Dis-Embedded Centers and Architecture of Power in the Fringes of the Inka Empire: New Perspectives on Territorial and Hegemonic Strategies of Domination

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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

Dis-embedded centers and architecture of power in the fringes of the Inka empire: New perspectives on territorial and hegemonic strategies of domination

Sonia Alconini *

Department of Anthropology, University of Texas at San Antonio, One UTSA Circle, San Antonio, TX 78249, USA

Received 1 December 2006; revision received 17 July 2007 Available online 1 November 2007

Abstract

Empires were expansive polities based on the extraction of resources and economic surplus from subdued territories and people through a range of strategies of domination. Based on research on Oroncota in the Southeastern Inka region, this article presents evidence from architecture, settlement shifts, storage capacity and artifacts distribution, to illustrate the mechanics of dis-embedded Inka imperial centers. As an alternative form of control in the territorial and hegemonic spectrum, this research focuses on the nature and evolution of Inka dis-embedded centers as an alternative form of provincial control based on the use of architecture of power. Ó 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Resumen

Los imperios fueron entidades polı´ticas expansivas basadas en la extraccioń de recursos y excedentes econo´micos de poblaciones y territorios conquistados a trave´s de una serie de estrategias de dominacioń. Con base en investigaciones en Oroncota en la regioń Sudeste Inkaica, esta artıćulo presenta evidencia de estudios de arquitectura, cambios poblacionales, capacidad de almacenamiento y distribucioń de artefactos que ilustran la mecańica de centros administrativos inkas divorciados de procesos locales. Como una alternativa forma de control en el espectro territorial y hegemońico, esta investigacioń se enfoca en la naturaleza y evolucioń de estos divorciados centros Inkas como una alternativa forma de control provincial en base al uso de arquitectura de poder. Ó 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Inka; Inca; Andes; Empire; Power; Territorial; Hegemonic; Dis-embedded; Inka architecture; Inka province

During the 15th century AD, the Inka constituted the of polities varying in political complexity, ethnic, and lin- largest empires of the Pre-Columbian World. With its guistic backgrounds, including the powerful Chimu state political core in Cuzco, the Inka Empire extended over a in the Paciﬁc coast, and a number of chiefdom-level and array of environments including the dry coast, the tropical tribal organizations from the Andes and Amazonian mar- montan˜a, and the cold highlands. This ecological diversity gins (Rowe, 1946; Patterson, 1991; DeMarrais et al., 1996; was also accompanied by the incorporation of a myriad Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, 1999; D’Altroy et al., 2000). In recent years, substantial research was conducted on the imperial core and its provinces to understand the * Address: 3314 Prince George Drive, San Antonio, TX 78230, USA. evolution of this empire, the economic strategies of control Fax: +1 210 458 7811. at regional and household scales and the associated E-mail address: [email protected]. changes in the indigenous settlement patterns and cultural

64 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 materials (Morris, 1982; Costin and Earle, 1989; Hastorf, of power strategies exercised by ancient empires are 1990; Hayashida, 1995; Stanish, 2001; Mackey, 2006). explored. With regard to the more distant frontier regions, current The territorial and hegemonic theoretical framework research is also revealing the different kinds of Inka stands as one of the most influential approaches emphasiz- frontiers and their related socioeconomic changes in the ing the variation of imperial strategies of domination in a local structures (Lorandi, 1980; Dillehay and Netherly, spectrum of possibilities, depending on the degree of inter- 1988; Bray, 1991; Pa¨rssinen and Siiriaïnen, 1998; Raffino action between imperial cores and subject provinces, and and Stehberg, 1999; Lippi, 2004). My own investigations the varying scales of military, political, economic and ideo- in the Southeastern Chaco piedmonts conducted several logical control (Luttwak, 1976; Hassig, 1985, 1992; D’Alt- years ago, documented the uneasy interaction between roy, 1992). Formulators of this model have argued that the Inkas and the tropical Chiriguano-Guarani tribes from rather than constituting isolated typologies, territorial the Amazons (Garcilazo de la Vega, 1960 [1609]; Barragań and hegemonic strategies constitute ends of a continuum Romano, 1994; Alconini, 2002, 2004). Beyond traditional of direct and indirect forms of domination where we should frontier models my results revealed that the Southeastern not only consider the vested interests of the empire, but Inka frontier was consistent with a ‘‘soft military perime- also the varying reactions of native elite and local popula- ter”. In this type of frontier, the defensive system was tions, the existing levels of political complexity and the formed by small outposts at strategic nodes of communica- kinds of resources in dispute (Luttwak, 1976; Hassig, tion instead of representing true garrisons with large stand- 1985, 1992). ing armies. Within the margins of the frontier, The territorial strategy, at one end of the spectrum, typ- administrative centers were established in order to facilitate ified a direct form of imperial control. Because of the linear government and control of the frontier region and within. correspondence between control and economic benefit, this As in the case of Oroncota, this was supplemented by the strategy was characterized by a high control-high extrac- construction of fine Inka architecture. However, these cen- tion strategy (D’Altroy, 1992; Hassig, 1985, 1992; Luttwak, ters within and without did not disrupt existing socioeco- 1976). Therefore high levels of control conditioned signifi- nomic trends and did not have significant effects on the cant levels of economic extraction (Table 1). Politically, the local political economies (Alconini, 2002, 2004). subdued regions were under direct rule through imperial In the Oroncota region, within the frontier margins, elites and bureaucrats, while the provincial centers were Inka control was manifested in the establishment of a enclaves of large-scale production of materials destined to dis-embedded administrative center. This Inka center relied supply the core’s needs. Standing armies in the provinces in the construction of fine architecture to compensate for a were also a requirement of imperial rule in order to rather minimal imperial presence. In this paper, I will dis- strengthen inner security, and therefore, the direct adminis- cuss the nature of dis-embedded centers, and argue that tration of the provinces (D’Altroy, 1992; Hassig, 1985, these settlements combined hegemonic and territorial strat- 1992; Luttwak, 1976). egies of domination by emphasizing architecture of power Territorial control also involved significant levels of despite the low imperial revenues. In order to explore the investment in administrative infrastructure in order to tap unique ways in which dis-embedded centers fall in the ter- local resources for imperial ends. This involved not only ritorial–hegemonic spectrum, I will summarize in the sec- the deployment of bureaucrats and entire armies into the tions that follow the different ways in which both the subjugated provinces, but also the construction of all kinds territorial and hegemonic strategies are understood by of imperial installations aimed at facilitating the manage- scholars studying ancient empires, including the Inka. I will ment of local resources and labor. For the Inka, this was then discuss the different forms of Inka provincial power in manifested in the significant investment of constructions order to shed light on the nature of Inka control in the such as administrative centers, storage facilities, roads or Oroncota region.

