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Violence, Power, and Head Extraction in the Kallawaya Region, Bolivia

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Violence, Power, and Head Extraction in the Kallawaya Region, Bolivia SOCIAL SKINS Body Beliefs and Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica OF THE HEAD and the Andes ..f '-·,· . ··-.;:: ;' :r~-·· :~--·-·~·. Edited by Vera Tiesler and Marfa Cecilia Lozada Social Skins of the Head Body Beliefs and Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica and the Andes EDITED BY VERA TIESLER AND MARIA CECILIA LOZADA UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO PRESS · ALBUQUERQUE 15 I Violence, Power, and Head Extraction in the Kallawaya Region, Bolivia SARA K. BECKER AND SONIA ALCONINI INTRODUCTION 2014; Tung and Knudson 2008; Verano 2014), or in other circumstances exhibited skulls may be forms of ancestor The skull, as one of the most important and easily rec­ worship (e.g., Blom and Janusek 2004; Finucane 2008; ognized parts of the human skeleton, conveys critical Hastorf 2003; Lau 2002; Manzanilla and Woodard 1990). information about the identity, sex, and lifestyle of an Andean heads can also be influential when not on display, individual. Cross-culturally, heads may range in signifi­ buried as part of fertility rituals or contained in chests as cance from beloved ancestors to vanquished enemies, and objects of power (e.g., Arnold 2005; Arnold and Hastorf these bones can become a potent source of energy and 2008). Heads in the Andes, both displayed and concealed, empowerment for the living. In tantric rituals, decorated are recognized as potent sources of power in both mod­ thod-pa skullcaps were used by Tibetan lamas to achieve ern and prehistoric times (e.g., Alconini and Becker 2018; spiritual enlightenment (Fuentes 2011), whereas Aghori Arnold 2005, 2006; Arnold and Hastorf 2008; Becker and gurus of India use kapala skull bowls because they are Alconini 2015; Benson and Cook 2001; Forgey and Wil­ associated with the life force or prana of the deceased per­ liams 2005; Proulx 2001; Ris0r 2013; Salomon 1991; Toyne son (Bosmia et al. 2013). The Asante of Ghana displayed 2008; Tung 2007, 2008; Verano 1995, 2008). the skulls and jawbones of enemies on their musical In this chapter, we continue prior research (Alconini and instruments in order to enslave the souls of the defeated Becker 2ou, 2013, 2018; Becker and Alconini 2015) explor­ Sheales 2011:156-57). While modern Dia de los Muertos ing the significance of three heads buried under a capstone rituals use skulls as remembrances of cherished family at the Andean site of Wata Wata in the Kallawaya region members, many prehistoric Mesoamerican cultures used of Bolivia (fig. 15.1). This find is associated with Tiwan­ skuJJracks (tzompantlis) to instill fear among their ene­ aku culture, dating to a transitional period (200-800 CE) mies (Chavez Balderas, chapter 9 of this volume; Lopez between the Late Formative and Tiwanaku periods in the Lujan and Olivier 2010). region. These skulls represent a surprising discovery, as, Whether relatives or adversaries, skulls in the Andes­ although detached heads are noted in much of Tiwanaku actual skulls of people who once lived or motifs carved iconography, there has been a lack of bioarchaeological into stone or woven into fabric-can be instantly recog­ proof that the motifs represent actual heads taken from aized as human. These heads may be the visual symbols individuals (Alconini 1995; Blom and Janusek 2004; Chavez of victory or authority after raiding foreign rivals (e.g., 1992; Clados 2009; Makowski 2009; Isbell and Knobloch Andrushko 2011; Browne et al. 1993; Finucane 2008; Tung 2008; Janusek 2004b, 2008; Kolata 1993b; Oakland 1986; 235 236 BECKER AND ALCONINI Figure 15.1. Map of the Wata Wata study area. Smith 2012; Torres 1987, 2001; Young-Sanchez 2004, 2009). Kallawaya territory were the result of purposeful violence In addition, it is unlikely that these people were revered intended to turn the heads into objects of power, or that ancestors, as each skull has extensive evidence of inten­ there was some kind of deviance among these three people tional violence (i.e., multiple skull fractures, beheading, that needed to be punished or controlled to limit their defleshing, and eye and jaw removal), which would be influence on others. These heads were then buried at the uncommon in cases of ancestor veneration (Rakita et al. Wata Wata site possibly as an effort to contain or control 2005; Sofaer 2006). Instead, drawing on archaeological the power of these individuals or the strength emanating and bioarchaeological evidence, we hypothesize that these from their body parts. people may be part of some cultural practice in which it was considered necessary to extinguish their lives using extreme levels of violence and to conceal their mouthless THE POWER OF HEADS IN THE CENTRAL skulls in the ground. As such, we discuss the nature of ANDES: ANCESTORS, PROTECTORS, the power the head possesses in the Andes and the differ­ TROPHIES, AND DEVIANTS ent theoretical ways detached skulls hold