A Ceramic Analysis of the Pirque Alto Site (CP-11)
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Evaluation of the Nature of Tiwanaku Presence in the Cochabamba Valley of Bolivia: A Ceramic Analysis of the Pirque Alto Site (CP-11) Beth Plunger 4/18/2007 A Senior Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Archaeological Studies University of Wisconsin, La Crosse 1 ABSTRACT Some of the most important unanswered questions about Andean prehistory center around the expansive nature of the polities that dominated the area before European contact. Tiwanaku proves to leave an especially puzzling record of how and why it established peripheral settlements in different ecological regions. Relatively little is known about the economic, political, and social relationships most of these settlements maintained with the core region. This paper seeks to address these issues as they relate to Tiwanaku settlements in the Cochabamba Valley of central Bolivia. Through the systematic analysis and comparison of decorative elements and quantities of ceramic types from different cultural periods, I have determined that there is a definite degree of interaction between the Tiwanaku core in the Titicaca Basin and the Pirque Alto site in the Cochabamba Valley. 2 CONTENTS Introduction 4 Background 6 Introduction to Tiwanaku 6 A Brief History of Archaeological Research on Tiwanaku 8 Tiwanaku-style Ceramics in Cochabamba 12 Methodology 15 Results 19 Vessel Type and Functional Category Frequency Analysis 19 Iconographic and Paint Analysis 22 Conclusions 29 Appendix 1: Supplemental Tables and Figures 34 Acknowledgements 44 Works Cited 46 3 Figure 1: The Tiwanaku Core Region: The Tiwanaku and Katari Valleys (After Janusek 2004:55) INTRODUCTION The Tiwanaku polity and its associated cultural remains have been the subject of fascination and debate since at least the time of the Spanish chroniclers. As systematic research began in the late 19th century with figures such as Max Uhle and Adolph Bandelier, one of the first questions to arise was the relationship of the core area of Tiwanaku culture (the Tiwanaku and Katari Valleys in the southern Titicaca Basin- see Figure 1.) to sites in coastal valleys and interior lowlands with significant assemblages of Tiwanaku-style artifacts (see Figure 2). Were these sites colonies, trading partners, or simply areas where elements of Tiwanaku style influenced the local material culture? One area where the nature of Tiwanaku presence is a major point of debate is in the Cochabamba Valley of Bolivia. There are many sites in the valley and its sub-valleys with large assemblages of Tiwanaku-style artifacts, especially ceramics (Higueras-Hare 4 1996:iv). However, archaeologists and historians disagree about what these assemblages indicate. Some researchers believe that the area was a Tiwanaku colony or group of colonies (Goldstein 2005:102; Janusek 2004:71), while others believe that Tiwanaku- style material culture indicates nothing more than stylistic influence on local populations (Higueras-Hare 1996:162-163). However, there has not been nearly enough research on sites in the area to provide a concrete answer to this question (Goldstein 2005:102-103; Higueras-Hare 1996:8). Figure 2: Tiwanaku and Areas of Influence (After Kolata 1993:244) The present study seeks to address the question of Tiwanaku presence through a systematic comparative study of ceramics. The ceramic assemblage gathered in the 5 complete surface recovery of the Pirque Alto site (CP-11) near Cochabamba will be evaluated and systematically compared to ceramic recovery data from sites in the Tiwanaku heartland (namely Tiwanaku itself and nearby Iwawi). The data from this analysis will be used to evaluate critical questions about the relationship between the Tiwanaku core and the Pirque Alto site. These questions may be found in the “Methods” section below. The results of this evaluation will then be applied to hypotheses regarding the possible relationship between Tiwanaku and the Cochabamba area. It is hoped that this analysis will provide at least the beginning of the answers to the many questions regarding Tiwanaku in Cochabamba, and Tiwanaku’s peripheries in general. BACKGROUND The Tiwanaku arose as a polity in the southern Lake Titicaca Basin around A.D. 500 (Janusek 2004:xvii), during a time period known in Andean archaeology as the Early Intermediate Period (Stone-Miller 1995:8). It is generally agreed that the Tiwanaku were the ancestors of the groups that inhabit the area today (mainly Aymara and Uru-Chipina- speaking peoples) (Kolata 1993:67). The Tiwanaku created a distinct material culture, exemplified by ceramics, stone sculptures, and monuments. A great deal of this artwork is found at the culture’s monumental core at Tiwanaku itself (Stone-Miller 1995:120- 137) (see Figure 3). 