Table 1 Territorial and hegemonic control: contending views Forms of provincial control based on the combination of investment and revenues Empires are often characterized as highly extractive polities, expanding over vast territories through a combination Investment High Low of political, ideological, economic and military subjugation (Mann, 1986). Depending on the focus, diﬀerent theoretical High investment and high Low investment and high revenues revenues frameworks are often used to understand the mechanics of (Territorial control) (Optimum control) imperial expansion including the core-periphery model with a top-down approach (Wallerstein, 1976), or more Revenues High investment and low Low investment and low

agency-oriented views where the peripheries are seen as Low High revenues revenues the catalysts of imperial expansion (Doyle, 1986). In recent (Dis-embedded centers) (Hegemonic control) years, new models seeking to understand the wide variation Author's personal copy

S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 65 agricultural terraces in order to ensure large revenues bureaucrats were higher with the consequence of making (D’Altroy, 1992, 2002). territorial administration unlikely. This of course, trans- The second form of imperial control, at the other end of lates into less intensive forms of administration and eco- the spectrum, was indirect and based on a low control–low nomic extraction (Luttwak, 1976; D’Altroy, 1992; Parker, extraction strategy (Table 1). This strategy, known as hege- 1998). monic, was also manifested in the minimum infrastructural Most likely, territorial and hegemonic strategies of investment in the subdued provinces, and accompanied by imperial control were not fixed forms of administration. the delegation of political control to local elites. This Rather, the combination of different forms of power, resulted in low levels of economic extraction and lack of whether this was based on varying degrees of military political integration, although one clear advantage for the force, political intervention, economic extraction and even empire was the incorporation of a broader territory. Pro- symbolic control crafted unique ways in which imperial vincial populations maintained patron client relations with control took place. In the next section, I will explore two the core, and because these regions were not well integrated additional forms of Inka provincial control using a territo- into the empire, the economic revenues were not signifi- rial and hegemonic approach. cant. However, because of the relatively larger expansion and lower costs of extraction and investment, hegemonic Inka imperial extraction with the least effort empires could also extract a significant amount of net extraction from their subject provinces. In the absence of Recent studies in the Inka provinces have shown sizable standing armies, the burden of defense was often marked variation in the levels of imperial infrastructure, delegated to native elite backed by the promise of military population movement or effects on the indigenous political support and preferential distribution of valuable materials economies (Santoro et al., 1987; Morris, 1988, 1998; Julien, (D’Altroy, 1992; Hassig, 1985, 1992; Luttwak, 1976). 1993; Acuto, 1999; Mackey, 2006; Malpass and Alconini, Because of the spatial and temporal implications of in press). This variation responded to a number of factors hegemonic and territorial strategies, they are interpreted weighing differently in the balance of provincial power. differently by researchers studying ancient empires. First, Among others, these factors included the kinds of local it is often assumed that both territorial and hegemonic resources, proximity to the imperial core, the distinct levels strategies were arranged in a temporal scale and that there- of local cooperation and resistance, and the existing fore, they were sequential in an evolutionary continuum. degrees of political integration (Schreiber, 1992; Morris, Early in the sequence, it is implicit that empires such as 1998; Stanish, 2001). Rome used a hegemonic and consequently, indirect rule Despite such differences, recent research also demon- in order to ensure a greater imperial expansion. By com- strates that most Inka provinces shared commonalities. parison, in the second phase empires are often viewed as The most important similarity in terms of administration more mature, and therefore, with the capacity to consoli- was the incorporation of the native elite into the imperial date their power by exercising more direct forms of rule bureaucracy. Sometimes they were integrated as high level over subject populations (Luttwak, 1976). administrators or low ranking bureaucrats. For example, Second, hegemonic and territorial control can also be in the case of Farfań, a major Chimu´ center, local elite seen as opposed strategies of domination, leading to the along with high and low ranking Inka administrators were formation of different kinds of empires (Hassig, 1985, all part of an emerging imperial bureaucracy destined to 1992). It is often assumed that territorial empires were rel- optimize the local production (Mackey, 1987, 2006). In atively small, as they could not invest equally everywhere in areas of less political integration such as with the Qara imperial facilities, standing armies or bureaucrats without Qara and Yampara in southeastern Bolivia, (Alconini, threatening their own political stability. In contrast, hege- 2002; Rivera Casanovas, 2004) or in the northern coastal monic empires were relatively larger. They could afford valleys of Chile (Santoro and Munõz, 1995; Santoro to expand over significant territories with limited invest- et al., 2004), there is also increasing evidence that local rul- ment, thanks to the vertical alliances established with client ers played a key role in the imperial reorganization of the elite and the threat of punitive actions rather than direct local political economies. In some cases, these local lords military presence (Hassig, 1985, 1992). were even rewarded for their services by acquiring the sta- Third, hegemonic and territorial strategies can also be tus of Inkas de privilegio. interpreted as distributed along a spatial continuum. While Consequently, no matter the kinds of imperial control or territorial and direct control were more common in the how much the Inkas invested in the region, one common imperial core such as with the Inka, Roman or Assyrian feature of most provinces was that the Inka sought to empires, a hegemonic and indirect rule was more frequent incorporate allied native elites into the emerging state in distant and peripheral regions of later incorporation bureaucracy by establishing alliances through marriages, (D’Altroy, 1992, 2002). In this last case, the farther the preferential distribution of gifts, Inkanization and accultur- province from the core, the greater the costs and less the ation, or the construction of fictive kinship with core elites imperial benefits. Therefore, in marginal regions the trans- (Rowe, 1946; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, 1999; Bauer portation expenses for the transfer of goods, soldiers and and Covey, 2002). The delegation of authority, partially Author's personal copy

