '!essa (plural object); chi? 'only' -riya "kJaw' 'murder' ; also, for animals, -te '�esiki other witfho·h 'different' 'cause to die' paint sis Kitsai ki"che·s Pawnee awa·hfh Kiowa ktrhi"wa ? penis wac'�a knee ki·sk"as?a person iha· s knife ta·ha?a play -a· c ... ?icha Cf. 'dance'. -irikwi 'play ball' .. kno.w -wicka ?a; non-third-person pronouns demand -Ricka '�a (cf. say); -?i"kha·r?i (optional for piural pole ti·k?a subject); -riyakha·r?i 'know how' potatoes kakickhdrik 'thick and dry' lake No special word. Use ha·hira·r?a 'body of pull -hawati 'from ground' water' pumpkin ke?ess laugh -wakharikik" rabbit k6·kis leaf ki?inca·c?a rain -a ...h iri ?a (verb only) left (side) assa·hah red k"ha·c leg ka·s?a 'above knee'; 'J iki·s?a 'below knee' rib sac?a lie - ?irhawi 'be in a lying position' right (true) -we·h (verb root; also means 'yes') lie wakhi?a 'untruth'; -iwakhiya·s 'tell a lie' right side acsk"fke ?e·s 'good arm side' live -?icaki 'sit; dwell' river nahe·harih 'where the water-place is'; cf. karik?a liver lake long tac ra·ki 'big' + 'be a size' road hachir?a (noun); -yac 'be a road' (verb) louse wi·c Homonymous with 'man' root ?aski·c?a lungs hakari·s rope ya·khas'�a (Initial y is pronounced /h/.) man wi·c rotten ke:c?a Also used for 'brown' many ?iyarhah rub -te?eriyar 'rub against'; -kiri 'rub on' meat ? aras? a salt ka·hi·c Monday kiriware·sa·khi?nnih 'when it is no longer sand ki·cha·r?a hi s day' (See example 75) wa·khdcsa·khir?a moon wa·h Saturday 'cow day' mother eciye·h (vocative); -ka·hi"k- 'woman' say -wak?a (non-third-person pronouns use (possessed). Cf. 'earth' -Rak'?a) mountains -wa·- in e.g. nawa·re'�erharih 'where scalp 'licki's?a 'top of head'; e·ssa-r?a 'captured there are mountains' (verb only) scalp' mouth ha·ka '�a see _?i:s mucus inc?a seed hika ?as ?a; niki·s?a 'seed for planting' name hissa·r?a seven kiyahwic Cf. 'two' and 'eight' narrow k?i·s tikate ?e 'the side is small' sew -riya·tfri navel niwi·c'Ja sharp -ri?ac?i 'of a blade'; -'�ickhac?i 'of a point'

near tharah shoot - ?iyaca 'an arrow'; - ?iya·c 'a person' neck kitic?a shoot at -iwariki new ho?os; also 'recent, soon' short thara tihfr?ak 'close' + 'be a height' night ckha·r?a sing -kira· h

mne chi'� ass kinti· '�i 'one is not' sit - ?icaki nose tis?a stx kiyehes not kirih skin kitha·r?a 607

SKETCH OF WICHITA, A CADDOAN LANGUAGE sky askha·r'la; askhdkasir sleep -hi?inck warm wari·c small k?i·s (stative verb); Rikic (adjective) wash -u ... hicaki smoke wf'li"k'la 'tobacco; tobacco smoke'; water kic ?a (isolation form); kir (combining form); ick•e?e-k?a 'fire smoke' ha, hi (locative) snake hi"c we hiracfyarih 'dual inclusive'; hirac ?arih 'dual snow hira· ?a (noun); -a· ... ?i: ?a (verb) exclusive; nacfra·k?ih 'plural inclusive' ; naca·k?ih spit (out) -hawati 'plural exclusive' star hi"k"irik?a; North Star kcrhasd·rkih 'it always Wednesday nackhati·kih 'the middle day' stands still'; Big Dipper kiyahwicf"'!ih 'The Seven'; Morning Star hase·yasira '�ah 'It brings'. what? e·kirih stick ya·k•s ?a (Initial ly! is pronounced /h/.) when? e·sis stone '?ika· '?a where? e-si·h ... ?as?; e·ka"/1 sun sa·khir?a Also used for 'day'. white khac Sunday nd·sa·khf?nnih 'when it is his day' (See White man ista·hi?i example 74) tail ki·ya·k?a who? e·kiyah ten iskhiri?awd:s Wichita kirikir?i·s, is usually said to mean testicles nikwi·k?a 'egg' 'Raccoon-Eyed', referring to the custom of tattooing the face, especially around the eyes. If that ha· rf· h this analysis is correct, the grammar of this there harah compound is unique: kirik 'eye' + kir?i·s 'raccoon' thick tac ta·cikit 'big' + 'it has thickness' violates the regular pattern of combining noun thin k?i·s ta·cikit 'small' + 'it has thickness' roots in the order modifier-modified. A possible think No separate word. Use 'know'. explanation is that *kir'?i"skirik('?a),the expected this ti?i form, would mean 'hole in a raccoon', because of thou nas'?ih the homonymy of kirik 'eye' and -kirik- 'hole in'. It is more likely that this is a compound of an three taw obsolete word, kirika (found in Kitsai) meaning throw -riwihi 'person', and hir?i·s 'first', meaning 'first people'. Thursday nf·c?arhi'?irhe:sishah 'the day they go to The most serious problem with this etymology is stay overnight' that the loss of initial h- from the second element -thiyaki tie of the compound is unusual. toe ?ask ?ic?a wide tac tikate ?e 'The side is big'. toenail ?askwic'?a wife - ?ak- (possessed only) tongue hac?a wind niwe ?e·r'?a Also used for 'air' . tooth a·k ?a Tawakoni tawa·khdriw wmg wfkariya·k'?a tree tiya·hkw witch niya· khis Tuesday wicha kfnne:sa·khf?innih 'twice it's not his with suffix Ra·hir? 'instrumental'; use 'and'. day' wolf wase '?ekha·r'?a tum -tar?a·ti woman ka·hi·k?a twenty chf?ass ti·cfksi ?i; wicha ki?iskhiri?awd:s?arih 'two tens' woods niya·khdnn '?frih 'where there is much timber' two wtc urinate -a·has worm ke ?e·c urine ka·hdsskic ?a yellow narisis 608 vagina ta·c?a yes we:h

ROOD