power. We also describe the archaeology of the Kallawaya area, the history As noted throughout this volume, heads hold power ofthis locality as home to shamans and herbal healers, and and embody personhood. In life, they contain and grow the importance of the Wata Wata site in the regional cul­ knowledge, and promote belonging or difference in every­ tural dynamics. We then explain the skeletal evidence and thing from hairstyles to head shape. In death, heads serve the uniqueness of this find among other dedicatory offer­ as remembrance or as a storehouse of vitality a person ings and trophy heads in the prehistoric Andes. Finally, we once held in life. In the Andes, we see that heads without discuss the concept of•these heads as symbols of power. bodies range, first, in how they are treated (e.g., as tro­ We explore ideas that the three detached heads from the phies, disembodied, detached, severed, or isolated) (see Violence, Power, and Head Extraction 237 Lozada et al., chapter 12 of this volume), and second, in Protectors how visible they are (Arnold 2006; Arnold and Hastorf 2008; Becker and Alconini 2015). They provide "embodied The worship of deceased ancestors and their bones advo­ engagement" with the individuals and groups that interact cates that the dead have influence on the circumstances with them, both physically in that they are the skulls of of the living. As such, they can move into roles as pro­ people who once lived and theoretically in the different tectors. However, they need not always be an ancestor things they represent depending on usage and percep­ to a living person. In the Andes, skulls themselves are tion (Bourdieu 1977; Dornan-Fish 2012; Johnson 1999; important objects to own and utilize (Arnold and Hastorf Merleau-Ponty 2013). Thus, understanding the context, 2008; Ris0r 2013; Spedding 2011). According to modern purpose, and transformations heads are subject to from ethnographic accounts of the symbolic nature of Andean an emic perspective is important to recognize the power skulls, heads protect individuals or promote better live­ they hold. While we cannot know all of the influences lihood through increased fertility (e.g., Arnold and heads hold or held in the past, we can look at the actions Hastorf 2008; Proulx 2001, 2006; Ris0r 2013; Spedding people take or have taken to try to discern their influence 2011). For example, similar to the Mayan interpretation (Bourdieu 1977; Merleau-Ponty 2013). We can contextu­ of the head as seat of the spirit (Houston and Cummins ally examine the cultural constructions of heads through 2004; Scherer, chapter 4 of this volume), native Aymara the intent for which heads were used, their visibility, and people believe that the soul or spirit, termed ajayu, con­ the power they hold in specific situations from common tinues on after death and can be physically linked to the perspectives, specifically where heads are considered skull (Johnson 201p56; Ris0r 2013:67). Traditional fables ancestors, protectors, trophies, or deviants, thus provid­ among the Aymara discuss disembodied heads (known ing a well-measured interpretation of the Wata Wata find. interchangeably as qati qati, layqa qip'i, or uma in different regions of the central Andes) that fall off while a person Ancestors is sleeping (Schiwy 2009:114-15; Spedding 2011:148-50). For some reason, the head cannot be reattached, and it Worldwide, ancestor veneration involves remembering is powerful enough to take revenge on the person it per­ the roles and influences people had during life. By honor­ ceives as preventing its reattachment to the body, or as a ing, revering, and worshiping a deceased relative, favor is step in obtaining justice in certain situations. This tradi­ shown to the living descendants, group membership can tional view of skulls may be why they are used in hillside be reaffirmed, and entitlement to lineage-based resources ritual offerings. In one example, skulls are buried in an is confirmed (Arnold 2005; Calhoun 1980; Hastorf 2003; earthen pit, covered with items such as coca leaves, and Lau 2002; McAnany 1995). When a skull represents an sealed off with a capstone in the hope that the emanations ancestor, heads are well treated; traditionally, the skele­ from them will help rainclouds form (Arnold 2005:119; tons of people whose bodies achieve postmortem rever­ Arnold and Hastorf 2008:73-77). These hillside skulls ~nce do not show violent treatment (e.g., Finucane 2008; can also be part of land reclamation strategies associated Hastorf 2003; Salomon 1991; Seeman 2007; Sofaer 2006; with fertility (Arnold and Hastorf 2008). Modern Aymara Verano 1995, 2001, 2008). In addition, heads of ancestors groups often use chests, ceramic containers, and soil pits may sometimes be hidden but are often made visible for to restrain and control the power potentially emanating religious and ritual traditions (Calhoun 1980; Forgey from crania (Arnold and Hastorf 2008). In fact, human and Williams 2005; Hastorf 2003; Lau 2002; McAnany heads, like sprouting plants, are conceived of as a kind 1995; Salomon 1991).
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