66 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 depended on the strength of the alliances, the degree of tested and negotiated in public arenas (Bachrach and Bar- local competition among elite factions, and the levels of atz, 1970; Foucault, 1980, 1986; Weber, 1986; Bordieu, trust involved in the negotiation. 1989). In the case of ancient empires, power can be under- In this sense, the Inkas, as any other ancient empire, stood as the capacity of the elite to achieve and impose sought to minimize their investment while also maximizing their goals by ensuring the compliance of the dominated the revenues. Other factors being equal, the strategic com- through a series of strategies ranging from threat, coercion, bination of territorial and hegemonic forms of control manipulation, rewards and masked influence (Bachrach responded to a single purpose: to maximize the imperial and Baratz, 1970; Weber, 1986; Lukes, 2005). In this defi- revenues with the least effort (Morris, 1998). Taking into nition, it is implicitly assumed the asymmetric distribution consideration that the conquest and incorporation of new of resources and power among the diverse social units mak- territories was an expensive enterprise, additional strategies ing up the empire. were required in the aftermath. This often involved diplo- Four forms of imperial power can be distinguished matic negotiations and whenever this strategy did not based on political, economic, military and ideological con- work, it required the deployment of armies, bureaucrats trol (D’Altroy, 1992; Mann, 1986). Although these forms and the imposition of imperial institutions. One strategy of power were extensively studied by many Inka scholars, to reduce the expenses of conquest entailed the strategic ideological power, particularly in the Inka provinces, has establishment of pockets of direct exploitation in distant been the subject of less intensive examination. regions (Williams and D’Altroy, 1998). Taking into consid- In this context, it is useful to consider Lukes’ (2005) the- eration inner processes of competition among elite kin sis on power and the mechanisms employed to ensure the groups and ethnicities, the Inkas might have favored allied compliance of the dominated. He distinguishes three kinds elite factions for administrative positions while positioning of power. themselves on top of the social ladder. The first dimension, involves overt and visible power Therefore, the optimum imperial strategy was to strike a aimed to impose control over the subjects through direct balance in the territorial–hegemonic spectrum (Table 1). force. Often associated with open conflict and confronta- That is, the imperial ideal involved a low investment strat- tion, this form of power is related to the imposition of egy that ensured marked levels of economic extraction and the agenda of the dominant group by direct force and the control. I denominated this variant as the optimum form of threat of punitive actions. Without conflict and direct imperial rule (Table 1). As mentioned, one way to reach imposition, this form exercise of power fails to appear this ideal was through the incorporation of native leaders (Lukes, 2005). We can speculate that this form of power, who did not only absorb the expenses of administration entailing military control and conquest, was strategically and defense, but also who were in charge of transferring used by the Inkas in cases of direct confrontation and open the imperial agenda to the locals. Hence, the Inkanization rebellion. Archaeologically, this materialized in the con- of local elite was a fundamental aspect of the Inka imperial struction of forts, outposts and other forms of defensive policy. Local elites were effective agents of acculturation installations aimed at suppressing inner and outer and intermediaries. They did not only have the opportunity rebellion. to enhance their own status and wealth through alliances The second dimension of power, or agenda control, is with the Inkas, but also were successful mediators with more subtle as it involves setting and controlling the polit- local populations based on alleged claims of common ical agenda by promoting the participation of the subjects ancestry and ethnicity. in activities aimed at legitimizing the power of the dominant while deliberately excluding issues that are simply Inka imperial control through symbols of power non-negotiable (Lukes, 2005; Bachrach and Baratz, 1970). In this case, the compliance of the dominated is However, it remains to be understood if the Inka ensured through masked influence, manipulation and the employed alternative forms of control in the provinces, recognition of the elite’s authority. In contrast to the first, particularly farther away from the core. One form of rule more direct form of power, agenda control power seeks to that awaits further exploration, is based on the manipula- exclude open conflict, and instead, cultural practices and tion of local beliefs and the significant investment of power social institutions are used to incorporate the subjects architecture without necessarily generating immediate eco- through the acceptance of the imperial agenda. For the nomic rewards or substantial extraction of resources (Table Inkas, this implied the institutionalization of rituals, hospi- 1). I argue that this kind of control promoted the forma- tality celebrations and vertical distribution as mechanisms tion of dis-embedded imperial centers. In order to shed that facilitated the compliance of the subjects while absorb- light on the nature of this form of control it is first neces- ing them into the Inka ways of life. Archaeologically, this sary to discuss the ways in which imperial power was main- materialized in the construction of Inka administrative cen- tained in distant provinces, and the association of ters, temples and religious architecture in the provinces. architecture to such notion of power. The third dimension of power refers to a less direct, Many scholars have discussed the structure of power, although more insidious form of power. In this case the and the ways in which power is manifested, exercised, con- dominated, consciously or unconsciously, assimilate the Author's personal copy

S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 67 rules of behavior, social institutions and agenda of the rini and Margolies, 1980; Hyslop, 1990). While some of empire in such a way that they are deprived or even una- these constructions made possible the participation of ware of their own choices (Lukes, 2005). This last form broad audiences, others enforced an ideology of exclusion of power, also known as hegemonic, was studied in great and social difference (Moore, 1996). detail by Foucault who also associated this kind of power In the Inka provinces, different types of public architec- with social control through norms and public institutions. ture are reported. These ranged from military installations With hegemonic power not only the imperial institutions (including garrisons and outposts), administrative centers, became seen as neutral and even beneficial to the whole temples and shrines, royal estates, and extensive road net- society, but also the subjects—not conscious of their own works with support storage facilities and tampu lodgings exploitation—are incorporated into markedly asymmetric (Gasparini and Margolies, 1980; Morris, 1982; Hyslop, sociopolitical structures (Foucault, 1980). However, he also 1984, 1990; Kendall, 1985; Niles, 1998). warns us that where there is power, there is also local resis- From these constructions, the origins and development tance (Foucault, 1980, 1986). With the Inka, this third of administrative centers is crucial to understand the evolu- dimension of power might be manifested in the successful tion of provincial power. In general terms, administrative acculturation of the provincial elite through the effective centers served to fulfill the administrative duties of the assimilation of the Inka values and forms of life. Archaeo- empire in the provinces. Administrative centers usually logically, this materialized in the reproduction, emulation were multifunctional settlements located nearby demo- and mimicking of imperial architecture and cultural mate- graphic centers that facilitated the control of tribute, labor rials by the provincial elite and privileged social segments, storage and redistribution in the provinces. They were also including the reenactment of imperial rituals that ulti- the focus of political life and celebratory feasts (Morris and mately served to legitimize the main ruler. Thompson, 1985; Julien, 1993; Niles, 1993; Morris, 1998). Therefore, there is no doubt that state public works were More important, these centers reproduced asymmetric rela- effective in the transfer of the imperial agenda (Morris, tions of power. They built support for state authority and 1991; DeMarrais et al., 1996; Moore, 1996). One key aspect inculcated the Inka religion, beliefs and social norms (Mor- in Inka provincial studies that deserves greater exploration ris, 1998: 302–303). is the evolution of imperial control and the different ways Recent research on the Inka provinces also reveals var- in which the construction of architecture—and related cul- iation in the kinds of provinces and their associated cen- tural materials—offers insights into the agenda of the dom- ters. While some provinces were organized around local inant. In this context, it is important to comprehend populations, others were based on foreign mitma colonies, whether the construction of architecture of power was a or even a combination of both. Whereas some provinces function of high levels of economic extraction, or rather, had administrative centers, others simply lacked these con- if the investment of public architecture was the basis for structions (Julien, 1993: 187). Although some provincial distinct forms of control and economic extraction. In the centers exhibited substantial investment of state construc- next section I will address this fascinating subject. tions, other provinces had the minimum. While some of these provincial centers were the focus of significant pro- Inka architecture of power in the provinces duction and distribution of Inka materials across social segments such as in Hatun Xauxa in the Mantaro Valley, In order to understand the different ways in which others were not (D’Altroy, 1992). Similarly, while some power was manifested in the provinces, in this section I will of these centers emphasized the construction of large open discuss the different kinds of architecture of power. For plazas suggesting their involvement in large-scale state- Gasparini and Margolies (1980), architecture of power sponsored celebrations and redistributive feasts such as involved public construction sponsored by the state in Huanuco Pampa, others had smaller plazas with more order to facilitate civil, religious and military activities. restricted access such as La Centinela (Morris, 2004). This architecture, visualized in the landscape over large dis- Therefore, the variation and evolution of Inka adminis- tances, did not only serve to enhance the authority of the trative centers reflects the evolution of the different kinds of dominant, but also was used as a mechanism of indoctrina- power in the provinces. For example, some of these centers tion, control of the populace, and dissemination of propa- started as small temples with attached support facilities ganda (DeMarrais et al., 1996). In contrast to portable aimed at acculturating the locals through the inculcation materials, where imperial symbols were imprinted in of the imperial religious ideology (agenda control power). objects that could be moved over large distances, the archi- In comparison, other centers began as defensive installa- tecture of power was related to specific places and land- tions in regions of initial resistance (overt power). scapes (DeMarrais et al., 1996; Moore, 1996). One key aspect in the study of provincial architecture of Because of the variability of public constructions, these that can help understand the different Inka power strategies buildings also reflect different aspects of social power and is the evolution of administrative centers in comparison to political life. Some public works facilitated state ceremony, royal estates. Taking into consideration the split inheri- economic and defensive tasks, and in some cases, they even tance system, where the future Inka kings inherited the served to commemorate important political events (Gaspa- office but not the resources, the pressure for acquiring Author's personal copy