6 Figure 3: The Sun Gate at Tiwanaku (After Albarracín-Jordan 1999:Figure 6.11) Beginning around A.D. 700, Tiwanaku influence began to spread into coastal valleys (such as Moquegua in Peru and Azapa in Chile) and the eastern lowland areas (such as Cochabamba). This influence is manifested by large assemblages of material culture, including ceramics, stone artifacts and textiles, that display imagery and themes that originate at the site of Tiwanaku (Janusek 2004:239). The nature of this spread of influence is heavily debated, and will be further discussed below. 7 A Brief History of Archaeological Research on Tiwanaku The at once graceful and imposing monuments of Tiwanaku inspired the Inca to claim descent from its already obscured builders, and they were certainly not the last to ascribe legends to the site (Kolata 1993:4). Spanish visitors who chronicled the landscape and peoples of the area, most notably Pedro de Cieza de León in the mid sixteenth century, speculated that the huge and beautifully sculpted ruins must be pre-Inca in origin. Cieza de León, in fact, believed them to be the most ancient structures in the Andes. Archaeological (or pseudo- archaeological) interest took hold in nineteenth century, when explorers and diplomats from Europe and America began to investigate the mysterious site. One of the most famous early explorers was Ephraim George Squier. During his journey through South America in 1864, he produced photographic documentation, drawings, and plans of the ruins, including a famous drawing of the Gateway of the Sun in which its size is greatly exaggerated (see Figure 4). Squier also established the influential theory of Tiwanaku as a vacant ceremonial site or pilgrimage center, and, to his credit, attributed the site’s construction to ancestors of local inhabitants, unlike the earlier Francis de Castelnau, whose 1845 account of the ruins attributed them to Egyptian immigrants (Ponce and Kolata, in Kolata 2003:19-21; Squier 1877, cited in Kolata 2003). A great figure in the early history of archaeology as a whole, Max Uhle, also claims an important role in early Tiwanaku archaeology. He, like Squier some thirty years before, believed Tiwanaku to be a vacant pilgrimage site. In 1892 Uhle produced an illustrated volume on the ruins and established the site’s place in the chronological 8 sequence of the pre-Columbian Andes using ceramic style, correctly placing it before the Inca and after the Moche and Nazca on a cultural timeline (see Figure 5). He was one of the first to research Tiwanaku influence outside the Altiplano, and also one of the first to argue for an important relationship between the Tiwanaku core and the yungas (rainforest areas on the Andes’ eastern slopes) to the east (Uhle 1892, cited in Kolata 2003:22-23). Figure 4: Squier’s 1877 drawing of the Sun Gate Following Uhle came Wendell Bennett, who conducted the first systematic excavations at the site of Tiwanaku in 1936. He established the earliest stratigraphically- based ceramic sequence for the site, which was to be the basis of all Tiwanaku ceramic sequencing until the 1960’s (Bennett 1936). Comprehensive research on the nature of Tiwanaku peripheral settlements began with Erland Nordenskiöld in 1913. Nordenskiöld demonstrated the existence of areas 9 with significant Tiwanaku influence (especially evident in ceramics) in temperate valleys and the yungas in the Bolivian departments of Cochabamba and Santa Cruz (Kolata 2003:24). Stig Rydén, following in the footsteps of Nordenskiöld, defined the Cochabamba Tiwanaku-influenced style as a variant of the ceramic style of the Tiwanaku core. The research of Nordenskiöld and Rydén firmly established the idea that Tiwanaku established peripheries in lowland areas in order to supplement the economy, specifically Figure 5: Chronology of Cultures in Different Andean Regions (After Stone-Miller 1995:8) agriculturally. At this time, it was not believed that enough food to support an urban population could be grown in the Altiplano itself (Kolata 2003: 24-26; Rydén 1959). 10 By 1965, although some still adhered to the “vacant ceremonial site” hypothesis regarding the site of Tiwanaku, Alfred Kidder had established a theory through evidence from excavation that Tiwanaku was an urban or “proto-urban” site. The question remained of how a significant urban population could have been sustained in the relatively unproductive Altiplano. In 1972, John Murra proposed his solution. He claimed that Tiwanaku supported its population through the economic exploitation of differing altitudinal zones and their varied resources, expanding on the ideas of Nordenskiöld and Rydén. Another influential figure in Bolivian archaeology, Carlos Ponce Sanginés (responsible for a great deal of research and reconstruction at Tiwanaku) also advocated the idea of Tiwanaku’s expansion into diverse ecological zones in order to obtain products such as maize and coca. Ponce used this verticality theory as a jumping-off point for his own theories about Tiwanaku political formation and expansion (Kidder in Rice University 1964 cited in Kolata 2003; Murra 1972 cited in Kolata 2003; Ponce and Kolata in Kolata 2003:26-29). So what exactly was Tiwanaku as a socio-political entity? Most researchers agree that Tiwanaku was an important religious center.