68 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 new lands and tributaries must have increased over the last tlement pattern, (d) storage capacity, and (e) ceramic periods (Conrad and Demarest, 1984; Niles, 2004). Since assemblages. Based on this information, I will develop in the best lands in the Cuzco heartland were already used the conclusions section competing explanations to account by the state or the royal panaca families (Niles, 1998, for this form of Inka control. 2004), the last Inka kings needed to engage in an unprece- dented imperial expansion. Therefore, although the territo- Ethnohistory rial interests of the state and those of the individual kings overlapped, we can speculate that both agendas were com- The Oroncota region was located in the southeastern bined in distinct ways. This might have ranged from the Andean valleys along the Pilcomayo river, in what is today complete amalgamation of both interests to the dominance Chuquisaca-Bolivia (Fig. 1). This region is strategically of either one. located between the Southern Andes and tropics, and as In this sense, it is useful to discuss the differences a consequence, was the scenario of social interaction and between Inka administrative centers and royal estates. trade between highland and lowland groups. Therefore, it Whereas administrative centers were the focus of state-level is not surprising that ethnohistoric accounts describe Oron- administration geared towards facilitating the organization cota as a multiethnic region in an ecological and cultural and extraction of labor and resources, royal estates were interface even before the Inkas. Not only did groups such the individual residences of the Inka kings and their pan- as the Yampara, Chui, Churumata and Moyomoyo inhabit aca. Therefore, royal estates were different than other pub- simultaneously these spaces, but many shared cultural sim- lic works because of their elegant architecture and ilarities with the eastern tropical populations (Fig. 2). This expensive construction, including elaborate agricultural multiethnic landscape was accentuated with the migration terraces, waterworks, and support facilities. They usually of Altiplanic and eastern mitmakuna populations mobilized lacked large and open plazas suggesting that in contrast by the Inka in order to strengthen the security of the South- to administrative centers, large-scale state hospitality was eastern imperial borders (Barragań Romano, 1994; Espi- not a dominant feature (Hyslop, 1990; Niles, 2004). noza Soriano, 2003). Whereas royal estates in the imperial heartland had an With the Inka, the Oroncota region was part of the economy that sometimes surpassed the state’s finances, far- Yampara polity whose political core was in Yolata and ther royal estates lacked a sizable economic infrastructure. Quila-Quila. Specifically, Oroncota was located in the Royal estates were not part of the state economy and were southeastern valleys, and inhabited by Yampara, Chicha usually founded after a military conquest to commemorate and Chui groups (Pa¨rssinen and Siiriaïnen, 2003). Archae- the triumph of an Inka king, and as a reminder of the con- ologically, this region was located in the stylistic and polit- quest and new political order (Niles, 2004; Salazar, 2004). ical boundaries of the Yampara and Chicha polities with a In a sense, royal estates and palaces materialized the purest dominance of the Yampara styles along the cultural form of architecture of power on behalf of individual Inka sequence (Alconini, 2002, 2004, in press). kings. At a broader scale Oroncota and the nearby valleys were Nevertheless, there is a debate concerning the relation- all part of the Charcas confederation in the Southeastern ship between royal estates and palaces. Some researchers Andes, in what is today Bolivia (Barragań Romano, agree that the heart of the royal estates were the royal pal- 1994; Platt et al., 2006). This multiethnic confederation, aces (Niles, 2004). However, other scholars suggest that not located to the north of the Collao, incorporated at least all royal estates had palaces, particularly those within the seven nations from the highlands and valleys varying in lev- Cuzco heartland (Morris, 2004). In the provinces, adminis- els of political complexity, language and cultural traditions trative palaces were sometimes part of larger administrative (Barragań Romano, 1994). The origins of this confedera- centers illustrating the convergence of both forms of tion precede Inka conquest. Despite the linguistic and cul- power. Other provincial centers simply lacked palaces tural differences, ethnicities under the Charcas (Morris, 2004). confederation shared a set of features that made possible In order to explore the evolution of Inka provincial their political cohesion. Some of these features included power and the nature of dis-embedded centers, the next intermarriage, common religious belief, exchange across section will focus on the Oroncota region of present-day the ecological spectrum to maintain resource variation, Bolivia. Particular attention will be paid to assessing the and mutual defense concerns against the invading Chirigu- function of the Inka installations in the study region in ano-Guaranies (Platt et al., 2006). relation to the evolution of administrative centers, royal Some documents indicate that the Charcas territory was architecture and kinds of imperial control. Taking into first incorporated by Pachacuti through alliances and consideration that the results of my field research are diplomacy (Platt et al., 2006). With Tupac Inka Yupanqui, detailed in other publications (Alconini, 2002, 2004, son of Pachacuti, relations with the Charcas shifted to a 2005a), in this article I will only review the relevant data more conflictive interaction. This Inka did not only subdue pertinent to my arguments. Therefore, in the next section rebellious Colla groups in the Titicaca basin, but also there will be presented a summary of: (a) ethnohistoric expanded the empire further South by conquering Coc- accounts of the region, (b) architecture, (c) shifts in the set- habamba and nearby valleys (Garcilazo de la Vega, 1960 Author's personal copy

S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 69

Fig. 1. The Inka empire: Location of the Oroncota region in the Southeastern Inka frontier region.

Fig. 2. Yampara territory in the 16th century: Observe the distribution of Highland and Valley populations in the Yampara region (based on Barraga´n Romano, 1994).

[1609]; Cobo, 1993). In the Oroncota region, the Pucara different ethnicities flew into the Pucara Plateau with the Plateau is described as the last Charcas defense bastion goal of never leaving this natural fortress. As a response, before final Inka subjugation. Around 20,000 Indians from Tupac Inka Yupanqui did not only order the construction Author's personal copy

70 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81

Fig. 3. Oroncota region: Site distribution in the Early Yampara period (400–800 AD). of Inka installations but also the settlement of 1000 mili- uano-Guarani groups from the tropical forest. These tary mitmakunas in the Oroncota region. Using a series groups had an ethos tied to warfare, and were actively of tricks, including celebrations and the distribution of beer engaged in endemic cycles of warfare (Alcaya[ga], 1961 and women, this Inka king managed to weaken the resis- [1605]; Susnik, 1968). In order to defend this and neighbor- tance of the guards to finally infiltrate the security of the ing territories Huayna Capac ordered the construction of plateau (Cobo, 1993 [1582–1657]). Therefore, the reign of new fortifications. Chiriguano-Guarani speaking groups, Tupac Yupanqui marked the definite conquest of Charcas attracted by the wealth and mineral sources in the Inka ter- and the establishment of vertical sociopolitical relations. ritory, invaded the southeastern valleys in consecutive Later, during the reign of Huayna Capac Inka (son of waves including Oroncota. Such migrations were part of Tupac Inka), the incorporation of Charcas into the impe- the Chiriguano-Guarani quest for the mythical Candire, rial administration was consolidated. This period was also the promised land without evil (Alcaya[ga], 1961 [1605]; marked by the intermittent invasions of the eastern Chirig- Susnik, 1968). Author's personal copy

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Fig. 4. Oroncota region: Site distribution in the Classic Yampara period (800–1300 AD).

These Chiriguano-Guaranı´ tribes did not only repre- rebuilding and strengthening of the frontier defensive sys- sent a threat to the regional imperial interests, but also tem, but also the mobilization of a significant contingent to the local populations. In most cases, invasion took of military mitmakunas. the form of quick raids, slavery, assassination of males, Part of Huayna Capac agenda in Charcas included the kidnapping of women, and the looting of food, gold reinstatement of existing alliances with local elites and and valuable resources. Many Southeastern Inka for- the formation of a common defensive block against Chirig- tresses such as Cuzcotoro were invaded and set on fire uano-Guaranı´ infiltrations to ensure local stability and by these invading groups (Sarmiento de Gamboa, 1943 protection of the borders and resources within. Huayna (1572)). As a consequence, a number of local groups Capac, based on a pact with Francisco Aymoro a Yampara retreated west abandoning their land. The ones that cacique, sent a group of military mitmakunas to populate remained were forced to pay tribute to the Chiriguano- the valleys near Oroncota, including Tarabuco and Presto, Guarani invaders (Julien, 1986). Responding to such in order to strengthen the local defense (AGI, Charcas 44.ff aggravations, Huayna Capac ordered not only the 151 v. cited in Julien, 1995: 105). Author's personal copy

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To illuminate the nature of Inka control in Charcas ulation of supporters and retainers as seen in the limited from an ethnohistoric standpoint, it is useful to consider number of residences in the vicinities (Fig. 6). a colonial document known as the ‘‘Memorial de Charcas” In terms of architectural distribution, the main Oron- (Espinoza Soriano, 2006 [1600]). This document also pro- cota complex was built with carefully dressed stones in vides an account of the economic activities and kinds of the style known as ‘‘pillowed faces”. It was formed by an services that these nations provided to the Inka. For exam- enclosed plaza, and two main kallankas at the entrance ple, highland groups such as the Caranga are described as (Fig. 6). A line of rectangular rooms were laid out the sheep herders. In comparison, four nations including the south and west of the plaza, perhaps involved with admin- Caracara, Charcas, Chui-Yampara and Chicha of the east- istrative tasks. Of particular interest are the rooms at the ernmost valleys, paid their tribute only in military services. southwest corner as they exhibited fine architectural execu- As ‘‘soldiers of the Inka”, their only duty was to fight on tion. The walls of these rooms were built with double and behalf of the Inkas. Their participation was crucial in the triple jambs, and enclosed body-size niches in the classic incorporation of Northern Chinchaysuyu during the reign trapezoidal style. Windows of delicate elaboration dramat- of Tupac Yupanqui. In exchange, Charca soldiers received ically framing the landscape are still preserved (Fig. 6). In a privileged position and some of them were even granted the northeast side of the complex, the line of rectangular the honorary title of ‘‘Inkas de privilegio” as they were structures had a concentration of grinding stones on the allowed to use ear spools, known to be emblem of the Inka surface, perhaps to help in the processing of chicha corn nobility (Espinoza Soriano, 2003; Platt et al., 2006). beer. Near the complex, a limited number of storage qolqas However, did this privileged service left distinct marks in and residences were found. Excavations in a preserved res- the archaeological record? And what kinds of changes idential complex suggested the presence of Pacajes popula- associated to the Inka arrival can be reconstructed from tions, perhaps as imperial retainers. the materials remains? In order to address these issues, in Architectural comparisons with other Inka constructions the next sections I present relevant archaeological informa- reveal important similarities. Usually, double and triple tion documenting the effects of the Inka conquest in the jamb body-size niches in the walls were features used in pres- study region. tigious religious centers such as those found in Pilco Kayma (Island of the Sun), and the Aqllawasi of Koati (Island of the Moon), both major Inka pilgrimage centers located in the Inka architecture sacred Titicaca lake (Fig. 7)(Gasparini and Margolies, 1980; Hyslop, 1990). In the imperial core, temples like Mau- An important change generated by the Inkas in Oron- kallaqta and the royal estate of Chinchero owned by Tupac cota was the construction of architecture of fine elabora- Yupanqui, also exhibited similar elements (Gasparini and tion following stylistic canons found only in the Inka Margolies, 1980; Bauer, 1991). Both were also built with tri- imperial core and in high-prestige buildings. By compari- ple jamb niched walls and smoothed stones (Fig. 7). son, Oroncota is geographically located on the fringes of The second Inka facility was El Pedregal (1 ha), located the empire. The buildings in Oroncota were constructed on the Plateau. This Inka settlement was a small defense with carefully cut and smoothed ‘‘pillowed face” red sand- and control outpost. It was strategically hidden in a crack stone walls. In the main Oroncota center, this was coupled of the Plateau’s cliffs overlooking the Pilcomayo river and with double and triple jambs, body-size niches along the Valley floor. The settlement data suggests that this outpost walls (Fig. 6). It is documented that double and triple was located in a depopulated area. In comparison to the jambs in doorways and long niches, were features stylisti- main Oroncota complex, El Pedregal outpost exhibited less cally associated with Inka constructions of elevated pres- architectural investment. It was built with partially cut tige (Niles, 1987). They were usually absent in peripheral stone walls in the intermediate masonry style, and lacked and frontier regions. This marked elaboration of the Inka jambs or body-size niches. In addition, it also displayed ter- installations in Oroncota indicates their use in public and raced platforms, a small open plaza with an ushnu outcrop, administrative tasks, but more important, that they and a group of rectangular structures. Direct access from embodied and symbolized the imperial power in these the Pilcomayo river was virtually impossible, although territories. the visual control of the entire Valley floor was outstand- Three main Inka constructions were found in the Oron- ing. This strategic location might have facilitated the cota region, all with a strategic location depending on their defense of the Plateau and control of the Valley floor. function. The main Oroncota complex (6 ha), was located The third Inka complex, Inkarry Moqo (2 ha), was in the Pucara Plateau at the center of an existing congrega- located within a group of local sites stretching along the tion of indigenous settlements while also being close to the Inkapampa River on the Valley (Fig. 8). This site also second cluster of sites (Fig. 5). Rather than establishing an had elaborate architecture with dressed stones in the ‘‘pil- administrative center in a depopulated area to later pro- lowed face” style, and a modest distribution of rectangular mote a population influx, the Inkas preferred to settle in and circular storage units. The limited number of ware- an existing population aggregation to exercise control. houses might have facilitated the collection and storage The Oroncota complex did not attract an immediate pop- of agricultural staples produced in the Valley. Author's personal copy

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Fig. 5. Oroncota region: Site distribution in the Late Yampara-Inka period (1300–1536 AD).

Overall, taking into account that these imperial facilities only in defense but also in fine architecture. More impor- were within a day’s walk around the main Oroncota center, tant, these buildings might have symbolized the power of the significant level of investment in Inka installations facil- the empire in a contested landscape. itating defense and control in the region becomes evident. Although the Inka installations were small by standards Locational shifts found in other provincial centers, their elegant architecture made them unique. By comparison, adjacent Yampara To elucidate the regional settlement dynamics within a regions lacked Inka constructions. In Icla and Quila-Quila, day’s walk from the main Oroncota building complex, a both in the Yampara core, Inka imperial architecture and pedestrian survey and systematic surface collection were cultural materials were nearly absent (Janusek et al., conducted (92 km2, Fig. 2). This survey revealed a dense 1993–1996; Lima To´rrez, 2000). Therefore, we must con- population and a long prehistoric occupation. A total of clude that the Inkas favored Oroncota as a self-contained 308 sites were identified, and their ecological and temporal pocket of administration as they strategically invested not distribution is in Table 2. Author's personal copy

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Fig. 6. Oroncota main complex in the Oroncota region (located in the Plateau zone). Observe the use of ‘‘pillowed stones” and double and triple jamb body-size niches.

Fig. 7. Examples of niched walls (double and triple body size jambs) in high-prestige Inka buildings. Koati (left, Gasparini and Margolies, 1980), Maukallaqta (center, Bauer, 1991), Pilco Kayma (right, Gasparini and Margolies, 1980).

In the Early Yampara period (400–800 AD) the few sites (Fig. 3 and Table 2). Later in the Yampara Classic period were located on the Valley ﬂoor next to the Pilcomayo river (800–1300 AD, still before Inka arrival), there was a radical in the form of large settlements. In comparison, the Pucara settlement shift manifested in the intensive population of Plateau above the valley ﬂoor was scarcely inhabited the Pucara Plateau (Fig. 4 and Table 2). Even though most Author's personal copy

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Fig. 8. Inkarry Moqo in the Valley ﬂoor.

Table 2 Site distribution in the Oroncota region, chronology and location Period Dates Number of sites Valley (zone 1) Pucara Plateau (zone 2) Mean altitude (m) Standard dev. (1) Early Yampara 400–800 AD 24 19 5 2203 313.24 (2) Classic Yampara 800–1300 AD 107 32 75 2588 370.49 (3) Late Yampara-Inka 1300–1536 AD 190 44 146 2643 344.21 (4) Colony 1536–1700 AD 10 10 0 2030 43.17 (5) Not defined 100 14 86 A total of 308 sites were found. The number of sites is based on the independent count of settlements by period. Therefore, multi-component sites were counted separately for each period. of the Early Yampara sites remained inhabited, many new In the following Late Yampara-Inka Period, the number sites were established on the Plateau. Therefore, this shift of clusters was maintained. However, in the Plateau sub- in the population reveals not only an increase in the num- stantially more sites in the two clusters were added, rather ber of sites, but also in the ecological preference of than expanding over more space. This clustering contrib- settlement. uted to an even tighter pattern than ever before, suggesting During the Late Yampara-Inka period (1300–1556 AD), that these site groupings represented some sort of political, which includes Inka conquest, the trends of the previous social, or corporate units. period were intensified. Not only were there more sites than Therefore, the continuity and increase in existing settle- ever before as settlement continued to grow rapidly, but ment preferences suggests that the Inkas, instead of pro- also most of the new sites were established in the Plateau moting radical settlement changes upon arrival as they (Fig. 5 and Table 2). As noted in Table 2, the number of did in other provinces, chose to adapt to existing settlement sites on the Plateau doubled. By comparison, the number patterns in Oroncota. One can assume that the indigenous of sites in the Valley during this period remained approxi- settlement preferences were already in line with the impe- mately the same in relation to the previous one. rial policies for this region, or that the Inka exercised an A visual inspection of the settlement trends, and a non- indirect control by promoting minimum changes in the set- hierarchical K-means analysis, revealed the grouping of tlement dynamics and land use strategies. sites in two congregations (Figs. 4 and 5). In the Yampara In order to evaluate the internal factors promoting such Classic before the Inkas, the settlement distribution was changes, I calculated the agricultural potential of the not random, but showed spatial aggregation into clusters Pucara Plateau and the Valley floor, and compared such (Alconini, 2002, 2004). Two clearly defined settlement estimates with the total area inhabited by taking into con- groups were delineated in the Pucara Plateau, and an addi- sideration the total number of sites (see Alconini, 2002, tional two in the Valley floor. The clusters of the Plateau 2004 for more information). The results revealed that were tightly grouped while those in the Valley were formed changes in the population preferences did not respond to by fewer and more dispersed sites along the rivers. Since population growth pressure or to the scarcity of arable land most of the Valley settlements were large villages, the con- as each zone could easily support its inhabitants. There- centration of people in these sites might reflect a strategy fore, population pressure or shortage of cultivatable land for allocating more productive land to agriculture. did not constitute determining factors that can account Author's personal copy

76 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 for the settlement preferences toward the Plateau. Other Table 3 aspects need to be considered such as increased political Comparison of the Oroncota region’s storage capacity with other parts of instability in the form of internal conflict among local pol- the Inka empire ities, or the ethnohistorically documented Chiriguano inva- Region No. of Source sions from the eastern lowlands into the region. Whatever storehouses was the case, the Inkas at arrival did not only adapt but Mantaro Valley 1992 D’Altroy and Earle also reinforced existing population trends. (1992: 188) Cotapachi, 2491 Gyarmati and Varga Cochabamba (1999: 46) Storage capacity Huanuco Pampa 497 Morris (1982) Willka Waman 700 Gasparini and Margolies The intensity of agricultural exploitation, location and (1980: 293) number of storage facilities provides a window for evaluat- Oroncota 82 Cuzcotuyo 27 ing the empire’s extraction capacity in a region, the imperial mechanisms of labor organization, and the role played by the Inka centers in this process (Morris and Compared to other Inka administrative centers, in Thompson, 1985, 1992; D’Altroy and Earle, 1992). Ancient Oroncota the scale and magnitude of storage capacity were empires used two storage strategies depending on the way small. Table 3 compares the amount and intensity of stor- labor was allocated and resources were mobilized or age facilities in other Inka provinces in relation to Oron- expended: (a) storage facilities can be located ‘‘inside” the cota. We found about 82 storage units distributed both imperial administrative center when both, storage and con- in the Plateau and the Valley Zone. This number is low sumption took place inside the Inka center, and when the when compared to other Inka provincial centers. Although mobilization and allocation of storage goods to higher it is possible that with the Inka there was an increase in the nodes was controlled by the center. (b) An alternative strat- agricultural exploitation, the relatively low number of stor- egy was that the storage facilities were ‘‘dispersed” age facilities and lack of agrarian terraces or canals sug- throughout the region, when production and storage were gests that this increase was not significant. simultaneous tasks taking place in state farmlands, or in Therefore, we can conclude that the storage capability at the villages of the producers (D’Altroy and Earle, 1992: Oroncota suggests the absence of a staple economy and 195). A regression analysis of storage capacity as a function that production was for local needs rather than being for of distance was conducted. Storage capacity was measured export (D’Altroy and Earle, 1992; Morris and Thompson, by the number and volume of storage qolqas. Distance was 1985). Nevertheless, it is possible that other vicinity valleys measured by their location in relation to the main Inka cen- such as those in the western Cochabamba region were the ter. This analysis revealed that distance itself could not focus of intensive agricultural production to finance the account for the distribution of storage units in the Oron- defense of the eastern frontier (Gyarmati, 1998; Gyarmati cota region, as more of these facilities were found within and Varga, 1999). 1 and 2 km of the center (Fig. 9). Taking into account that within 1 and 2 km there were important population con- centrations, I suggest that the decentralization of qolqas Ceramics distribution was a response to more effective access of local labor for the production and processing of grains. In spite of the investment and quality of Inka buildings, we have seen that the settlement patterns in Oroncota did not indicate marked changes. A similar pattern is found in the infrequent distribution of Inka ceramics on the local settlements. One research goal was to determine whether Oroncota developed a prestige economy through the restricted distribution of imperial goods to local elites, or if the allocation of these imperial goods was unrestricted and widespread, perhaps as an Inka strategy of economic integration or acculturation. In order to evaluate this and other alternatives, I divided the ceramics associated with Inka occupation in the following categories: (1) regional Inka style (Yampara-Inka), (2) Inka Cuzquenõ, and (3) Pacajes-Inka (Saxamar) pottery. The distribution of Inka and Inka-related pottery in the different kinds of local settlements provided additional information regarding the nature of Inka imperial strate- Fig. 9. Regression analysis showing the storage capacity as a function of gies to control and administer the Oroncota region. Like- distance (R2 = 0.32, SE y = 416.3). wise, this distribution enlightened the ways in which Inka Author's personal copy

S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 77 pottery was distributed in the local population. This In the Oroncota region, the Inka influence in the local included (a) the acceptance, reproduction and broad adop- artifact inventory was expressed in the rise of a Yam- tion of the imperial cultural material by the populace, and para-Inka style, combining local and Inka decorations (b) the limited distribution of Inka materials in the form of and shapes (Fig. 10). However, the distribution of Yam- a prestige-goods economy aimed at building vertical alli- para-Inka ceramics was not common, and was found in less ances with the local elites. than 10% of the sites in this period. These settlements did To summarize, the analysis revealed that few sites had not share very much in terms of size, function, location, access to Inka and Inka-related ceramic styles including or access to other prestige items. Most of them were small Inka Cuzquenõ, Pacajes Inka and Inka regional styles. communities or homesteads. Therefore, it is very unlikely These ceramics were found in just 8% of the sites in the that the use of Yampara-Inka ceramics represented the Late Yampara-Inka period. This indicates restricted access acculturation of a broad population, of privileged group. to—or limited acceptance of—these items by the overall Instead, a segment of the population might have adopted population. From this proportion, Inka Cuzquenõ ceramics Inka stylistic canons in the local pottery. However, these (or their faithful reproduction) were found in three Inka preferences were not fully developed or crystallized. Some sites. This means that all Inka sites in the region were asso- explanations might relate to the limited Inka presence in ciated with Inka pottery, although the distribution was lim- the region, and the retreat of the empire due to the ited. (Fig. 10). increased conflicts with Chiriguano-Guarani groups. By comparison, the local settlements during this period In addition, Pacajes pottery from the circum-Titicaca did not use imperial pottery. In fact, excavations in Inka basin was restricted to the few residences attached to the installations and Yoroma, a local Yampara center, have main Oroncota complex. This might indicate that Pacajes shown that access to Inka pottery was restricted to a hand- groups were perhaps imperial retainers, mitmakunas or ful of sherds (Alconini, 2005b, in press). Therefore, there yanaconas as documented in ethnohistorical accounts of was an absence of a prestige economy based on the vertical the region (Barragań Romano, 1994). distribution of imperial ceramics. This might also suggest a Complementing these findings, excavations in the local lack of local demand among the local inhabitants for these center of Yoroma in the Valley floor revealed that local materials. This pattern strikes in sharp contrast with other lords maintained independent access to valuable materials Inka provinces, where Inka pottery (whether imported or from inter-regional exchange across the valleys and Chaco. locally produced) was more frequent (Morris and Thomp- During the Late Yampara Inka period, elite households son, 1985; Costin and Earle, 1989). In these regions, the increased in size while their inhabitants maintained signifi- distribution of Inka pottery was significant and part of cant access to valuable goods including star-sheet copper an extensive prestige-goods economy aimed at enhancing bells and personal adornments made from terrestrial shells vertical relations with native elites. (Alconini, in press). Therefore, through their alliances with

Fig. 10. Examples of some pottery styles found in the Oroncota region. Left column: Inka Cuzquen˜o and Pacajes Inka ceramics, center column: Yampara style pottery, right column: Yampara Inka ceramics. Author's personal copy

78 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 the Inka empire, Yampara leaders managed to preserve most were strategically hidden and located on the Pucara access to wealth materials while enhancing their own status mesa. in the emerging imperial bureaucracy. This situation stands The second explanation takes into account the status in sharp contrast with other Inka provinces where local and kinds of tribute of local populations. As documented elites suffered a decline in their access to prestige materials, in the Memorial de Charcas, four nations of the Charcas and their consequent replacement with Inka status goods confederation inhabiting the study region were exempted (Costin and Earle, 1989; Costin, 2001). from paying tribute in productive tasks. Their main service was military, serving as soldiers to the Inka. As such, they received privileged status because these four nations were Discussion: explaining dis-embedded inka imperial centers responsible for the subjugation of Northern Inka provinces. Therefore, if such was the case, we should expect To summarize, despite the high-quality architecture, the in these settlements the absence of significant production Oroncota complex was a small Inka provincial center that for export, because these groups were exempted from pay- exercised minimum effects on local socioeconomic pro- ing corveé labor in productive tasks directly benefiting the cesses. We do not see radical shifts in the local settlement empire. In other words, the absence of extensive agricul- trajectory as a response to imperial policies. Instead, the tural terraces or irrigation canals, sizable numbers of stor- settlement tendency toward populating the Plateau took age units or large craft workshops in the centers should place before the Inkas. At arrival, the empire adapted to signal that these groups were not directly involved in an the indigenous preferences. At an economic level, there economy directly benefiting the core. was a minimum of agricultural extraction, reflected by The third explanation, is related to the use of buildings the low storage capacity and absence of agricultural ter- as landmarks of conquest and colonization. In ethnohisto- races, perhaps destined to supply local imperial needs rical documents, the natural fortress of Oroncota is rather than being for export. In addition, there was a near described as the last bastion of local defense against the absence of a prestige-goods economy based on the produc- Inka troops lead by Tupac Inka Yupanqui. This king did tion and distribution of Inka pottery as a marker of status. not only vanquish the indigenous populations but also he In fact, the main Oroncota building complex was neither ordered the construction of Inka installations in Oroncota. the focus of population attraction, nor the center of craft In the main Oroncota building complex, dressed stones and production as was also revealed by my excavations. The double and triple jamb body-size niches were used in its attached residences were also few. construction. These features are usually associated with All this evidence suggests that Oroncota was a dis- high prestige buildings (Gasparini and Margolies, 1980; embedded imperial center in a distant province. Although Niles, 2004). Therefore, beyond their practical use, the con- the investment in fine architecture was significant, this cen- structions in Oroncota were part of the architecture of ter lacked an immediate support population directly associ- power tradition in the provinces that served to glorify ated with the center and was not involved in significant and commemorate the Inka conquest and as such, were agricultural extraction for export or craft production activ- used as emblems of authority and colonization. ities. Instead, its effects on the local political economy or Hence, the use of public buildings as imperial propa- settlement trajectory were limited. I have explained in this ganda was an important avenue for the Inkas to assert article that dis-embedded centers were those Inka provin- authority in the provinces in the absence of standing cial installations built with fine architecture and following armies. This might have been supplemented by other mech- the imperial canons, that nevertheless, were divorced from anisms including periodic visits of the Inka king and high- indigenous socioeconomic processes. ranking administrators for a variety of purposes including Therefore, the investment of public Inka architecture censuses (Rowe, 1946; Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, was not necessarily in correspondence to similar levels of 1999). The goal of such visits was not only for administra- economic extraction. In the territorial–hegemonic spec- tive ends, but more importantly, to visually remind the sub- trum, dis-embedded provincial centers stand in the mid- jects of the might of the empire. Considering the delegation point of both because imperial control was based on a of control to native leaders, this strategy could have been high investment but low extraction strategy (Table 1). important in reinstating existing alliances while also Some explanation is required to understand the origins reminding subject leaders of the dominance of the and mechanics of these unique Inka centers. conquerors. The first possible explanation is that Oroncota, located The fourth explanation takes into account the evolution in the route connecting highlands and lowlands, gained of royal estates in the provinces. We should not discard the importance as a trade gateway. In this context, the fine possibility that dis-embedded Inka centers like Oroncota architecture would signal the imperial power to the exter- represented the aspirations of royal panacas to establish nal trading groups. However, no evidence was found to pockets of direct administration in distant territories. Con- suggest that the Oroncota buildings were commercial gate- sidering the system of split inheritance system where new ways or the centers of craft production. Neither were these Inka rulers as founders of their own royal panacas had to facilitates meant to be seen by outer populations. Rather, amass new lands and tributaries from scratch, the estab- Author's personal copy

S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 79 lishment of pockets of control in promising, although dis- This peculiar use of architecture as an embodiment of tant regions must have been important in fueling imperial power is in line with the agenda control dimension of growth (Conrad and Demarest, 1984; Julien, 1993; D’Alt- power (Lukes, 2005). In this context, the elegant construc- roy, 2001; Niles, 2004). This was particularly important tions in Oroncota underscored the presence of the empire in the last periods of Inka expansion as the best lands in in the landscape. They were the focus of indoctrination into Cuzco were already transformed into private royal estates the Inka religion and ways of life. However, judging by (Julien, 1993; Niles, 2004). Strengthened by the security their small size, enclosed plaza and limited cultural materi- of their alliances with trustworthy native lords, Inka rulers als, these practices were restricted to few social segments, and their panacas could have targeted preferred areas for including the local elite and associated supporters. Hence, future political consolidation that for a number of reasons the power of the Inka rulers was not based on sizable did not take place. standing armies or direct rule, but on the authority materi- Therefore, it is possible that the main Oroncota building alized in the landscape. complex represented the aspiration of the Inka rulers and To summarize, I have argued in this article that dis- the panacas to establish in this region a node of control embedded imperial centers, although characterized by the in the nearby future that for many reasons did not occur. investment in fine infrastructure as symbols of power, exer- This is supported by the fact that the main Oroncota build- cised a minimum of influence in the dynamics of local pop- ing complex had elegant architecture, a small enclosed ulations and indigenous socioeconomic processes. Dis- plaza and mitmakuna retainers, features that are consistent embedded centers, at the mid point of the territorial–hege- with royal estates (Niles, 2004; Salazar, 2004). Hence, it is monic spectrum of forms of administration, were unique likely that dis-embedded centers constituted an extension because they combined the investment of fine architecture of private estates in distant pockets that promised further as landmarks of power in distant, although strategic areas, economic revenues, or were attractive to individual rulers where potentially more direct forms of control could be and royal kin groups for different motives. exercised. In my study region, this strategy of indirect but selective control was encouraged by trusted alliances and Conclusions common interests with local lords including the defense of the Southeastern Inka frontier against external invasions. Taking into account these explanations that are by no Finally, dis-embedded centers as an analytical concept means exclusionary, I conclude that Oroncota was a dis- helped us to understand the different forms of power, the embedded center in the imperial hinterlands that used fine uses of architecture to convey imperial authority, and the architecture to symbolize power. Taking into consideration various ways in which these symbols were actively manip- that the Inka king embodied the convergence of religious ulated by the Inka to exercise control in remote and con- and political leadership, it is reasonable to conclude that tested landscapes. Future studies will determine whether some provincial Inka installations built on his behalf also Oroncota is an anomalous case, or instead, if dis-embedded combined both forms of power. In this sense, using Morris’ imperial centers were part of a broader Inka policy definition (2004), Oroncota was also a provincial royal designed to exert control in distant but desired territories. administrative center. These centers were unique because besides the constructions dedicated to administration they Acknowledgments also included installations built with fine architecture usually used as residences of the royal families. Whether these This manuscript is dedicated to the Quechua communi- constructions were large or not, depended on the perma- ties in Oroncota, Chuquisaca, Bolivia, the source of perma- nency o the royal families or their representatives, the reg- nent inspiration. This research was funded by different ularity of their visits and the intensity of associated rituals organizations including the National Science Foundation and hospitality celebrations conducted on their behalf. (SBR 9712711), Wenner Gren (No. 6361), National Geo- In this sense, the small size of the fine constructions in graphic Society (No. 6150-98), and Heinz Foundation Oroncota, indicates that Oroncota was a small royal pro- through the University of Pittsburgh. They financed differ- vincial center that did not fully evolve into a typical ent stages of the research over the last years. Without their administrative installation. Some reasons might include support, this investigation would have been virtually its distance to the core, short occupation, or its rapid impossible. I received the institutional support from many abandonment after the Spanish conquest. Whatever was Bolivian organizations including the Unidad Nacional de the case, the evolution of Oroncota illustrates the impor- Arqueologia under the direction of Javier Escalante, the tance of architecture of power in the foundation of Archaeology Museum from the Universidad Mayor de administrative provincial centers. In addition, whereas San Francisco Xavier in Chuquisaca headed by Edmundo administrative centers and royal estates in the Cuzco Salinas, and the Prefectura de Potosı´. I also want to express heartland represented two distinct forms of Inka installa- my gratitude to Carla Jaimes, Soledad Fernandez, Jose tions, perhaps suggesting the secularization of the admin- Luis Paz, Gary Palacios, Stella Nair, Michael Kruschek, istration, some provincial centers combined both forms of Edmundo Salinas, Gastoń Vacaflores, Velia Mendoza, control. Juan Mujica and Dante Angelo, who participated in differ- Author's personal copy

80 S. Alconini / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27 (2008) 63–81 ent stages of the investigation, despite the difficult field- Costin, C.L., 2001. Production and exchange of ceramics. In: Hastorf, work conditions. I am also thankful to the following C.A. (Ed.), Empire and Domestic Economy. Kluwer Academic/ friends and colleagues who shared their knowledge, ideas Plenum Publishers, New York, pp. 203–242. Costin, C.L., Earle, T., 1989. Status Distinction and Legitimation of and enthusiasm for Bolivian archaeology: Claudia Rivera, Power as Reflected in Changing Patterns of Consumption in Late Carlos Lemuz, Marcos Michel, and John Janusek. My Prehispanic Peru American Antiquity 54 (4), 691–714. gratitude goes to Marc Bermann, James Richardson III, D’Altroy, T.N., 1992. Provincial Power in the Inca Empire. Smithsonian Robert Drennan and Olivier de Montmollin for sharing Institution Press, Washington, DC. their knowledge. Andy Speer helped to improve the clarity D’Altroy, T.N., 2001. 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